james madison undergraduate research journal 2009

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ADHD: A Quail C o n n e c t i o n

Premier Issue Spring 2009

Ending the Cuban Trade Embargo

Afghanistan’s Opium Addiction

2 James Madison Undergraduate Research Journal

Using Poultry to Our AdvantageRyan Powanda, Jacob HilemanAaron Sobel, Emily Thomas

174contentsCreating JMURJCasey Boutwell & Laurence Lewis

Editors’ Note

Hope for Harrisonburg’s Homeless?Hunter Rush

Drug & Alcohol Rehabilitation

Meet theStaff8

10

11

23

18

24ADHD: A Quail Connection? Bess Gerhart

Afghanistan’s Opium Ordeal Matt Cobb

for StudentsLindsey Golden

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The United States Trade Embargo Against CubaCaitlin Van Sant

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War Prone Nations: Why?Jawan Shir

Drug & Alcohol Rehabilitation

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5257

61

Lyme Disease Hits Close to HomeAlex Sharp

Sudanese Refugees in Egypt: An Unsafe AsylumJosh Linden

The Paint Creek/Cabin Strike of 1912Erin Stevenson

Islam and TerrorismSierra Stanczyk

42 Preemptive & Preventive Warfare: Legal?Josh Linden

East vs. West:Cuba Caught inthe MiddleIbrahim Lamay

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For Us, By Us

The journal is run exclusively by

undergraduate students. The authors, editors, photographer and graphic designers are

undergraduates. This unique feature empowers the undergraduate research community and the infrastructure of the journal in a symbiotic way. We have built a forum for discourse that is not only self-sustaining, but also self-advancing.

To address legitimacy of scholarship, we designed a double-blind system of peer review. Double editing ensures a fair editing process of uniform rigor and helps to screen overly technical articles. To address the short academic tenure of undergraduates, we added a position for faculty oversight. This faculty member – Kurt Schick, Director of the Writing Center – helps to maintain continuity of purpose and form as the journal takes on a life of its own.

We hoped to include as many unique forms of

D

U R I N G O U R F O U R Y E A R S , T H E U N D E R G R A D U AT E R E S E A R C H S C E N E

seemed fragmented. Most departments conducted research, but there was little

interdepartmental collaboration or communication. We sought to remedy this.

We envisioned a forum where undergraduate researchers could come together

to share ideas and collaborate on new projects. Our vision was the James Madison

Undergraduate Research Journal (JMURJ) We wanted not only to showcase the state of undergraduate

research, but also to improve it. Every action we took held this goal in mind. During our construction of

JMURJ, we gained insight into organizational development (both for student-run groups and academic

administration), marketing at all administrative levels and the logistics of creating a legitimate peer-

reviewed journal. JMURJ provides the structure of peer review while giving undergraduates the

authority to run a self-sustaining journal. It is a publication for undergraduates, by undergraduates.

undergraduate research as possible. While JMURJ is not all-inclusive, we kept an open mind when considering our definition of research. We currently define research as “a systematic study directed toward fuller human understanding, or making an original, intellectual and creative contribution to a discipline.”

JMURJ was designed to accept articles that can pass a test of peer review for fit, concept, grammar and syntax, and a solid foundation of experimental methodology. Any reproducible research is fair

game.

Our PurposeJMURJ is meant to bring people together;

that is its true purpose. We envision the Journal creating a community of ambitious, open-minded student-researchers who seek out knowledge in their discipline. We believe that this forum for ambitious undergraduates will lead to cross-campus

We currently define research as “a systematic study directed toward fuller human understanding, or making an

original, intellectual and creative contribution to a discipline.”

Creating JMURJ The Men Behind the Mystery

Casey Boutwell and Lawrence Lewis

5

creating civically enlightened students in many ways.

Making It Happen: Our order of operations in creating the Journal

was simple, and easily reproducible. We developed a preliminary model of how we imagined an undergraduate research journal would operate. We determined which features were important to us (like multiple disciplines, student administration, and peer review), and what characteristics we wanted to avoid (too much university oversight and overly constraining our definition of research).

We worked this model into a one-page presentation and began targeting faculty on campus whom we believed would be interested in ideologically and financially supporting JMURJ. After some searching, we met

Dr. Barry Falk, the Honors Program Director; his supervisor, Dr. Linda Halpern, Dean of University Studies; and her supervisor, Vice Provost Dr. Teresa Gonzalez. Because of JMU’s commitment to research and illuminating the accomplishments of undergraduates, JMURJ received an enthusiastic welcoming.

These high-level administrators and scholars took us seriously and pledged to help make our vision a reality. They suggested that we meet with Dr. Kurt Schick, Director of the Writing Center.

