1

Catholics and Jews in Óbuda (Old Buda) in 1938 – 1944

By Attila Jakab

Óbuda

In Éva Gál’s fitting description, „Óbuda is the part of Budapest looking back to a history of almost two

thousand years, albeit with interruptions, which has achieved its present day image after a turbulent

history.”1

The beginnings of the city’s history go back to Roman times. The military camp at Aquincum and the

neighbouring flourishing city, which had also been the seat of the Roman procurator, was reduced to

rubble in the period of migrations. Centuries later, under the kings of the House of Árpád (11th to 13th

centuries) it was the seat of a chaplaincy; then under the name Ó-Buda [old buda] the city of Hungarian

queens from the mid-14th century. Later, in the period of Turkish occupation (16th and 17th centuries),

it was demesne lands populated by Hungarian followers of the Reformed church. It became the family

property of the Zichy counts from 1659 as a country town (oppidum) controlled by its feudal landlord.2

Óbuda took a long time to become populated after the Turkish occupation. In 1698 count István Zichy

Jr settled 50 German families in the town. Depriving the Protestants of their church, the Saint Peter and

Paul Parish Church still standing today was built on the same place between 1744 and 1749. The parish

was granted the right to keep the parish register already in 1698.

The plague in 1738-1739 had a major impact on the population. According to contemporary sources,

about half of the residents of Óbuda (888 people) perished then. The number of population, however,

had grown swiftly by 1756. According to the minutes taken of the visit of count Lajos Batthány the

canon of Bratislava, over 2/3 of the 3677 residents of Óbuda were Catholics. Of that, tax-payer family

heads numbered 409. The number of Jews was 660.

In 1766 Óbuda was returned to the Treasury. In the 18th century it was mainly populated by serves and

cotters that lived in one or two-room cottages mainly built from sun-dried bricks. The Catholic parish

was really active at the time: it organised social life and charity services (Institutum Pauperum),

employed midwives and maintained a school. Catholics mostly spoke German in 1798; preaching in

Hungarian happened only once a month.

Feudal economy (tilling the land and livestock) had been, in fact, predominant up to 1880, but

viticulture had also an important part to play in the life of residents. The poor forms of housing explain

why about 88% of the houses got damaged in the 1838 flood (52% fell down, 19% were heavily and

17% slightly damaged). At the time, Óbuda had about 8,000 residents.3 The growth of the number of

population was partly the result of count István Széchenyi establishing a ship building and repair plant

on the Óbudai sziget [óbuda isle] in 1835.

1 Éva Gál: „Óbuda helyrajza…”, [geography of óbuda] in Horváth Miklós (ed.) – Kaba Melinda (ed.): Tanulmányok

Budapest múltjából [studies from the past of budapest] XXI, Budapest, 1979, p. 105. 2 Cf also Éva Gál, Az óbudai uradalom a Zichyek földesurasága alatt 1659–1766, [the óbuda demesne under the landlords

zichy] Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest, 1988. 3 Cf Miklós Létay, „Árvíz Óbudán”, [flood in óbuda] in Rádi Károly (ed), Tanulmányok Óbuda történetéből [studies from

the history of óbuda], III, Budapest Főváros III. kerületének Önkormányzata, Budapest, 1990, pp. 95-102.

2

After the defeat of the Hungarian War of Independence, Óbuda was attached to Buda (from 1849 to

1861). It became an independent country town in 1861, then District 3 of the united Budapest in 1873.

Its parts include Óbuda, Újlak4 and Császárfürdő.5

The destruction of vineyards due to phylloxera (1886-1890) was a major turning point in the economy

and social life of Óbuda since it forced a significant part of the population to change its trade and

lifestyle. Not to mention the poverty it had resulted in.

Óbuda had a population of 72,145 in 1896. Ordered by the Prince Primate, the language of the Sunday

High Mass was changed to Hungarian. That, of course, only meant the sermon, the prayers and songs.

You can say that District 3 was one of the poorest districts of the capital between the two World Wars.

Árpád Bridge only started in 1939 and was completed on 7 November, 1950. Agriculture, which had

been flourishing earlier, only provided a hand-to-mouth existence at the time. Unemployment was high

(the brick factories of the district only offered seasonal jobs from March to October6) and the majority

of the population lived in unhealthy barrack flats and suffered from alcoholism. Ship building, the

textile industry and the building materials industry were the most important employers. It is no

coincidence that the Salesians settled there in 1920 in the Saint Alajos House (79, Kiscelli Rd)

established for abandoned children by the Esztergom parish priest Ágoston Fischer (†1918).7 The

population of Óbuda was 46,865 at the time.8 Most of the former Germans and Slovaks had become

Magyars.

A member of the German national minority in present day Hungary characterised the period as follows:

„After the ‛tragedy of Trianon’ multi-culturalism started to decline, i.e. a more or less forced

Magyarization was started: ‛speak Hungarian if you eat Hungarian bread’ etc. You could only get a

government job or position if you Magyarized your German name. Grape harvest festivals were

arranged under Hungarian symbols and red-white-green flags abounded in restaurants, too. The

different national minorities had become Magyars step by step; German speech had disappeared from

the streets. As the Volksbund (der Deutschen in Ungarn) was established, the local German culture

flourished for a short time in 1943–1944 (there was a Volksbund organisation in Óbuda), but it

disappeared for ever after World War II.”9

The Jewish community of Óbuda

4 It was a separate parish as well: the Sarlós Boldogasszony [Blessed Lady with Scythe] parish (with registration rights since

1711). Its parish priest was Dr Lajos Pálfi in 1943 and its curate was Gyula Gyimesi. A magyarországi latin és görög

szertartású világi és szerzetes római katolikus papság névtára és az országos hivatalok útmutatója. [register of the Roman

Catholic lay and monastic priests of the Latin and Greek services and their national offices in Hungary] [ed by] Hivatalos

adatok alapján összeállította Pilinyi Gyula primási tisztviselő 1943. évre, Budapest, 1943. 5 Békásmegyer only became part of District 3 in 1949 when Greater Budapest was established. 6 Cf József Kádár, Óbudai téglagyárak, [óbuda brick factories] Új Mandátum Kiadó, Budapest, 2010. The book fails to

mention that the brick factories were collection camps for Jews in 1944. 7 http://obudaiszaleziak.hu/lelkeszseg/bemutatkozas. 8 Miklós Létay, „A szabadságharc bukásától 1950-ig”, [from the defeat of the war of independce till 1950], in Csongor Kiss

(ed.), Óbuda évszázadai, [the centuries of óbuda], Better Kiadó, Budapest, 2000, p. 281. 9 József Fehérvári (Fritz), „Óbuda német közösségei a 19–20. században”, [the German communities of Óbuda in the 19th-

20th centuries], in Vendel Hambuch (ed.), Németek Budapesten, [Germans in Budapest], Fővárosi Német Kisebbségi

Önkormányzat, Budapest, 1998, p. 330. On Volksbund, cf Loránt Tilkovszky, Ez volt a Volksbund: a német

népcsoportpolitika és Magyarország 1938-1945, [that was volksbund: the german minority policy and hungary],

Budapest, 1978; Spannenberger (Norbert), A magyarországi Volksbund Berlin és Budapest között, 1938-1944,

[Hungarian volksbund between berlin and Budapest], Budapest, 2005

3

In accordance with a summary by Éva Gál, „Jews had been around at Óbuda since the early 1710s but

their settling started in larger numbers in around 1725: censuses registered 10 Jewish families in 1725

and 24 in 1727 but most of them had only been living there for only 1-3 years. In 1727 there already

was a Jewish temple at Óbuda, in the same place – at 163, Lajos Street – where a synagogue built in

Classicist style at the beginning of the 19th century is still standing. The first Óbuda Jewish temple was

in fact a prayer house not a synagogue; we know about its existence from a complaint lodged by the

widow of Péter Zichy against her stepson Ferenc Zichy because of his domineering at Óbuda. Ferenc

Zichy attacked Óbuda in 1727 with his armed men and had the ’school of the Jews’ (Judenschull as

prayer houses were called at the time) destroyed. After the incident, the Jewish prayer house was soon

rebuilt on permission by the landlady and it was already mentioned as a synagogue in 1732. The second

Óbuda synagogue was built on its place in 1767 and the third – standing today – in 1821.”10 It was one

of the most important buildings of its age.

The Chevra Kadisha (sacred society) was founded in 1770; it mostly supported the elderly, arranged for

the ritual burials of the deceased and cared for the cemetery.

Building the Classicist style Óbuda synagogue in 1789 is linked to the name of rabbi R.Mose ben

Jichak Müncz of Podolia (1750 k.–1831), who opposed modernising efforts because they „meant for

him an implicit centralisation of Jewish communities after a Catholic pattern without giving up

anything from the traditions of the religion.”11 Due to his stance, the Óbuda community followed the

conservative Polish line.