Our first meeting with Dr. Schick pretty much sealed the deal. He was an articulate and forward-thinking faculty advisor who would not only maintain continuity between successive staff, but would additionally provide helpful mentoring and

Laurence Lewis and Casey Boutwell both graduated with Honors in Physics in ‘08. Laurenceis teaching for Teach For America in New Orleans and Casey is studying carbon nanotubes.

collaboration. Connections between research in Biology and Chemistry, Math and Physics, History and English, Philosophy and German, and Music and Psychology would be commonplace. We aim to empower students. JMURJ provides an outlet for driven undergraduates in search of experience with peer-reviewed publication, multidisciplinary collaboration, organizational development and student leadership. We were initially concerned that we may limit authors’ ability to submit in external technical journals if we published their articles in JMURJ. We addressed this issue in two ways. First, JMURJ articles are not written for a technical audience and therefore are separate works from those submitted for external publication. Second, we allow the author to retain the copyright of their work. By keeping the power with the students we provide a venue for ownership of their potential. JMURJ provides an opportunity for self-actuated success.

The most obvious benefactor, however, is the university itself. JMU was nationally ranked in the top 35 undergraduate research institutions in 2007 by the U.S. World & News Report. Recruiters can demonstrate the university’s forward-thinking approach to undergraduate-driven problem solving by referring to JMURJ. JMU can also use the journal as a major selling point in the search for external funding from public and private sources. By encouraging cross-campus research at JMU, the journal strengthens the existing student-centered climate and serves the university’s mission of


insight into running a successful journal. At Dr. Schick’s suggestion, we refined our

mission statements and developed a working definition of research. We also enlisted the help of a student public relations team from the School of Communication Studies. They developed an advertising campaign that promoted JMURJ through multiple mediums. They also held focus groups to help determine the existing interest and support for an organization like JMURJ. We widely advertised positions for graphic designers, review editors, managing editors, and photographers. While we waited for applications, we had no idea of what to expect.

The student response was overwhelming. Upwards of forty students wanted to be involved. We had applicants from all colleges and majors—exactly what we wanted. We hoped to select the most eager and experienced candidates for the inauguration of JMURJ.

This was by far the hardest part of creating JMURJ. Correctly choosing the first year of journal administration would determine whether the journal survived into its second year. We needed to screen applicants for vision and ambition similar to ours to revolutionize multidisciplinary undergraduate research at JMU. We chose a dozen or so highly qualified and highly energetic applicants to continue the development of JMURJ after we were gone. When we graduated in the spring of 2008, we left the journal in enthusiastic hands.

Armed only with our vision, we took the first steps down a new road to create something that will last and, we believe, change the way undergraduates see and conduct research at James Madison University. You can do the same.

Kurt Schick is the faculty advisor for JMURJ. He is the head of the JMU Writing Center in Wilson Hall.

Armed only with our

vision, we took the first

steps down a new road

to create something that

will last and, we believe,

change the way under-

graduates see and con-

duct research at James

Madison University. You

can do the same.

7

*FEATURE WRITER


Alex Sharp VIII – Managing EditorAlex is a junior Journalism

and Writing & Rhetoric major with a minor in Anthropology. He was born and raised on a farm in Rappahannock County, VA – a rural community with no

Wal-Mart, no McDonalds and no stop lights. Alex is grateful to have worked as a reporter for three time

Pulitzer Prize winning journalist Jim Gannon, current editor of the Rappahannock Voice. Aside from his stint with Rappvoice, Alex has published front page articles in the Rappahannock News, Culpeper Star Exponent, and The Breeze. He is a co-founder of the Word is Born Poet’s Society at JMU and a member of the Public Relations Student Society of America. Alex is thrilled to be involved with JMURJ, and thankful for his awesome staff. It is exciting to be on the front lines of such a revolutionary idea.

Sierra Stanczyk – Managing EditorSierra is a senior at James Madi-son University, originally from Marlton, NJ. She is majoring in

International Affairs with a concentra-tion in Af-rica and the Middle East and a minor

in Middle Eastern Communities and Migrations. Sierra’s areas of interest include the studies of international politics, Arabic, United States security policy, ter-rorism, and international conflict. As a JMU Honors Scholar, she is currently working on her Senior Honors Project, a study of the causes for support for extremism among populations in Muslim countries. Aside from JMURJ, Si-erra is the Founding President of the Madison Political Affairs Club and a sister of Alpha Phi. Upon graduation from JMU in May, Sierra hopes to attend graduate school in Washington, DC, work for the United States govern-ment, and travel throughout the Middle East and North Africa.

Caroline Blanzaco – Graphic Designer

Caroline is a junior Media Arts and Design major with a con-centration in Corporate Com-munications and a minor in art.

Hailing from Wethersfield, Connecticut, she wanted to get out of the cold and travel south to a

warmer and friendlier place. She works as a photographer for the Bluestone and loves to design, whether it’s on the web or print.

Matt Powers – Graphic DesignerMatt Powers is a rising senior at

James Madison University, but has been profes-sionally involved in graphic design and website

development for over four years. Matt grew up in Madison County, a gorgeous rural county with nary a computer in sight. He is now building his own website design company Virginia Creative (www.vacreative.com), while continu-ing his studies as a Digital Video major in the SMAD program. He loves almost any outdoor activ-

ity, and likes to balance his time between the computer screen and living life.

Jessica Dodds - PhotographerJessica is a junior SMAD major with a concentration in Print Journalism. She is from Mid-lothian, Virginia, and has loved photography since early middle school. She is a staff photogra-

pher for The Breeze and is now proud to call herself the JMURJ pho-tographer!

Meet the Staff

“Laurence and I built the car, and all we need now is a driver.”

-Casey Boutwell

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Walter Canter – Review EditorWalter is a Technical &

Scientific Communication major, Geography minor expecting to graduate in May 2009. He came to JMU in Fall 2005 after four years at nearby Spotswood High. He was a writer for the 2008 Bluestone, and a finalist for the Write On! competition. After JMU, he plans to attend Louisville Theological Seminary and eventually become a minister. In his free time, Walter enjoys camping, hiking, and fencing. He also enjoys the freedom to do what he wants, and will usually do just that.

If you’re interested in joining our staff, or contributing to next year’s Spring issue of the Journal, contact us at [email protected]. Positions involve flexible hours and creative work environment. Staff members recieve internship credit in a course called WRIT 395 .

Caroline Cournoyer – Review EditorCaroline is a junior double

majoring in SMAD and History. She was born and raised in Gaithersburg, MD in the DC Metro area. An aspiring journalist, she hopes to change the lives of others with her writing. Caroline is a senior writer for the The Breeze, a die-hard Boston Red Sox fan, nature-lover, realistic optimist, and food enthusiast. She loves ice skating, the driving range, the Fall, and spontaneous

adventures. Caroline hopes to travel to all seven continents in her lifetime. She is ecstatic to be one of the very first JMURJ review editors, spreading the research of her fellow Dukes to the JMU community and beyond!

Cassie Potler – Review EditorCassie is a junior Media

Arts and Design major from Glenwood, Maryland. She is concentrating in Print Journalism. In addition to her involvement with

JMURJ, Cassie is a photographer for “Picture It! JMU,” staff writer for Potty Mouth, contributing writer for The Breeze, online contributor for Girls’ Life Magazine, and a member of Association for Women in Communication. She was also a 2007 Freshman yeaR Orientation Guide. Cassie thinks Top Dog is where it’s at for grilled cheese on Thursdays and she thoroughly enjoys a good summer storm.

Bess Gerhart – Review EditorBess is a senior Health

Science major concentrating in dietetics. She was excited to hear about JMURJ as she has been enthusiastic about undergraduate research since changing her major to nutrition in 2006. In the spring of 2008 she completed her first research project, an experiment studying the effect of diet on distractibility in quail, which she presented at the 22nd National Conference of Undergraduate Research in Salisbury, Maryland. Bess’ main interests are nutrition and pathology, followed by philosophy and linguistics. In her spare time she enjoys reading, cooking, and smoking a good cigar with her husband Jared. Her goal in life is to attain a PhD and spend the rest of her days researching and writing articles to her heart’s content.

Meet the Staff

“Laurence and I built the car, and all we need now is a driver.”

-Casey Boutwell


Editors’ Note

Here we are. It’s the end of April. The trees are in bloom. Classes are winding down. Students

are sniffling, sneezing, stressing, partying, and saying their sad goodbyes to friends before splitting up for the summer. Looking back on it, this year went by so fast – a lot faster than last year, then again last year went by a lot faster than the year before that.

As we approach dusk in our James Madison careers, everyone hopes to leave a lasting legacy behind them. We all have regrets, things we wish we’d done and things we wish we had more time to do. But the two of us can say assuredly that there are no regrets in our involvement with the James Madison Undergraduate Research Journal in its first year.

There is something so exhilarating about being in our position. Casey and Laurence handed us the reigns, and a rough sketch of what they wanted to become of their brilliant idea. They trusted our judgment and gave us the freedom to do what was needed to bring their concept to life.

We couldn’t believe how many research submissions we received this year. Topic proposals spanned the gamut – from opium to ADHD, from terrorism to chicken litter. Picking the 12 articles to publish wasn’t easy, but we are very

proud of the ones we finally chose. Our involvement with JMURJ opened

our eyes to the incredible amount of research being conducted by students each year. This edition only scratches the surface. In the years to come, as this publication earns more acclaim and recognition, we know that more branches of the JMU academic community will climb on board.

While the sun may be setting on our JMU academic careers, this first edition of the James Madison Undergraduate Research Journal signals the dawn of a new day in JMU academics. The Journal is bigger than us, bigger than our staff, and bigger than the researchers featured within. This is the start of something huge.

Enjoy!