„The Jewish community also built other buildings on the plot of the synagogue in the course of the 18th

century: the so termed community house was mentioned in 1772; in 1789 the Jewish hospital was

described as a building that had been in use for some time. When in accordance with a decree by József

II the Jewish community was ordered to establish a school, it should have been constructed on the same

plot, between the synagogue and the bank of the river Duna. The community, however, opposed the

idea (they considered the place unhealthy due to the proximity of the hospital and the port), and

achieved in the end to get permission to purchase a Treasury building from the Chamber and expand it

for the purpose at 11, Zichy Street – in which a Jewish school had been operating.”12

Most Óbuda Jews originated from Czechia or Moravia. The part played by the Jewish community and

their social importance is illustrated by the fact that the marketplace (158, Lajos Street) – called Juden

Platz – was, in fact, at the back of the synagogue, close to the port. It was, in effect, the centre of the

settlement. Tax-paying Jews had their public buildings there (Fleischbank and Gemein-Haus) as well

as their shops and houses. At the same time, it was closer for the residents of Újlak than Main Place in

front of the castle. Kiscelli street led to the Kiscelli Hill from there.

10 Éva Gál: „Óbuda helyrajza…”, [geography of óbuda] in Mikló Horváth (ed.) – Melinda Kaba (ed.): Tanulmányok

Budapest múltjából XXI, [studies from the past of budapest], Budapest, 1979, p. 123. The history of its successor, the

Óbuda Jewish Primary School at 6 formerly Zichy, today Óbuda Street from 1920 to 1944 has been researched

(http://www.2b-org.hu/iskola/). The head office of the Óbuda Jewish Community was also in the same building. 11 Regarding the person of the rabbi, cf Géza Komoróczy: A zsidók története Magyarországon. I: A középkortól 1849-ig,

[the history of Jews in Hungary] Kalligram, Pozsony, 2012, 757-759; p. 758. The tomb of rabbi Münz can be found near the

entrance to the new Óbuda Jewish cemetery opened in 1922. 12 Éva Gál: „Óbuda helyrajza…”, [geography of óbuda] in Horváth Miklós (ed.) – Kaba Melinda (ed.): Tanulmányok

Budapest múltjából XXI [studies from the past of budapest], Budapest, 1979, p. 123. Cf also Géza Komoróczy, op. cit., 635-

p. 639.

4

According to Géza Komoróczy, „the majority of the Óbuda Jews were peddlers; they traded in hare,

goat and cattle hides, shells for buttons, second hand clothes, or scrap iron. Some of them carried corn

or wine to large distances. Artisans included tailors, cobblers, furriers, distillers of palinka, gold- and

silversmiths and bookbinders.”13 „The Jewish court (Judenhof), the Jewish shops, most of them taverns

selling beer and wine, defined the atmosphere of the area; most small pubs at Óbuda were owned by

Jews.”14

55 Jewish traders operated in Óbuda in around 1775 (including doctors, pharmacists and musicians).

The Goldberger plant (a manufacture of blue-dyeing) was founded in 1784, which already employed

135-150 workers in the middle of the 19th century (1851-1853). It was transformed into a factory in

1856.

In 1787, 600 Jewish families lived in Óbuda spread around, not in a closed quarter.

The Jewish cemetery was located a bit further, beyond the Main Place. It had been in (today’s)

Laktanya Street until the end of the 19th century, which had been outside the built-up zone of the town

until the mid-18th century.

Óbuda is first of all important from the perspective of the history of Budapest Jewry, because –

protected by the family of counts Zichy – the Jewish community laying the foundations of the Pest

Jewish community later on could be established there. Before 1805, Jews could not settle within the

walls of the town of Pest. As a result, the Pest Jews in the 1790s were incorporated members of the

Óbuda community, which led in the end to a conflict and the establishment of an independent Pest

community.15

You can say the immigrant Jewry and the ’imported’ German speaking Catholic community developed

side by side with the country town. It was all the more true as the synagogue and the Catholic church

were/have been practically next to each other.

According to the data of Hungarian Jewish Encyclopaedia, the number of the community was 5,500 in

the period we are interested in, i.e. between the two World Wars, or more exactly in 1929,16 and 1,402

of them were taxpayers. As for their occupation, the members of the community were mostly

merchants and artisans, but there were also a number of entrepreneurs, industrialists and

professionals.17 The population of the district was around 60,000 at the time.

In 1941, the population of Óbuda was 66,529.18

According to the census carried out in April 1944 on German orders, the Óbuda Jewish mother-

community belonging to the Congress direction numbered appr. 3,600. Of that, appr 600 were

taxpayers. 78 children attended the primary school employing 3 teachers.19

13 Géza Komoróczy, op. cit., p. 636. 14 Op.cit. p. 637. Judenhof was bordered by Lajos, Mókus and Kiskorona streets. 15 Cf Géza Komoróczy, op. cit., pp. 831-834. 16 According to the Óbuda Parish Bulletin (1925, issue 1, p.10), 5,621 Jews (11% of the population) lived there side by side

with 38,910 Catholics (75%), 4,371 Protestants and 1,880 Lutherans. 17 http://mek.oszk.hu/04000/04093/html/ szocikk/13661.htm. 18 Óbuda 25 éve, [25 years of óbuda], Budapest, 1970, p. 25 19 Géza Komoróczy (ed), Magyarországi zsidó hitközségek 1944. április, [Jewish communities in Hungary, April 1944],

Budapest, 1994, Volume 2, pp. 505-507.

5

It should be noted that the Goldberger Textile Works employing about a thousand Óbuda residents was

located in the district. It was headed by Dr Leo Buday-Goldberger (1878–1945, Mauthausen), who was

a real gentleman and a Hungarian patriot. He opposed Zionism and Jewish immigration. As a true

Israelite, he supported both poor Jews who observed the rules of the religion and the Óbuda

community. Miklós Horthy jr was also a member of the Board of Directors of the factory. Leo

Goldberger became a member of the Upper House in 1932. He acted as a kind of aristocratic patron of

Óbuda.20

It is interesting that the available literature mostly neglects the history of the Óbuda Jewry after World

War I, and focuses on earlier periods.21 Therefore, the Óbuda implications of the anti-Jewish laws and

the period of the Holocaust are more or less unrevealed.22 For instance, a comprehensive study of the

history of Budapest Jewry emphasises the history of the 19th century, and then discusses the Holocaust

focusing on Budapest.23 On the other hand, a short paragraph in a collection of studies on local history

describing the state of the synagogue after the war is telling: „The temple had become ruined and

deserted by the end of World War II. Only a minority of the Óbuda Jews had survived Hitlerist

genocide and those who remained were unable to restore the building to its original function.”24 That

paragraph includes a complete transfer of responsibility (Hitlerists – with no Hungarians involved), as

well as glossing over and distortion. The Óbuda community, in fact, had existed independently until

1958 since rabbi Dr József Neumann (1880-1956) survived the Holocaust. By now, however, the

Óbuda Jewish community, which used to be flourishing and significant, has disappeared almost without

a trace.

The relationship of the Óbuda Catholic parish ’St Peter and Paul’ to the Jewish community (as

reflected by the press and ecclesiastical decrees25)

20 Cf, Miklós Létay, op. cit., pp. 282-284. On the history of the factory, cf László Kállai, A 150 éves Goldberger-gyár, [150

years of the goldberger factory], Textil-Ipar Újság kiadása, Budapest, 1935; Dr. Geszler Ödön, A 200 éves Budapest PNYV

Goldberger Textilművek története 1784–1984, [history of 200-year old PNYV Goldberger Textiles], Budapest, 1984. 21 Cf, e.g. Sámuel Kohn: „Az óbudai zsidó hitközség a múlt század közepe felé”, [the Óbuda Jewish community in the

middle of the last century], Magyar-Zsidó Szemle 8, 1891, pp. 254–259; József Parczel: Az óbudai izraelita templom

restaurálásának története, [history of the restoration of the Óbuda Israelite temple], Bichler I. könyvnyomdája, Budapest,

1901; Éva Gál: „Adalékok az óbudai zsidók XVIII. századi történetéhez”, [data to the 18th century history of Óbuda Jews],

Évkönyv 1975/76, Magyar Izraeliták Országos Képviselete, Budapest, 1976, pp. 101–121; Idem., „Az óbudai uradalom

zsidósága a 18. században”, [the Jewry of the Óbuda demesne lands in the 18th century], Századok 126, 1992, pp. 3–34. It is

not unique that the history of the Óbuda Jewry in the early 20th century has not been studied. The same is true for the

history of the Óbuda Christian (Catholic, Protestant and Lutheran) churches in the period between the two World Wars. 22 The best examples are Péter Horváth, „Az óbudai közösség a II. világháború idején”, [the Óbuda community at the time

of World War II], in Balázs Sándor (ed.), Óbuda ostroma 1944–1945, [the siege of Óbuda], Budapest, 2005, pp. 77-80 („V.

A magyarországi és az óbudai zsidóság” [Jewry in Hungary and Óbuda]). 23 Cf Kinga Frojimovics – Géza Komoróczy – Viktória Pusztai – Andrea Strbik, A zsidó Budapest. Emlékek, szertartások,

történelem, [the Jewish Budapest. Memories, ceremonies, history], Budapest, 1995, Vol I, pp. 62–96 (Óbuda); Vol II, pp.

494–581 („Pest, 1944, ghetto”). Similarly, Randolph L. Braham (ed) – Zoltán Tibori Szabó (contribution), A magyarországi

Holokauszt földrajzi enciklopédiája. [the geographical encyclopedia of the Holocaust in Hungary], Vol II: Maros-Torda

vármegye – Zemplén vármegye, Park Könyvkiadó, Budapest, 2007, pp. 818-837 („Budapest”). 24 Éva Gál: „Az óbudai zsinagóga” [the Óbuda synagogue], in Csongor Kiss (ed.): Óbuda évszázadai, [the centuries of

buda], Better Kiadó, Budapest, 2000, p. 444. 25 It is an interesting phenomenon of the age that the ecclesiastical / Catholic press suffered from permanent financial

shortages. Cf, e.g. Dr Baron István Kray, „Katolikus sajtó-apostolkodás”, [Catholic press apostles], Budapesti R. K.

Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes], 1935, Issue 4, pp.9-10.

6

The Óbuda parish St Peter and Paul was established in the course of a reorganisation of Catholic

institutions in 1918. It was founded on 22 June, 1919 with 3,100 members.26 It was headed by the

parish priest at any time (József Sagmüller: 1903–1935; Mihály Leiner: 1935–194727). Its work was

aided by a board of representatives (100 members and 32 substitute members) half of whom were

elected by the followers while the other half was appointed ex officio. „The board of representatives

elected the Council28 that was responsible for the administrative duties of the parish. Council members

included the parish priest, the chaplains,29 not more than two teachers of religion, a Catholic

representative of the capital, the choirmaster and the heads of the parish institutes.”30 The parish

organised hierarchically was actually controlled by the parish priest, while ecclesiastical and political

power was intertwined locally in the Council.31 It was obviously due to the fact that the patronage of

the capital covered the maintenance costs of churches and parsonages, their personnel expenses as well

as the costs of religious education.

The parish in the immediate vicinity of the Óbuda synagogue and the Jewish community published an

independent bi-monthly Egyházközségi Tudósító [parish bulletin] from 1925 till 1935, which published

news and contemplations. In 1935, however, separate parish bulletins were centralised. So, Budapesti

R. K. Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Roman Catholic parishes in Budapest] was published

uniformly from 1935 till 1944. Its responsible editor was the Central Council of Budapest Roman

Catholic Parishes and its editor-in-chief the episcopal vicar at any time.32 Responsible editors also

changed in time.33 The publication was free for members of the parish. Beginning from 1940, however,

some parishes with Óbuda included introduced an annual subscription fee. It again became free for

parish members from 1943 in return for the church tax they paid. The circulation of the bulletin was

80,000 to 90,000 in 1941 and around 93,000 from 1942. It usually published church and parish news,

obituaries, advices of behaviour (in church or at events), articles of spirituality, sermons and

information and reports about different events and programmes. Its authors were mostly clerics or

devout laymen (followers) holding major social positions.34 It mostly dealt with religious, moral and

spirituality issues. The family and the nation were strongly connected in its approach. In the period

studied, the poor quality of religious life and the increasing number of divorces and mixed marriages

represented significant problems. For instance, in 1935 János Mészáros episcopal vicar complained

26 It had 21,900 members in 1929. It also means that not all Catholics in Óbuda were parish members, since Óbuda had

about 60,000 residents, for instance, in 1930. 27 Mihály Leiner (Nezsider, 9 August, 1889) studied in Esztergom and was ordained in 1913. He had been a chaplain at

Budaörs, Udvard, then in Óbuda (from 1920). He had been a teacher of religion in Budapest from 1915 to 1920. The Óbuda

Credo Society founded by him had 950 members when he was appointed. He was also the local director of the Catholic

Association and the editor-in-chief of the Parish Bulletin in Óbuda for 10 years. Cf, Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek

Tudósítója 1935, [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes], Vol 4, p. 9. 28 That meant 20 ordinary and 7 substitute members for Óbuda. 29 In 1937/38, Béla Juhász, Károly Draskovits, Imre Lehmann. Cf, A magyarországi latin és görög szertartású világi és

szerzetes római katolikus papság névtára és az országos hivatalok útmutatója. [register of the Roman Catholic lay and

monastic priests of the Latin and Greek services and their national offices in Hungary] ed. by Gyula Pilinyi for 1937/38,

Budapest. According to the 1943 register: (op. cit.): Antal Békés, László Selmeczi Kovács. 30 Zsuzsa Lőrincz, „Adatok a katolikus egyház társadalomszervező tevékenységéhez Budapesten (1919–1944)”, [data to the

social organising activity of the Catholic church] in Tanulmányok Budapest múltjából XIV. (Budapest várostörténeti

monográfiái, 22), [Budapest city history monographs], Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest, 1961, p. 585. 31 Cf also, Gyula Petrovácz MP and vice president of the Herminamező parish at the same time. 32 Dr János Mészáros (1935–1940), Dr Endre Hamvas (1940–1944), Béla Witz (1944). 33 Dr Gyula Czapik (1935–1939), Frigyes Molnár papal chamberlain (1939–1943), Dr István Kosztolányi teacher of religion

and supervisor (1944). 34 E.g. Károly Szendy, mayor of Budapest (1934-1944), „Krisztus és a gyermek” [Christ and the child], Budapesti R. K.

Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes] 1935, Vol. 3, pp. 1-2; Dr Péter Németh,

presiding judge of the Royal Court, „A vallásos nevelés fontossága a veszélyeztetett fiatalkorúaknál” [importance of

religious education of endangered juveniles], op.cit. pp. 5-6.

7

that, „there has been a so termed Christian course in Hungary for 15 years and … the ills have not

diminished. (…) Because the root cause of all ills is that Christianity has become but a slogan in the

souls of many who were the loudest to shout Christian slogans at the Forum instead of trying to

implement the Christian programme with the means available.”35

Different parishes could publish local messages or information (for instance, message by the parish

priest, order of church services) on their outside and inside covers. Those local items of information are

quite telling because they make it obvious that parish priests identified the mentality and image of their

parishes. The relationship of the Catholic community of Óbuda to the Jewish community obviously

appears on that media platform. It is supplemented by what was written in the parish circulars

(Circulares litterae36). In both cases, it is not only important what was published but also what – given

our current historical knowledge – was missing and can be regarded as reticence. A third source

would/could be the Historia Domus of the Óbuda parish if the present parish priest allowed its study.

That is, however, not possible at present because – according to the official stance – it has no historical

value. The contemporary ecclesiastical registers (of baptisms and marriages) are unavailable at the

moment due to considerations of personality rights.37

The printed sources allow revealing the approach to the Jewry and behaviour towards Jews, most of all,

by the Budapest ecclesiastical and different parish „élite” and leadership rather than that of the simple

followers.38 It is better understood if you study the image of Jews drawn in the documents of the

Esztergom parish; the style used by top ecclesiastical leaders when writing about the Jewry. With

respect to Óbuda, it can be considered because circulars and reports shaped and decided local attitudes,

too.

In that regard – and for the period 1938–1944 studied – the Lent appeal by cardinal Jusztinián Serédi in

1938 (no 77; dated 15 February, 1938) on the divinity of Jesus Christ that had to be read out on the first

Sunday of Lent instead of the usual sermon is quite interesting. He used fairly peculiar arguments

against racism: „My dear followers! Caiaphas sentenced Jesus to death,39 because he said he was

God’s son. And today many want to expulse Him because he was a man and as such the member of a

people. They take offence at Him being a Jew and transfer their antipathy and hate against the Jewish

people to His person. They forget that the Jewish people did not only have sins but also great saints: the

holiest woman, the Blessed Virgin Mary, Saint John the Baptist, the true harbinger of the Saviour and

those simple and honest fishermen who as Apostles had left their fathers and mothers, their houses and

countries, and what is more sacrificed their lives in the service of Truth.40 They forget that although

Christ descended from the house of King David by his body, he spoke the language of the Jewish

people and followed its rituals, he was made to shine transfigured in the light of his divinity free of

35 Dr János Mészáros Budapest episcopal vicar, „Reform!... Reform!...”, Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek Tudósítója

[bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes] 1935, Vol. 2, my italics. 36 Circulares litterae dioecesanae Anno… ad clerum archidioecesis strigoniensis dimissae, Typis Gustavi Buzárovits,

Strigonii. 37 The standpoint of the parish is it has no local archives. That is, however, contradicted by the fact that the publication 250

éves az Óbudai Szent Péter és Pál Főplébániatemplom [250 years of the Óbuda Parish Church St Peter and Paul] (Budapest,

1999) mentions documents from the 18th century (pp. 89-97) and a Parish Library (p. 107), where, for instance, registers

from the 19th century are kept. 38 The following parish societies operated in Óbuda in 1938: Credo (with almost 1,000 members in 1939), the Altar Society,

Working Girls, Society of Girls with High School Education (KLOSZ), Óbuda group of the National Society of Christian

Youth (KIOE), Church choir, Scouts, Workers’ Unit of the Parish (EMSZO), Zita team. At the moment, it is difficult to find

any documents that may have been preserved, which indicates the topic has not been researched. 39 That, of course, is not true. 40 No Jews may be „saints” unless they are directly connected to Jesus.

8

all human characteristics, sins or racial frailty,41 so that every people whether Semitic or Aryan,

whether black or yellow, whether Hungarian or French can and will feel Him to be theirs! His faultless

character is an ideal for all; his teaching is clear for all, his goodness speaks to the heart of all.”42 A

simple follower could draw three very simple lessons from the above – in accordance with and

reiterating the spirit of the times:

1) the Jews are responsible for the death of Jesus (cf, Caiaphas);

2) the so termed Jewish „racial frailty” has been practically around since the age of Jesus;

3) because Jesus was free of that, Christians are clearly also free of it.