Alex Sharp & Sierra Stanczyk

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Recent research investigating dietary factors and ADHD explored the effects of omega-3 fatty acids, food additives and dyes, and

micronutrient deficiencies on ADHD symptoms in children. Diets supplemented with omega-3 fatty acids from fish oil appeared to improve symptoms of ADHD in at least two randomized placebo-con-trolled trials. These fatty acids are suspected to have facilitated the development of the frontal cortex.

Various food additives and dyes appear to aggravate ADHD symptoms in children, or even to induce hyperactive behavior in otherwise normal children. These additives include the preservative sodium benzoate, and the common food dyes sunset yellow, tartrazine and allura red. In one study, tartrazine (yellow no. 5) negatively affected sleep quality in some 2 to 14 year old children diagnosed with ADHD.

The main problem with existing research on the causes and treatment of ADHD in children is the lack of consistency in measurement of the condition, which is largely based on subjective checklists of symptoms. Methods that cannot be

influenced by individual perception and subjectivity will yield more consistent data.

Animal models of symptoms similar to those seen in ADHD may provide an opportunity to use objective measurements and experimental control over the subjects’ environment. Models of ADHD using both mice and domesticated chickens now exist, giving new insight into how the environment can affect impulsive behaviors, and its neurobiological relationship to these changes.

A new animal model of auditory distraction using the Japanese quail Coturnix coturnix was created to study the effect of environmental factors on ADHD-like behavior. The testing method is based on the observation that children with ADHD have a decreased ability to distinguish a tone that is played simultaneously with an unpredictable background sound, and instead respond with increased impulsivity.

Identification of this distinctive hearing

impairment led to the development of a “distraction masking protocol” for young fowl. The procedure relies on the observation that young fowl, upon

ADHD: A Quail Connection?Elizabeth Gerhart

ATTENTION DEFICIT HYPERACTIVITY DISORDER (ADHD) IS THE MOST COMMON NEUROLOGICAL CONDITION IN CHILDREN, A F F E C T I N G S O M E T W O M I L L I O N C H I L D R E N I N T H E U N I T E D S TAT E S . The most notable symptoms include the inability to concentrate, impulsivity, forgetfulness and hyperactivity. Children with ADHD are thought to be at a disadvantage in school because they are hindered by impulsive and uncontrollable thought patterns. Today ADHD is primarily treated with medication, but interest has emerged in the role of diet in the prevention and treatment of the disease.

60 healthy, newborn quail were selected for this experiment.


hearing a tone, will momentarily stop cheeping. This instinctive peep-suppression response is a fairly reliable indication of hearing.

Therefore, the goal of the present study is to determine if dietary intake affects the responsiveness of newborn Japanese quail using the distraction masking protocol of auditory response measurement. It is hypothesized that a diet relatively high in protein, vitamins, minerals and essential fatty acids will result in increased responsiveness compared to the control, and that the addition of sodium benzoate to the diet will result in an impaired response pattern.

Sodium benzoate: a type of salt that may occur naturally in some foods but is more likely to be chemically produced and added as a preservative to foods. When used as a preservative, sodium benzoate is typically added to foods in small amounts only. If too much is added, food may take on a very bitter taste (According to WebMD).

METHODSSixty healthy, newborn quail were randomly

assigned to one of three diet groups: test diet 1 (TD1), test diet 2 (TD2), and the control.

-TD1 consisted of the turkey starter feed with added vitamins and minerals, flaxseed oil, and soy protein.

-Quail on TD2 received the turkey starter feed mixed with food-grade sodium benzoate.

-The control group was fed turkey starter feed without any other additions.

Caloric intake was estimated based on amount and frequency of feedings, and quail were weighed 2-3 times a week to insure sufficient caloric intake. Hatching of quail was staggered over the course of two weeks.

Starting at one day of age, quail were tested for distractibility using the distraction masking protocol described below. Testing continued for 15 days, after which the unconditioned cheeping response tends to diminish with approaching pubescence.

Dietary InterventionA standard Turkey Starter (see Table 1) was

used as the control and as the base feed for the TD1 and TD2 diets. It was chosen for its protein content, which at 26% is considered adequate but around 4% less than optimal for newborn quail. A feed with

less protein allowed testing for the effect of a lower protein intake in the control and TD2 diets, and optimal protein in TD1 diet.

TD1 consisted of 75% turkey starter chow by weight, 15% flaxseed oil, 10% soy protein powder, 0.8 mg/g magnesium citrate powder, 0.125 mg/g vitamin pre-mix, and 0.075 mg/g zinc chelate. A mixed diet resulted in 30% protein content by weight, optimal for newborn quail.

TD2 was composed of the turkey starter chow with food grade sodium benzoate at 0.025 mg/gram of average body weight. This was calculated based on average weight of the quail multiplied by the number of quail in the group multiplied by the number of days expected for total consumption of the prescribed mixture.

Table 1. Nutrient Proportions in Base Feed

by Percentage of Total Weight of Chow

Protein 26%

Crude Fiber 5.5%

Crude Fat 3.0%

Calcium 1.0-1.5%

Phosphorous 0.9%

Sodium chloride 0.25-0.75%

!