Taking into account that the Appeal did not specify what the Cardinal meant by ’frailty’, every follower

could interpret it according to his wish.

A memorandum in Latin No 5357 on the „baptism of Jews” (De baptismo Judaeorum) dated 12

December, 1938 by Prince Primate Serédi, which can clearly be regarded as an internal ecclesiastical

guidance, can be related to the above Lent Appeal by the Catholic chief pastor and it illustrates his

stance on Jews.43 The document provides guidance in the circumstances, since the number of Jews

wishing to be baptised increased as a result of the first anti-Jewish law (Act No XV „on the more

effective provision of the balance of social and economic life”) that took effect on 29 May, 1938. It is

clear from the document that the Prince Primate is well aware that the interest in/desire for Christianity

in these „inimical times” does not only originate from the desire to attain eternal bliss but also from the

hope of escape on Earth. In his opinion, however, it cannot be sufficient reason – or indeed it is

„sacrilegious and unjust” – if the proper investigation of the will and careful preparation are neglected

before the sacraments are administered. For adults, it must mean an hour of religious education twice

weekly for three months held by the parish priest or a person appointed by him. Its purpose is to teach

the truths of the faith. On the other hand, the Prince Primate emphasises the sacraments of Christianity

must not be administered without the permission of the Ordinary and complying with the statutory

provisions. The marital status of candidates for baptism must also be investigated. The sacraments may

not be administered if a marital obstacle exists. Not to mention that those newly baptised must be

carefully monitored.44

The 1939 Lent circular of the chief pastor also reflects the stance of Prince Primate Serédi on Jews

(dated 12 February, 1939). In it the Cardinal did not ascribe sentencing Jesus to death to Caiaphas – as

a year earlier – but to Pilate, surprisingly. He, however, could not refrain from emphasising the

responsibility of the Jews. „When during Lent we perform the rite of the Stations of the Cross, we are

made to think and moved by the first Station, where Pilate sentences Jesus to death but he also washes

his hands saying, ‛I am innocent of the blood of this just person.’ (Mt 27,24) And the Jews answered:

41 My italics. 42 Litt. Circ. 1938, p. 9. 43 In circulars, mainly the appointments, placements, promotions and deceases are in Latin. 44 „Judaei magno in numero his diebus baptismum appetunt. In quo desiderio suo certe adversis temporibus quoque

moventur, conantes non solum aeternam, sed potius temporalem salutem quoque suam et filiorum securam reddere. Tamen

impie et iniuste agunt, qui ex defectu fiduciae eos omnes sine exceptione repellunt aeque ac illi, qui praevio examine

intentionis et solida instructione praetermissis, eis bapismum conferre properant. Pro norma habeatur cum caritate omnes

qui converti cupiant esse excipiendos; dein probationi saltem trium mensium subiiciendi sunt adulti, quo tempore per

hebdomadam saltem bis per integram horam a parocho vel eius vicario in veritatibus ctechismi sunt instruendi. baptismus ne

administretur ante adeptam permissionem Ordinarii et impletas legis civilis conditiones. Invigilandum insuper est et in

recursu ad Ordinarium speciali mentione dignum, validum-ne vel saltem sanabile-ne sit matrimonium, in quo candidati ad

baptismum vivunt. In casu contrario enim, e. g. si impedimentum ligaminis inter consortes existit, baptismi sacramentum

conferri non potest. Eos autem, qui putant judaeorum matrimonium post baptismum coram Ecclesia denuo iniri et sic

convalidari debere, edocemus, hanc suam opinionem erroneam esse, cum tale matrimonium ex lege naturali validum sit et

ipso baptismo suscepto ad sacramenti dignitatem elevetur. Monemus tandem Ven. Clerum, ut curam specialem conversis

impendere post baptismum quoque continuet. Strigonii, die 12. Decemberis 1938.” Litt. Circ. 1938, 59.

9

‛His blood be on us and on our children’ (Mt 27,25) Pilate, a hard Pagan, wanted to disclaim

responsibility for spilling innocent blood, but the Jews assumed it heedlessly!”45

The Lent episcopal letter is fitted into and reflects the social environment and public atmosphere

identified by the second anti-Jewish law submitted to Parliament on 23 December, 1938 by the Imrédy

government. It is surprising as the Prince Primate uses the Jews’ collective responsibility in the death of

Jesus to explain the Jews’ thousand-year long tribulations and warns his Catholic followers of the

potentially unpredictable consequences as if possessing a prophet’s foreboding. It is sad that a few

months later at the moment of voting on the law in the Upper House (on 28 April, 1939) Prince Primate

Serédi did not remember his own warnings and voted for it!

„When a bad law with fatal consequences is being voted on, the responsibility lies not only with the

authors of the law – Serédi wrote in February 1939 – but also with each legislator who votes for it and

even with all those who stay away from voting and, with their absence, promote the law taking effect;

Godless laws are not only the responsibility of legislators but also of individual electors who have

provided such legislators with mandates with their votes knowingly and willingly; citizens think little

of that.”46

„The case of the Jews who demanded the crucifixion of Christ is an eternal deterrent of the lack of

collective (social) sin! Because they were numerous, they believed the responsibility of killing God

will be divided among them and will be a nothing to be hardly felt, so they spoke up bravely, ‛His

blood be on us and on our children’! And a terrible punishment, i.e. the destruction of Jerusalem

followed and the dispersion of the Jewish people in the world and their much suffering proved that

collective responsibility is, in a sense, increased responsibility, because what is at stake is not only our

individual salvation and good but the salvation and good of many of our fellow-men, contemporaries

and descendants, but sometimes, of whole nations and countries.”47 (pp. 12-13.)

On 11 May, 1939 Prince Primate Serédi issued a decree „on the religious education of children baptised

together with their Jewish parents” (No 3008). „I have learnt, he wrote, there are students who have

been baptised together with their Jewish parents and although they could be educated in the Catholic

faith with the permission of the Court of Guardians, they continue to attend the Jewish religious

classes. I hereby order that in cases when children were also baptised together with their parents the

priest performing the baptism should send an official notice on the baptism to the relevant teacher of

religion as well. At the same time, the permission of the Court of Guardians for the conversion of the

children must be urged and it must be reported to the school authorities when it has taken place.”48

Thus, the behaviour and attitude to Jews of the different Budapest parishes (43 in all) have to be

evaluated given the stance of ecclesiastical leadership, i.e. the archbishop of Esztergom. A

comprehensive and comparative analysis of the above could be the topic of later research, but it should

be noted that the part played by local priests cannot be doubted. In that regard, an opening

announcement by the newly appointed Óbuda parish priest Mihály Leiner in 1936 is quite interesting,

„Stick firmly and steadily, My Dear Ones, to your trust in your pastor, because he promises to you to be

your faithful, conscientious and good priest; leader and teacher of the small ones, support, helper and

45 Litt. Circ. 1939, p. 9. 46 Litt. Circ. 1939, p. 12. 47 Litt. Circ. 1939, pp. 12-13. 48 Litt. Circ. 1939, p. 34.

10

the good Samaritan of the adults facing the errant and the misled.”49 The style and content combined

show clearly that the parish priest was the dominant person in the Óbuda community. It also turns out

from the report on the 25th anniversary of the ordainment of Ft Mihály Leiner. Accordingly, the priest

„invited with love 300 poor people for lunch. And he disbursed money to altruistic associations.”50

At the same time as the opening announcement of priest Leiner was published, a call appeared on the

outside back cover of the Óbuda Parish Bulletin, „Purchase from Christian merchants”, placed as the

heading of a list of enterprises and their advertisements. Later on (in the course of several years) it

always appeared on the back cover (either inside or outside). In 1941 it was supplemented with another

call in the heading of advertisements placed on the outside back cover of the Bulletin, „Buy at Catholic

shops”. All that cannot be treated as independent from the fact that at the time of the anti-Jewish laws

some Óbuda merchants (e.g. Pöhm confectioners, Menzer groceries) displayed notices „Jews and dogs

will not be served”.51

Given the other parish bulletins reflecting varied local features, it can be stated with certainty that the

term „Christian” in the Óbuda Bulletin was a racial category, the opposite of Jewish – in accordance

with the mentality of the age.52 It, however, was not typical of most parish bulletins. Not all of them

published advertisements and those that did either did it without any appeals (of a Christian

implication) or simply urged to support the parish or Catholic traders and merchants.53 For instance,

the outside back cover of the Krisztinaváros or Városmajor Parish carried the following call, „Support

the Catholic merchants and traders of our parish!” (in 1936 and 1937). It is interesting that the outside

back cover of the bulletin of Sarlós Boldogasszony parish also in District 3 also carries a racist call,

„Support Christian merchants and traders!” (the term ’support’ was replaced by ’buy from’ in 1940).