Figure 1. represents the number of peeps in a group arranged according to their length of vocalization delay following a pure tone at a low and a high decibel level. Trial 0 is a control. No sound is emitted during this trial. This data is used as a baseline for determining the receiver operating characteristic (ROC) value by comparing it to the histogram data for other decibels (in this case, trial 6).

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Testing

Each young quail was removed from its brooder and put inside a room-temperature, double-walled, sound-attenuating booth containing a microphone and a speaker. The microphone was connected to a “peep discriminator,” which translated the quail peeps into digital signals for a computer program.

The program was manually triggered to initiate the procedure and the subject heard a pulsing (460 ms on, 40 ms off) narrow-band noise (500-800 Hz)

at a volume only slightly higher than the quail’s hearing threshold.

As soon as the quail became accustomed to the noise and began peeping, testing trials were initiated. Newborn quail typically peep according to their own rhythm and are not affected by the background noise once they have habituated, which takes about 90 seconds.

“Stimulus” trials in this test consisted of one of six 250-Hz pure tones (single frequencies) that are added to the ongoing background noise. There were also a total of 9 “mock” trials, where a maximally attenuated (essentially inaudible) stimulus was added to the pulsing background. Thus, a total of 15 trails trials constituted a complete test for one bird: 6 “real” trials and 9 “mock” trials.

The intensities of the pure tone on the “real” stimulus trials varied over a range of 35 dB, in six 7-dB steps, starting just below the expected threshold to detect the tone. As each trial was played, the computer recorded the time in milliseconds to the second peep emitted after the

!

Figure 2. Translating the histogram data to an ROC curve involves comparing the trial data for a particular decibel level to the baseline data. The dotted line is the ROC drawn from the red and blue histograms, and has an area of about 75%. The dashed line is the ROC curve from random responses (completely overlapping histograms), and has an area of 50%. Such ROCs are constructed separately for the responses of all birds in a particular group (e.g. TD1) as well as for each different level of the real stimulus, all of which are compared to the data from the mock trials for that group.

Table 2. Responsiveness (%)

TD1 ("Good") 50.57 ± 4.61

TD2 ("Bad") 51.58 ± 4.59

Control 49.52 ± 3.74

Table 2. Responsiveness is the average area under the ROC curve for a particular group, reported as mean percentage ± standard deviation. A higher number indicates that the quail responded to the tone.

Table 3. Quiescence (expressed in

milliseconds)

TD1 ("Good") 783.74

TD2 ("Bad") 898.63

Control 912.03

Table 3. Quiescence is the standard deviation taken from the average number of milliseconds to second peep for the control trials (trial 0). It reflects the likelihood that the bird stopped vocalizing entirely for a portion of the test, and at a younger age is often the result of low energy.

A double-walled, sound-attenuating booth translated quail peeps into digital signals.


(trial 0, blue) histogram peaks at about 1,000 milliseconds, whereas the trial 6 (red) histogram peaks farther to the right, indicating an average delay in response after the tone was played.

A receiver operating characteristic (ROC) displays the relationship between the probability of a “hit”, which indicates that the bird heard the tone, and the probability of a false alarm, which indicates that the bird stopped peeping only by coincidence. The histogram data mentioned previously are used to generate a ROC curve by

onset of the stimulus (“real” or “mock”). The longer the time between the tone and the quail’s second vocalization (peep), the higher the probability that the quail heard the tone.

Once the bird was in place, the computer started playing the pulsing background sound. When the bird began peeping continuously, the computer played the random sequence of the six real trials and nine mock trials. The computer system recorded the exact time of each peep emitted by the young quail and the decibel level of the stimulus that was added to the pulsing background on each trial. The data used for analysis are the numbers of milliseconds between the onset of the stimulus and the second peep following the onset of the

stimulus.

Analysis Each trial was given a number representing

the decibel level of the stimulus that was added to the pulsing background, ranging from 1 to 7, with 1 representing a decibel well below the quail’s expected hearing threshold, and 7 representing the loudest decibel level.

After the data were collected, those figures ran through a Matrix Laboratory program designed to compile the mean number of milliseconds to second peep into a histogram. Figure 1 illustrates an example of histograms generated by the program. These two superimposed histograms reflect the distribution of peep delays to the two different stimuli. A control histogram was generated using the trial 0 data (the control or “mock” trial), at which an inaudible sound was played. Control data is shown in blue. The loudest of the real (audible) tri-als is shown in red. Note that the baseline peep rate

Table 4. R! of the psychometric

function

TD1 ("Good") 0.99

TD2 ("Bad") 0.73

Control 0.63

Table 4. R² of the psychometric function is the result of a multiple regression analysis to determine the correlation between the ROC value (how likely it was that bird heard the tone) and the decibel level. R² values reflect consistency in the behavior of the group; values range from 0 to 1, with a higher number indicating close adherence to the linear correlation and few outliers.

!

Figure 4 presents the r² value of the psychometric function in birds from 1-9 days old in each group. A strong adherence to a positive linear correlation between ROC value and decibel level indicates a consistent and appropriate responsiveness to the distraction masking protocol and is inversely associated with ADHD behavior.

These findings are consistent with data from numerous

clinical studies performed on children with ADHD.

In the Spring 2008, Bess completed an experiment studying the effect of diet on distractibility in quail, She presented at the 22nd Na-tional Conference of Undergraduate Research in Salisbury, Maryland.

15

08.01.13.

FINDINGSNewborn chicks fed a diet suspected to

improve symptoms of adhd – omega-3 fatty acids, protein, zinc, magnesium, and vitamin supplements – demonstrated less distractibility than quail chicks on a standard diet. These findings are consistent with data from numerous clinical studies performed on children with ADHD.

Further research must be conducted to isolate dietary components. Isolation of omega-3 fatty acids, protein, magnesium and other vitamins and minerals could provide more precise data.The effect of diet on ADHD in children could be tested using the same distraction masking protocol used here. Diet appears to have an effect on distractibility in newborn quail. Deficiency of key nutrients during development may increase impulsive behavior in quail.

! Figure 5 compares the growth rate of quail in each group over the first 16 days of life. Points are based on the average weight of quail in the group at a particular age.

superimposing the data from one type of trial onto the data for the control trials (see Figure 2).

Weight for each bird was recorded 2-3 times per week. Average weight for age was plotted

to determine growth rate, illustrated in Figure 5. Growth rate in the TD1 group was slightly greater than that of the TD2 group, but lower than that of the control.

All procedures were reviewed and approved by the JMU Animal Care and Use Committee, Protocol #

REFERENCES

1. National Institute of Mental Health. Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder. National Institute of Mental Health, National Institutes of Health, US Department of Health and Human Services. http://www.nimh.nih.gov/health/publications/adhd/nimhadhdpub.pdf. Updated 2008. Accessed 11/06, 2008.

2. Banerjee TD, Middleton F, Faraone SV. Environmental risk factors for attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder. Acta Paediatr. 2007;96(9):1269-1274.

3. Carter CM, Urbanowicz M, Hemsley R, et al. Effects of a few food diet in attention deficit disorder. Arch Dis Child. 1993;69(5):564-568.

4. Harding KL, Judah RD, Gant C. Outcome-based comparison of ritalin versus food-supplement treated children with AD/HD. Altern Med Rev. 2003;8(3):319-330.

5. Dykman KD, Dykman RA. Effect of nutritional supplements on attentional-deficit hyperactivity disorder. Integr Physiol Behav Sci. 1998;33(1):49-60.

6. Richardson AJ, Puri BK. A randomized double-blind, placebo-controlled study of the effects of supplementation with highly unsaturated fatty acids on ADHD-related symptoms in children with specific learning difficulties. Prog Neuropsychopharmacol Biol Psychiatry. 2002;26(2):233-239.

7. Sinn N, Bryan J. Effect of supplementation with polyunsaturated fatty acids and micronutrients on learning and behavior problems associated with child ADHD. J Dev Behav Pediatr. 2007;28(2):82-91.

8. Vancassel S, Blondeau C, Lallemand S, et al. Hyperactivity in the rat is associated with spontaneous low level of n-3 polyunsaturated fatty acids in the frontal cortex. Behav Brain Res. 2007;180(2):119-126.

9. Boris M, Mandel FS. Foods and additives are common causes of the attention deficit hyperactive disorder in children. Ann Allergy. 1994;72(5):462-468.

10. Bateman B, Warner JO, Hutchinson E, et al. The effects

These findings are consistent with data from numerous

clinical studies performed on children with ADHD.

Tweet, tweet. Quail babies anxiously await their test results.


of a double blind, placebo controlled, artificial food colourings and benzoate preservative challenge on hyperactivity in a general population sample of preschool children. Arch Dis Child. 2004;89(6):506-511.

11. McCann D, Barrett A, Cooper A, et al. Food additives and hyperactive behaviour in 3-year-old and 8/9-year-old children in the community: A randomised, double-blinded, placebo-controlled trial. Lancet. 2007;370(9598):1560-1567.

12. Rowe KS, Rowe KJ. Synthetic food coloring and behavior: A dose response effect in a double-blind, placebo-controlled, repeated-measures study. J Pediatr. 1994;125(5 Pt 1):691-698.

13. Starobrat-Hermelin B, Kozielec T. The effects of magnesium physiological supplementation on hyperactivity in children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). positive response to magnesium oral loading test. Magnes Res. 1997;10(2):149-156.

14. Starobrat-Hermelin B. The effect of deficiency of selected bioelements on hyperactivity in children with certain specified mental disorders. Ann Acad Med Stetin. 1998;44:297-314.

15. Mill J. Rodent models: utility for candidate gene studies in human attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). Journal of Neuroscience Methods. 2007; 166(2):294-305.