All that is obviously related to the quite significant Jewish community of Óbuda. But it cannot be said

to have been the rule, since a similar attitude should have been dominant in the Terézváros parish as

well. The Terézváros or Erzsébetváros parish bulletins, however, do not reflect that.54 Not to mention

that the racial category „Christian” is missing from the call made by the other parish bulletin in District

3, that of Kövi-Saint Mary (111, Szentendre Rd) (1936, Vol 1, outside back cover), which was mainly

responsible for the pastorisation of the Filatori fields populated by workers, and was more distant from

the Óbuda Jewish community, „We request the artisans and small traders of the parish to advertise in

the Parish Bulletin as much as they can. In that way, they will support the Parish Bulletin, strengthen

49 Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes], 1936, Vol. 1, inside front

cover of the Óbuda bulletin. 50 Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes], 1938, Vol 2, inside front

cover of the Óbuda bulletin. Article entitled”Jubilee”. 51 Miklós Gulyás, Óbudai utcák, [streets of Óbuda], Noran, Budapest, 2007, p. 65. Cf also

ww.nepszava.hu/articles/article.php?id=563270 (25 June, 2012). 52 The interpretation is supported by a paper by Mészáros episcopal vicar, who used the categories „Christian” and „non

Christian” (i.e. Jewish) in relation to his criticism of Liberalism. Dr János Mészáros, „Wolff Károly küldetése és

hagyatéka”, [the mission and heritage of Károly Wolff], Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest

Roman Catholic parishes], 1936, Vol. 3, pp. 5-7. Cf on the topic Jenő Gergely, A Keresztény Községi (Wolff-) Párt, [the

Christian community (Wolff) party], Gondolat Kiadó – MTA–ELTE Pártok, pártrendszerek, parlamentarizmus

kutatócsoport, Budapest, 2010. 53 E.g. the bulletins of the Soroksári Rd or the Belváros parishes in 1937. 54 The Erzsébetváros and the Terézváros parishes, which operated in the vicinity of the residential areas of the Pest Jews,

should be the subject of further research. For instance, the outside back cover of the Erzsébetváros Bulletin carried the

following call both in 1937 and in 1941, „Catholics should only buy from Catholics”! It should be noted that no scholarly

research has been made into the local history of the Budapest Catholic parishes to date.

11

themselves and serve the unity of the Catholic camp. Parish followers, buy from parish merchants,

order work from parish artisans!”55

The work of parish priest Leiner was assisted at the time by the Óbuda Parish Council with the

following composition (Parish Bulletin, 1936, Vol. 3, inside back cover):

Lay chairman: Dr János Botzenhardt, Hungarian royal government councillor, permanent

member of legislative committee

Deputy chairmen: Dr János Hanthy-Haidekker, district magistrate; Dr Lajos Kuncze lawyer,

permanent member of legislative committee

Secretary: Dezső Pataky church choir master.

Controller: Károly Kirch retired bank clerk

Chaplains: Dr Özséb Reimann, József László, Károly Draskovits.

It clearly shows how the contemporary social élite and the local church leadership were intertwined. It

is no surprise, then, that the lower social classes did not feel it was their church; they had been

alienated. It is excellently illustrated by a paper by Antal Schuszter, parish priest of Magdolnaváros,

and the situation could not be much different in either Óbuda or in any other parishes of Budapest: „We

are talking about the Lent in class. A small student of mine stands up and remarks, ‘My mum said why

it is the business of the priests what is cooking in the pot of poor people? Lent should be held by the

priests and the nuns.”56

While the 1938-39 circulars by Prince Primate Serédi touched upon the problem of the anti-Jewish

laws albeit in a quite moderate and reserved manner, the readers of the Bulletin of the Budapest Roman

Catholic Parishes could hardly perceived any of it. Mainly because interest was fully focused on the

double holy year (from 23 May, 1937 to 3 December, 1938). At that time the 34th Eucharistic World

Congress as well as the Saint Steven Jubilee Year (commemorating the 900th anniversary of the death

of Saint Steven) was jointly organised. Therefore, all attention was focused on religious life / infidelity

and morality (i.e. the problems of marriage). Providing board to visitors was a regularly returning

worry (as there were not enough offers for housing). It is a surprise that side by side with clericals,

politicians also felt necessary to speak about Catholicism!57 The message, however, could only reach a

part of the population. At that time the Catholic church exercised hardly any influence on the workers

of Budapest who had distanced themselves from the church. The same was true in Óbuda, one of the

most rundown districts of the capital, where the church tried to increase the number of members in the

Parish Workers’ Unit (EMSZO) by offering cheap potatoes from Szabolcs County and access to

firewood for the winter.58 Strangely enough, the improvement of religious life and morality were hoped

to mitigate social problems and restore social peace.59

55 The call was replaced in 1938 by „Buy from Catholic artisans and merchants!”, but the initial text was reinstated from

issue 4. In 1937/38, Lajos Peisz was the parish priest, in 1943 it was László Merva and János Juhász. A comparative study

of the three parishes of District 3 (St Peter and Paul, Sarlós Boldogasszony and Kövi-Saint Mary) could be made in the

future. 56 Antal Schuszter, „Hitoktató és szülő”, [teachers of religion and parents], Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek Tudósítója

[bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes], 1940, Vol. 3, p. 13. 57 Cf also, János Kóródi Katona, former MP, „a lot must be made in Budapest to promote Catholic marriages”, Budapesti R.

K. Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes], 1937, Vol. 1, p. 2; Károly Huszár former

PM, „A kettős szentév és a budapesti katolikusok”, [the double holy year and Budapest Catholics], op.cit, pp. 3-4. 58 Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes], 1938, Vol. 4. Inside front

cover of Óbuda bulletin. 59 Ferenc Bihari, „Egyházközségi munkás-szakosztályok”, [worker units of parishes], in Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek

Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes], 1937, Vol. 1, p. 13.

12

The only obvious reference to the „Jewish issue” appeared in a 1939 paper by former Prime Minister

Károly Horváth. He thought „it was not enough to push Jews out of economic positions and cultural

life, unless the vacant places were filled by men and women who touched by the spirit of saints and

heroes reformed the whole Hungarian state in the spirit of Christ. It is not enough to distribute the land

unless it is settled by families in which the Christian tradition and noble morality are alive. (…) Christ

must be the only leader of mankind and all power on Earth must come from Him alone. The power that

is not from God and does not serve God will drive mankind to hell. Without God there are no law, no

culture, state security, international peace, social progress, family loyalty and love, charity protecting

the weak and discipline curbing egoism.”60 In his opinion, „many people who only wear Christianity as

a masque must be permeated with the only bliss of true Christianity. The millions of Catholics by their

certificates only must be educated into conscious Catholics who will fight – determined to be martyrs –

so that the empire of Saint Steven should not be upturned and so that the Hungarian people should not

fall victim to the evil and rancour of Satan.”61

The circulars by the Prince Primate hardly reflect the political and social processes on-going in the

country beginning from the 1940s. It is as if the Hungarian catholic church lived in a self-created

peculiar world far from the realities.62 Only the decree number 8199 „on the exemption from charges

on birth certificates issued for defence purposes” (12 November, 1940)63 indicates that it must have

been related to the anti-Jewish laws, particularly to the second one (Act No IV of 1939), because the

baptism and marriage certificates of a given person and his parents (grandparents for reserve officers)

were used to decide whether the person will be a soldier or a labour serviceman (Act No II of 1939).

There is no doubt that a nationwide frantic search started due to the obligation of certifying your origin

and religious denomination. It can be seen in a message by the abbot of Pannonhalma (dated 25

February, 1942) printed separately on the front of Circular II of the year (283/1942) using lilac ink:

„Seeking to learn where Mária Sas (daughter of János Sas and Katalin Mezei or Mezericzki) had been

baptised between 1830 and 1840, or where János Wener and Mári Sas had got married between 1850

and 1860. 20 Pengő award for the answer.”64 A similar notice was stuck on the front of Circular V as

well: „To certify his origin, Zoltán Bittó is seeking the baptism certificate of his mother, Johanna Rácz,

born in 1850 – 54. The certificate of baptism, or if it cannot be found, the notice thereof is requested to

be sent urgently / by return post to the address of the Pannonhalma decanal office” (934/1942; dated

Pannonhalma, 30 July, 1942).65

In the political and social context identified by the anti-Jewish laws the responsibility of the Jewry with

respect to Catholic religious life and morality is discussed in an interesting manner by Lajos Érdi, a

member of the Óbuda Parish Council. It is shocking to read that lament written after two decades of a

national-Christian political regime. The text implies that those involved are mainly responsible for the

situation, in addition to Jews, of course. And the source of all ills is that the majority of the city

population of Budapest fail to attend the Holy Mass on Sunday! According to the author, „it was

different in the good old patriarchal times, when every man got up in the morning and went to bed at

night with no worries! He worked on weekdays and attended the mass and the sermons on Sundays –

when there had been no night or Sunday shifts yet – when the priest found all his followers around his

60 Károly Huszár, „A katolikus férfiak és az idei Katolikus Nagygyűlés”, [Catholic men and the Catholic Assembly this

year], in Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes], 1939, Vol. 1, p. 6. 61 Ibid. p. 7. 62 In his decree dated 18 August, 1941, e.g. (No 4202: „Arrangement of the followers in church”) Prince Primate Serédi

urged reinstating the old order of men and women separated. Litt. Circ. 1941, 33. 63 Litt. Circ. 1940, pp. 52-53. 64 Litt. Circ. 1942, p. 7. 65 Litt. Circ. 1942, p. 25. Collection of the National Széchenyi Library (OSZK).

13

pulpit on Sunday and could influence all of them. How many people cannot attend mass or the sermons

today even if they wanted to. How many people must be up and working on Sunday and deal with

material things from morning till night. How many Catholic men and servant girls work for Jews who

are rarely patient enough to allow their servants to attend the low mass of half hour! And then,

there is the misery of apartments with a thousand moral dangers, immorality exercised in big cities for

fun; places of merry-making forging capital out of human debauchery, the disorder of women’s issues.

Who would dare to dismiss the question with the naive saying that women should be ’at home’, when

there are many thousand women that have no home under the social circumstances of today. All that is

then followed by the dissolution of family life, the decline of public morality, the spiritual neglect of

children, women and the world of workers. In those chaotic circumstances a pastor must try to find new

tricks again and again to get to them. But if a pastor is in a real maelstrom, the huge amount of work

waiting for him takes all his time, it is no wonder that he has no time even to think on how to conquer

those territories beyond his vista so far.”66

Compared to the above description of the behaviour of Jews, a report on Goldberger Plc owned by a

Jewish family supporting the Charity of the Óbuda Catholic parish with Christmas donations looks

quite strange.67

Having read Lajos Érdi you should not be surprised that Óbuda parish priest Leiner had fully

decontextualized and Christianised Mary as if she had never had anything to do with Jews – those who

lived in the immediate vicinity of his parish church. „Sometime the Earth waiting for the Messiah

burdened with sins was a wilderness like this. It happened in the great Advent of four thousand years,

he writes, when she had come, the flower of Jesse’s root and Aaron’s rod bloomed, the Blessed Virgin

Mary, the rose of a secret meaning, burst into bloom in men’s souls. Because all the beauty created in

the following Christian centuries, all the respect shown to women can be traced back to Her. She will

be the ideal of knights, the example to be followed by women. Our king Saint Steven also offered his

country to Her. Ever since that time, She has been our Lady, the protector and defender of our country.

Her white maternal hands protect our Homeland more than any guns or arms over difficult centuries of

bloodshed. Her picture is on the flags of freedom with the inscription: Pro libertate, for freedom. – Our

most excellent men and compatriots were all followers of Mary.”68

Miklós Nagy, the national secretary of Actio Catholica expressed in a coded form but to be understood

by many that the greatest problem of Hungary is the possibility of Jews and Christians marrying each

other. „The anti-family and anti-church laws of a liberal age have broken the dams for a stream of

immorality and irresponsibility. Those laws have taken out of the hands of the Church marriage, the life

condition of the survival of any race. They have opened the way for irresponsible divorce and the

persecution of children. Yes, it is a persecution of children, because children were already persecuted in

their mothers’ wombs when many-storey schools with coat-of-arms were built behind the deteriorating

homes of families losing their residents. A dam has been broken and under the protection of the laws a

dirty tide that cannot be stemmed is gushing forth into the Hungarian race, into this people having

endured the fights of a millennium that is today seeking its future in the turmoil of forces of world

history. Where is the strong Hand that would strangle the blood-sucking hydra? Where is the strong

66 Lajos Érdi, „Gondolatok az Actio Catholica tanfolyamairól” [thoughts on the courses of Actio Catholica], Budapesti R. K.

Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes], 1940, Vol. 1. Óbuda bulletin, inside front

cover. My italics. 67 Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes], 1941, Vol. 2. Óbuda bulletin,

inside front cover. 68 Parish priest, „Queen of May”, Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic

parishes], 1940, Vol. 2. Óbuda bulletin, inside front cover.

14

call to shout Stop to that nemesis?! Not the efforts of diplomacy or thousands of tanks and airplanes

will obtain a future for the nation, but strong and clear laws, strong and clear family life.”69

After all that the third anti-Jewish law (Act XV of 1941) that was meant to stem „the dirty flood”

„gushing into the Hungarian race” followed almost seamlessly. The law „on supplementing and

amending Act XXXI of 1894 on matrimonial law” simply banned marriage or sexual intercourse

between Jews and non-Jews. The Christian ecclesiastical leaders, however, could not vote on the law as

it was clearly contradictory to Christian matrimonial law.

The next two anti-Jewish laws (Act VIII of 1942 degrading the Israelite community to a „recognised

one” and Act XV „on agricultural and forestry properties of Jews”) triggered no reflection in episcopal

circulars or church news.

On the other hand, you can find traces of how top church leaders provided guidance in some kind of

concord with the basis following the Soviet air raid on Budapest (night of 4-5 September, 1942). In his

address at the Catholic Assembly, Jusztinián Serédi said the following, „When our heroic soldiers

defend the life of Hungarian families and the Hungarian nation at the Eastern fronts even at the price of

their own lives, we Catholics must not allow that life given to individuals, families and the nation by

God via the sacrament of marriage be abused!”70 Óbuda parish priest Leiner expressed himself in a

more unambiguous and marked way, „the world has again been torn into two parts. Darkness, misery,

folly and sin want to destroy the camp of the followers of light, purity, love and truth. It is up to us

whether Christ will overcome or the thousand-year-old empire of the great Saint Steven is inundated by

dirt and a murderous tide.”71

In the previous issue Dr Lajos Kuncze the lay chairman of the Óbuda parish (the CEO of the Budapest

Crafts Credit Institution) explained his views as follows, „The Russian Soviet has spent millions to

propagate atheism; it has prevented the religious acts of its population and thus has degraded most of

its subjects to faithless automatons. A year ago it attacked our country treacherously, but our heroic

soldiers repelled the attack. Since then, together with our glorious allies, our soldiers fight the battle of

life and death against Communism striving to annihilate the European culture and Christianity. In this

battle those fighting on the front and those at home need to be in total spiritual harmony. Therefore I

request all followers of our parish, with love, that we having remained at home accept any ordeals and

restrictions, make every sacrifice for our soldiers fighting on the front and fulfil our duties

enthusiastically, because then we shall overcome with God’s help.”72

All in all, you should not be surprised that „Christian” clearly appeared as a racial category in 1943.

Prince Primate Serédi had to face the fact that military offices obliged even reserve army chaplains to

verify their Christian origin – quite illegally. For that, they were expected to submit their ancestors’

documents, although Article 6, Act XIV of 1942 exempted Christian pastors from verifying their origin

(cf also writ No I/7212 PM dated 19 December, 1942).73 In this respect, a commercial advertisement in

69 Miklós Nagy, „A magyar család drámája”[the drama of the Hungarian family], Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek

Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes], 1940, Vol. 3, p. 8. Re relevant literature, cf András Gianone, Az

Actio Catholica története Magyarországon, 1932–1948 [the history of Actio Catholica in Hungary] (Monographs, 1), ELTE

BTK Történettudományok Doktori Iskola, Budapest, 2010. 70 Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes], 1942, Vol. 4, p. 2. 71 Ibid. Óbuda bulletin, inside front cover. 72 Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes], 1942, Vol. 3. Óbuda bulletin,

inside front cover. 73 No 756: Certificate of origin for reserve army chaplains (20 January, 1943). Litt. Circ. 1943, p. 3.

15

the Óbuda Parish Bulletin is quite telling, „You can buy your textiles at the best prices from the

Körtvélyessi original Christian firm in Óbuda. Address: 14 Flórián Place, District 3.”74

The obligation to verify origin, however, represented a major administrative workload on churches.

„Those involved request the ministries to issue such a high number of birth certificates for military

purposes as well as for verifications related to the anti-Jewish laws, Prince Primate Serédi wrote, that it

endangers their ordinary pastoral work. To partly avoid it, I issue the following information and

instructions. With reference to data after 1895, they are usually not obliged to issue birth certificates

free of charge. That is the responsibility of the state registries. It is an exceptional case if the person

involved is a follower of the Catholic faith – at variance from the record in the state register – because

he/she has been baptised in the meantime and the fact has not been recorded in the state register yet. If,

except for the above exception, somebody still requests a birth certificate from that period for the above

purposes, it can only be issued against the proper fee identified in the resolutions of the Council.”75 Not

to mention the fact that, in time, birth certificates will have to be sent to Germany or obtained from

Slovakia.76

All that took place in the context when the Hungarian society first had to face the possibility that the

war may be lost. On 12 January, 1943 the Soviet troops broke across the Hungarian defence at

Voronezh and wiped out the Hungarian army within weeks. Given that, the leading motif of the Lent

circular by Prince Primate Serédi (9 March, 1943) was the sacrifice of Christ, which has nothing to do

with the Gospel or with historical truth not even with Christian faith. He spoke about that sacrifice

actualised to the Hungarian situation so that he avoided to use the term ’Jew’! According to the

archbishop of Esztergom, Christ „is willing to accept any sacrifice for his homeland. His greatest desire

is to carry his Father’s name as a flag of victory all over the world. In his life on Earth, he hardly left

the territory of his homeland and only spoke directly to the sons of other nations in exceptional cases so

that he could devote all the more time to educating the chosen people. How carefully he prepared

everything for his surrender to God. He fulfilled the prophecies for the chosen people, he clarified and

built up the revelations given to him only to facilitate its path. His caring love is best expressed in the

most moving way when he is crying bitterly for his people, because the sacrifice of his God-man’s life

was in vain and he could not drive the whole community along the path of peace.”77

According to the Prince Primate, „when the community of men, the homeland is suffering from

hardships, men following Christ must also accept a series of sacrifices. The homeland as a value is

beyond the value of individual in many ways. If the homeland is in danger, all its sons must unite to

avert the threatening danger. Take it, therefore, quite naturally that you must sacrifice your property or

even your life for your homeland. Remember that peoples can be alive because their best ones, the

most unselfish, the strongest and cleanest sacrifice themselves for them. If the members of a people are

unwilling to make a sacrifice for their homeland, that people is ripe for destruction; who should regard

the homeland valuable if its own sons fail to do so. People abandoning the fate of their homeland only

recognise too late that as the tree of the homeland has fallen, their own small leaf of life is also ripe for

destruction. On the other hand, if they fought for it with self-sacrifice, their sacrifice would bear

courage, which would make them heroes. A nation will be brave, heroic and so invincible, if it has

many sons accepting sacrifice.”78

74 My italics. Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes], 1942, Vol. 4,

Óbuda Bulletin, inside back cover. 75 No 3023: Issue of birth certificates (14 April, 1943). Litt. Circ. 1943, p. 15. 76 Litt. Circ. 1943, p. 29 (No 1214) & 44 (No 8955). 77 Litt. Circ. 1943, p. 6. 78 Litt. Circ. 1943, p. 8.