16. Gray LC, Holian A. Early Lead Exposure Affects Auditory Temporal Processing in Chicks. Journal of Environmental Medicine. 1999;1:87-93.

17. Breier JI, Fletcher JM, Foorman BR, Klaas P, Gray LC. Auditory temporal processing in children with specific reading disability with and without attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder. J Speech Lang Hear Res. 2003;46(1):31-42.

18. Gray LC. Signal detection analyses of delays in neonates’ vocalizations. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America. 1987;82(5):1608-1612

19. Vohra P, Shim KF. A Review of the Nutrition of Japanese Quail. World’s Poultry Science Journal. 1971;27:26-34.

20. MatLab Version 7.3, (2006) R2006b [Computer software]. Natick, Massachusetts: The Mathworks Inc.

17

Hunter Rush spent his senior year at James Madison investigating the stigma of Har-risonburg’s homeless. Rush used personal

interviews with victims of homelessness and ap-plied investigative techniques based on recent stigma research concerning homosexu-ality, blindness, deafness and mental instability. He found homelessness to be quite complex and that every situation is unique. The following excerpt from Rush’s essay shows the point of view one homeless man, “Al.”

Al felt more embarrassed about being an alcoholic than he did about being homeless. He did not have much sympathy for the homeless.

According to Al, the homeless are normally in enough control to change their situation. Al said that in one month he was going to be living in a halfway house. In a year,

he sees himself working a full-time job, paying taxes, and supporting his family.

Rush intertwined personal stories with psychological explanations for the social woes of

the homeless. Most interviews followed a similar pattern to Al’s, a sad story with a

promising outlook on the future. Rush concluded that stigmas play a large

part in how the homeless view themselves. Many, like “Al,” viewed themselves as having some other issue or problem greater than homelessness. Rush suggests that discovering the root of each of these problems individually would be an effective way to fight homelessness.

Hope for the Homeless?Walter Canter

Al felt more embarrassed about being an alcoholic than he did about being homeless.

UPDATE:Hunter Rush is currently a first year graduate student working toward his MAT to teach Spanish and English as a second language. Rush wishes to one day be a teacher/missionary in Latin America.

blog.rockforhunger.org


Opium

T HE PRODUCTION OF OPIUM IN AFGHANISTAN ISN’T NEW. The narcotic plant has existed in Afghanistan for centuries, where it plays an

integral role in local culture. Until recently, Afghans produced opium primarily for their own use, rather than mass-producing poppies as a commercial industry.

In the 1970s, a number of events caused a drastic shift in the role of opium in Afghanistan’s culture and economy. The European market for heroin and opiate drugs found itself in need of a fix when Turkey banned the production of the drug in 1972. Already familiar with opium, farmers in Afghanistan found it both easy and profitable to intensify their production of poppies to meet the European demand.

When the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979, they destroyed much of the local infrastructure and agricultural capacity, eliminating the locals’ ability to meet their own needs through subsistence. Due to the high price for heroin, many farmers began growing poppies for quick money to get the vital provisions they could no longer produce. This response solidified the importance of opium to the Afghan economy.

During the war, new smuggling lines opened up as Afghan truck drivers, contracted to transport humanitarian and military supplies into the country, offered their services to those willing to pay for the exportation of poppies.

After several years of chaos and the departure

of the Soviets from Afghanistan in 1989, the Taliban came to control most of the country’s territory in the 1990s. The Taliban encouraged opium planting. By levying a tax on the production of poppies, the

Taliban managed to raise a substantial amount of money from the drug trade. Later, for reasons not well understood, the Taliban declared a ban on the opium industry. Smuggling practices continued to develop as the opium trade expanded. Extensive and elaborate smuggling networks allowed opium traffickers to transport forbidden shipments across poorly de-fined borders. Along border areas, the traffickers built drug labs where acidic chemicals smuggled from China are used to process two-thirds of Af-ghanistan’s opium exports into heroin or morphine before they reach consumers abroad.

The geography of Afghanistan makes the country well suited to the cultivation of opium. The Poppy flower thrives in areas with rugged terrain and requires relatively little water, allowing the plant to grow well throughout Afghanistan. Despite the harsh climate, agriculture has always been a major part of the Afghan economy, which is why 78% of Afghans live in rural areas. War dev-astated the economy and ecology of Afghanistan, causing the destruction of key agricultural resourc-es, including irrigation systems.

Without the benefits of irrigation, livestock

The Taliban encouraged opium planting.

Afghanistan’s Opium OrdealBy: Matt Cobb

Without the benefits of irrigation, livestock and crops died, but the poppies thrived.

C U R R E N T L Y , 9 3 % O F T H E G L O B A L O P I U M S U P P L Y I S P R O D U C E D I N A F G H A N I S T A N – a country where rates of corruption and poverty are high, and income and literacy are low. The widespread production of opium in Afghanistan undermines the country’s progressive development by causing dysfunction in its economic, socio-cultural and security structures.