16

A year earlier Óbuda parish priest Leiner looked at and envisaged the war against the Soviet Union as a

kind of Crusade. According to him, „we [Hungarians] have not shouldered the grave cross of war for

power, booty or vanity. Our sons march in a Crusade against darkness and sin. The horrors of Hell on

Earth embodied threatened our children’s innocent dreams, clear smile, our churches and family

hearths. The rebellious fallen angel, Satan wants to take man away from his Creator. We have seen him

stealing souls with honeyed words and a smooth face. Now he has reached out for mankind with flame-

throwers, violent rough hands and iron fists. We Hungarians already know the deathly embrace he uses

to „bestow happiness” on his victims. We have already met him and we have not forgotten. Now, he

was again lurking behind the ridges of the Carpathian Mountains waiting for the moment when he

could bear down on us. But God was with us when he allowed us to notice the threatening menace in

good time. He took care of us, when he gave into our hands the flag of the Crusades and started us on a

hard road to fight Satan. Brethren! The goals of a war have never been as clear and obvious as those of

our war today. People have never shed blood for a clearer and greater idea than what we are shedding

our dear Hungarian blood now. No sacrifice has been made for a better cause than what we are making

a sacrifice for now. Because it will be decided in this war whether Europe remains Christian or the

marks of humanity are wiped from the face of our children and our descendants – if they survive at all

– sink to such depths in animal ignorance and darkness as our enemies have sunk. We alone can win

this fight. Because not even ’the gates of Hell’ can overcome Christianity, Christ said. Therefore, my

brother, take the cross! Accept the cross with a devoted soul, sacrificially and with unflinching faith.–

God and truth are with us. Take the cross, keep it high, even if your heart is bleeding. Do not be mean

now, forget your own sacrifice when so many thousands of sacrifices go to God. Lift your misery to

Heaven for atonement and salvation. Take the cross, my suffering and crying brother and ‘we are going

to win under this token’.”79

The hopes of victory, however, started to melt away in 1943. On 19 March, 1944 the German troops

occupied Hungary and the Allied forces launched air raids in the first days of April. And while military

operations reached the country, a war was launched against the Jewry regarded to be the „internal

enemy”. Its goal was to segregate, isolate and deprive Jews from their properties. A strange world was

being formed some of which can be revealed from Catholic sources.

1944: the Holocaust and the Óbuda Catholic parish

If Hungarian or Budapest/Óbuda Catholics expected some guidance from ecclesiastical leaders, they

failed to receive it in any form. Prince Primate Jusztinián Serédi had nothing to say with reference to

Jews obliged to wear the yellow star (Decree by the Sztójay government No 1.540/1944. PM; 5 April)

while he was worried about the spiritual-moral education of German children. He issued a decree on 15

April, 1944 „on the religious-moral education of children of the German Reich” (No 2216), „Requested

by several priests and parents of the children of the German Reich holidaying in Hungary, I call the

attention of all pastors to arrange for the pastoral care of the children of the German Reich. It is

desirable that school-age children receive religious education during the school year either in the

church or at another location. According to the laws of the German Reich, parents shall decide about

the religious-moral education of their children up to the age of 12. At the age 12-14, the parents still

decide but the children are also asked if they are willing to attend religious classes. The children alone

decide from the age 14. At present, there are mostly Catholic children in the country and it can be

79 Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes], 1942, Vol. 2, Óbuda

Bulletin, inside front cover.

17

hoped that the leaders of the holidaying arrangement will not make any difficulties. The parents’

opinion can be easily learnt from the host families.”80

At the time when the Jews were deported from the countryside and afterwards Serédi’s main problems

were the registration of cathecumens (Liber Catechumenorum)81 on the one hand, and on the other

hand, banning „the use of incomplete birth certificate forms” (No 5096; 3 July, 1944): „It has

repeatedly occurred that certain parishes sent, for official use, to offices of the diocese or to other

ecclesiastical and lay authorities birth certificates issued on quarter-sheet forms that failed to display all

data in the Register. I hereby ban the issue and use of such incomplete and therefore irregular birth

certificates for official purposes.”82

An opening address by provost Béla Witz, episcopal vicar is also quite telling. It simply disregards the

provisions hitting the Jewry, the deportation of Jews from the countryside, and only focuses on

Budapest followers suffering from the air raids. „This beautiful city, he writes, has to face difficult

weeks now. The tempest raging over our heads announces a double lesson for us. All suffering we have

to endure is the punishing or trying blows of the righteous God. We have to accept both with patience

and surrender because the good God has a purpose with both. (…) I welcome with fatherly worry and

love those who have lost everything they had but they have faith in their souls that can mitigate even

the greatest catastrophe. I ask you, my suffering followers, Hungarian brethren, not to waver in your

trust in the good God even in the hours of your worst misery. (…) Do believe that the blow hitting you

now will become a caress by God’s fatherly palm and the dawn of a new and very happy Hungarian life

will sparkle above the smouldering ruins, above the ruins of orphaned and destroyed small family

homes. (…) You, the devoted and loyal people of Mary’s country, be even more the servant of God and

your Church, because that is what the good God expects us to do, so that it would compensate our

country and nation for all their sufferings and loss with his plentiful blessing.”83

Dr József Koszterszitz, chamberlain to the Pope, director of college, urged patriotic education, „The

family has been educating children into becoming patriots and patriotic women. The Magyar feelings

of the mother will make them active, selfless and conscientious Magyars. You need not use empty

slogans but you should permeate the little souls with true and noble patriotism.”84

Side by side with the deportation of Jews from the countryside, the Budapest Jews were ordered to

move into confined areas. The Housing Office of the Association of Hungarian Jews marked the main

area No IV in Óbuda, District 3 (56, Lajos St), directed by Nándor Gergely and Mihály Weisz. It had

three sub-areas with separate leaders. 85 On 22 June, 1944 the minister of the interior issued a decree

No 148.451./1944-IX on „the final demarcation of buildings to be used by Jews on the Buda side of the

capital”. In accordance with it, Jews were even more crammed, as a number of houses were simply

80 Litt. Circ. 1944, p. 20. 81 Litt. Circ. 1944, p. 25 82 Litt. Circ. 1944, p. 30. 83 Béla Witz, „Opening address”, Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic

parishes], 1944, Vol. 2, p.1. 84 József Koszterszitz, „Letters by Mum”, Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman

Catholic parishes], 1944, Vol. 2, p. 4. 85 Ilona Benoschofsky – Elek Karsai (ed): Vádirat a nácizmus ellen. Dokumentumok a magyarországi zsidóüldözés

történetéhez. 2: 1944 május 15 – 1944 június 30. A budapesti zsidóság összeköltöztetése, [indictment against Nazism.

Documents to the history of the persecution of Jews in Hungary, Part 2: from 15 May, 1944 to 30 June, 1944. Moving

Budapest Jews into confined areas], published by the National Council of Hungarian Israelites, Budapest, 1960, pp. 304-

306.

18

deleted from the list of buildings to be used by Jews in District 3.86 The Jews were compelled to move

into 116 ’star-marked’ buildings by 24 June instead of the 229 identified initially by the mayor (on 16

June). In Óbuda it meant buildings located in Vörösvári and Bécsi roads, Pacsirtamező, Szőlő and

Lajos streets and in Ürömi road.

With respect to the tragedy of Hungarian Jews, the archbishop of Esztergom was only capable to issue

a short message not saying much in essence. „I order – the Prince Primate wrote –, that the following

message [No 5443, 10 July] should be read out to the followers on the Sunday after the receipt of this

circular [No 6 during the year] in connection with the sermon, i.e. either before or after the sermon

without any further ado: „Cardinal Jusztinián Serédi, the Prince Primate of Hungary informs the

Catholic followers on his own and the respected Bishops’ Bench’s behalf he has repeatedly turned

to the Royal Hungarian Government regarding the issue of the provisions affecting Jews

particularly baptised Jews, and he will continue his negotiations on the issue in future.”87

Following the deportation of the Jewry from the countryside, a real fever of conversion broke out

among Budapest Jews living in the state of complete uncertainty of existence. It must have been

encouraged by the establishment of the Association of Christian Jews in Hungary on 14 July, 1944. A

gleam of hope; maybe those baptised will not be taken away in another wave of deportations.

In a Catholic context, however, the demand for baptism had clearly resulted in anxiety, which was

expressed by prelate Mihály Marcell, university professor, „In today’s passionate atmosphere the issue

of belonging to a nation or to the church has become a sensitive one, as one trend of political life

strongly proposing an idea of racism emphasises the expulsion of certain races, particularly of the

Jewish race, from the framework of the nation. What is more, it is trying to say no to the option that

those outcasts could approach Christianity. The part of the question wishing to regulate the cohabitation

of races, nationalities and the ancient forces maintaining the country does not have a direct impact on

the Catholic church. On the other hand, its consequence intending to lay obstacles for those who want

to join the church requires major consideration both from a theoretical and a practical aspect.” The

reader might believe the author is for baptism. All the more so, as in his wording, „the sanctioned laws

of the state, which include the option of changing your religion by applying the form of two

notifications of departure and one registration among human rights, promote the sacred laws of the

Church and their implementation”. Here, however, the point is quite different. According to the prelate,

„the Church… is not a ’collector of flocks’, or ‘commander of Christians on the conveyor belt’ and it

does not want to get richer with new followers described in similar terms. The teaching of Christ

obliges his Church – and the Church implements it using strict measures – to lead to the sacred well of

Christianity those who want to join the flock of Christ in their soul in their life after examining their

honest intentions and following regular often lengthy studies. The troubled circumstances amid which

masses of people knock on the gate of Christ’s Church cannot at all have an impact on the basic

principles of the Church based on Christ’s teachings. On the contrary, it demands increased attention to

keep away those knocking without vocation but out of self-interest, on the other hand, to humiliate

those with a vocation to bow to the feet of Christ. It would be an exaggeration to condemn all who

want to convert to Christ; but it would be a similar mistake violating the regulations of the Church to

accept via ’quick baptism’ relying on emotional waves. The gates of the Church are open for all people

with just intentions, but those lacking a spiritual preparation may not be part to the country of God on

86 Csaba Katona – Zoltán Ólmosi – András Oross – László Soós – Éva P. Szigetváry – Dóra Szabó – Katalin Varga (ed):

Emlékezz! Válogatott levéltári források a magyarországi zsidóság üldöztetésének történetéhez, 1938–1945, [remember!

Selected archive sources to the history of the persecution of Hungarian Jewry], Hungarian National Archives, Budapest,

2004, p. 209. 87 Bold in the circular. Litt. Circ. 1944, 33.

19

Earth. Those knocking in urgency due to the extremely difficult situation88 should join the spiritual

community of the Church via the desire for baptism [baptismus flaminis]89 and should only be baptised

after serious preparations – meaning preparations for months or even years.” In other words, the fact of

persecution cannot mean more lenient rules! „With such strict rules and efforts demanding spiritual

transformation, the threat of ’baptising people flocking in out of material interests’ is a superfluous

worry; also ’pushing original Christians out of Catholic churches’ is an exaggerated accusation and

fear.” All the more so, as – the prelate writes - „the Church has never allowed smuggling improper

elements into the body of the Hungarian state, on the contrary, it took upon itself the responsibility of

educating its followers from any nationality or race to be loyal, zealous, obedient and devoted citizens

of the Hungarian nation.”90

The Óbuda Catholics could read the above clarification and „reassurance” in early autumn of 1944. In

their case, however, the fears were ungrounded. Compared to Pest, the number of converted Jews in

Buda, particularly in Óbuda was much lower.91

Year Pest Buda Óbuda

1920 905 Cannot be exactly stated due to

deficient registration

3

1921 380 1

1922 283 -

1923 298 24 -

1924 235 43 -

1925 239 48 -

1926 270 42 3

1927 274 38 7

1928 344 23 1

1929 369 119 11

1930 392 66 8

1931 387 60 2

1932 409 47 9

1933 495 77 12

1934 581 141 11

1935 667 83 13

1936 916 184 10

1937 871 194 6

1938 2716 1012 137

1939 1111 386 78

1940 2260 199 33

1941 1463 198 39

1942 1858 242 40

17723 3226 424

88 The author must have meant the persecution of Jews ! 89 According to Catholic teaching, that desire ensures salvation in the case of death even without the act of baptism. 90 Mihály Marczell, „Az örök igazságok szolgálatában” [in service of eternal truth], Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek

Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic parishes], 1944, Vol. 3, pp. 3-4. 91 Dr József Katona József, „Zsidó megújhodásért. A fővárosi zsidóság lelki képe”, [for a Jewish revival. The spiritual

profile of the Jewry of the capital] in János Kőbányai (ed), A zsidóság útja, [the path of Jewry], Múlt és Jövő Kiadó,

Budapest, 2000, pp. 390-391.

20

An interesting fact: while advertisements had mostly disappeared from different parish bulletins, the

cover of the Óbuda bulletin continued to carry ads (optician, pharmacy, stone cutter, ladies’ hats,

ironmonger and confectioner’s advertised their wares).

Beginning from 6 November, 1944, every day 2,000 Jews confined to the Óbuda brick factories, which

had served as collection camps, were made to depart on foot towards Hegyeshalom on the road across

Piliscsaba – Dorog – Süttő – Szőny – Gönyű – Dunaszeg and Mosonmagyaróvár. But there was no

mention of that in the Bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic Parishes. The authors consoled religious

readers with meditations on the sense of suffering and the knowledge of having contributed to

salvation, while the blockade of Budapest had slowly become complete and the fights had reached

Óbuda. By that time, however, only a few Jews hiding or hidden were still alive in Óbuda.92 „Now we

pay more respect to the infant Jesus, Ottó Endrefalvy wrote, we are starting to understand now how

much he loved us, what he undertook and suffered for us. We want to help him in the hard work of our

salvation.”93

Knowing the end was near, Óbuda parish priest Mihály Leiner meditated about death in the 4th – and

last – issue of the Bulletin in a paper entitled „Lost in my thoughts”. Other writings also reflect an

atmosphere of the Apocalypse, „The Pope prayed together with us” on 8 October (p. 1.); „Are the

prophesies true?” (pp. 2-3.); József Jandik, „The infant Jesus of Christmas is our only hope” (pp. 4-5);

Tibor Kapos, „Suffering in the light of Christmas” (pp. 6-7).

Jews rescued and summary

To sum up, given the circulars by the archbishop of Esztergom and the Bulletin of Budapest Roman

Catholic parishes, it is no surprise that the persecution of Jews in Hungary was carried out with the

active cooperation of the authorities and a high degree of passivity by the Christian population. A

lengthy mental tuning up emphasising that Jews were different and, mainly, they were the root cause of

everything (from bolshevism to capitalism) had made its impact. In Óbuda „getting free of the Jews” in

1944 was mostly executed by their neighbours – Arrow Cross Party supporters and Volksbund

members. In such a social context the moderate extent of rescuing Jews can „almost be explained”.94

According to uniform opinion, the Óbuda Saint Alajos Salesian Monastery played a major part, where

people who were able to escape on the road to the Óbuda collection camp were given refuge.

Obviously, the personality of Mihály Kiss (†1946) Salesian prior (1940–1946) played a major part in

that.95

Side by side with the Salesians, a couple must also be mentioned. Géza Koncz and his wife, Mrs Géza

Koncz (born Irén Sári), who had had a locksmith’s shop in Óbuda and who had had many Jews among

their friends. They received the award „Righteous among the Nations” in 1997.96 There is no word

about parish priest Leiner or other important members of the Catholic parish of Óbuda.

92 Cf, Lívia Varsányi, „Tiszteljétek az embert!”[respect man], ” in Sándor Balázs (ed.), Óbuda ostroma [the siege of Óbuda]

1944–1945, Budapest, 2005, pp. 109-113. 93 Ottó Endrefalv, „God still loves us!”, Budapesti R. K. Egyházközségek Tudósítója [bulletin of Budapest Roman Catholic

parishes], 1944, Vol. 4, p. 9. 94 Its Óbuda implications are rather unprocessed. 95 Cf, Miklós Gulyás, op. cit., pp. 65-66. 96 Imre Lebovits, Zsidótörvények – zsidómentők, [anti-Jewish laws, rescuers of Jews], Ex Libris Kiadó, Budapest, 2007, p.

273.

21

What you can learn about parish priest Mihály Leiner is that he „left for abroad in 1947”. We could not

find out where exactly. Although his personal collection of documents – if it exists at all – could/would

be an important source of historical research, since the most baleful period of the history of Óbuda

Jewry happened at the time when he was the parish priest.

It can be stated in general that the inimical attitude of the population towards Jews in the period of the

persecution and their passivity regarding the exclusion and deportation of Jews have been surrounded

by the silence of concealment to the very day. It is as if they wanted to exclude the Óbuda Jewry from

the 20th century history of Óbuda.97 It is true also for the Óbuda Catholic community. In that respect,

the ’remembrance’ to the war period is on the verge of surrealism, „At the beginning of the 1940s the

number of leagues and societies increased: in Óbuda the Rosary Society, the Mary Society, the League

of Catholic Mothers, the Catholic Popular Association and the Society for Spreading the Faith were

established. Music life in Óbuda was enriched by societies such as the Lied Society, the Levent

Orchestra, the Choir of Law-Justice-Truth, the Hungarian Credo Choir, the Parish Choir, the CREDO

Orchestra and the Gárdonyi Orchestra of Scouts. But, side by side with sacred music, ill-boding

sounds, such as air-raid sirens were also sounded. World War II had been going on in earnest.”98

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