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by the United Nations, poverty is the main factor driving the production of opium. Families that produce opium earn 36% more profit than those who

do not produce opium. The high demand for opium makes poppies very attractive to farmers; legal crops would yield less profit.

The influx of money

from the opium trade caused dramatic inflation in regions most integrated into the narcotics economy. Out of desperation,

impoverished peasant farmers plant the one crop that can fulfill their short-term need for hard currency: poppies. This pattern reduces the incentive for Afghanis to persue legal avenues of their economy.

and crops died, but the poppies thrived.

Economic DysfunctionThe connection between

opium and loan-sharking leaves rural Afghans hesitant to switch to the production of legitimate crops. Under a traditional practice known as “salaam,” peasants needing loans to buy goods necessary for survival borrow money from wealthy landowners in exchange for a large percentage of the profits from crops produced in the future. Unable to afford land of their own, the poor frequently have to enter into sharecropping arrangements on land rented to them by landowners. Being the most profitable crop available, poppies are often grown to service their debts.

“Salaam” is particularly common in the land-scarce southern parts of the country, where rural peasants are economically dependent on the drug trade, thus increasing the likelihood of opium production to pay off loans and rent fees.

Many economists believe that opium production in Afghanistan caused a phenomenon known as “Dutch Disease.” Dutch Disease occurs

when mass specialization in the production of a single crop – poppies in Afghanistan’s case – leads to the neglect of other sectors of the economy, thus limiting the country’s ability to develop economically.

According to a study done

Socio-cultural DysfunctionThe shortcomings of Afghan

government counter-narcotics programs reflect the harm done

by drug-related corruption, which leads to a decrease in social mobility locking the poor into constant poverty. Many of the country’s counter-narcotics officials take bribes from poppy

growers. The Afghan Eradication

Force works to destroy illegal plants found on poppy farms, but the provincial governments in charge of administering the program are often too corrupt to do so. Affluent actors in the drug trade are able to pay their way out of trouble, but the poor are not, and often lose the opium that comprises virtually all the wealth they possess.

The people actually growing opium are typically peasants who make only three to four

Families that produce opium earn 36% more profit than those who do not produce opium.

The people actually growing opium are typically peasants who make only three to four percent of the total profit generated by the sale of their product.

Opium is extracted from the poppy flower, which grows all over Afghanistan.


in a country known to have low HIV/AIDS awareness and few means for testing for the disease.

Statistics from the United Nations show that upwards of 90% of heroin users in Afghanistan are men. The widespread practice of needle sharing greatly increases the chance of an outbreak of blood-borne diseases including Hepatitis or HIV/AIDS.

Security Dysfunction Poppies are linked to the security crisis fac-ing Afghanistan. Studies have shown not only that there is a positive correlation between economic in-stability and opium production, but also that opium production incites and prolongs violent conflicts.

The potential profits of opium sales create intense competition for the limited amount of

farmland in Afghanistan. In a part of the world where industrial and law enforcement resources are not effective in resolving quarrels over land ownership, such disputes have caused violent acts of aggression.

The bribery, smuggling, and labor exploitation prevalent in the narcotics industry led to the development of powerful mafia organizations. These groups compete violently for dominance of the outlawed drug economy, advancing self-interests to maximize income generated by the sale of poppies. Criminal organizations that rely on drug money for perpetuation destabilized the country to the point that 35% of Afghanistan’s territory is no longer accessible.

Globalization has not passed over the illicit economy of Afghanistan. Criminal groups from

other countries began to operate in Afghanistan because of the international scale of the drug trade contributed to by

Afghan poppies. The Russian mafia and drug rings in nearby countries receiving Afghan opium exports have developed an increasingly strong connection between Afghanistan’s opium industry and the international criminal underworld.

percent of the total profit generated by the sale of their product. The stark gap in levels of income and social standing based on this pattern of corruption and exploitation will only widen in the current system.

The opium industry weakens Afghanistan’s prospects for development by increasing the

disparity of means and power between various ethnic groups in Afghanistan. The experiences of two ethnic groups, one minimally involved in the opium trade and the other an active participant, illustrate this concern.

At the bottom of the Afghan societal hierarchy, the minority Hazara ethnic group is located primarily in the center of the country, away from the foreign borders where drug smuggling is profitable for other ethnic groups. The Taliban, Sunni Muslims, persecuted the Hazaras, Shiite Muslims. As a result, other Sunni ethnic groups began discriminating against the Hazaras.

The Pashtuns dominate Afghanistan’s southern region. They are the largest and most powerful ethnic group in Afghanistan, and are heavily involved in the opium industry. Their grip on the country’s economic power suggests that the Pashtuns will be able to maintain their stature in Afghan society indefinitely.

Another social problem caused by opium production in Afghanistan is the risk that the diffusion of heroin throughout the population will result in the spread of addiction and disease. Although Afghanis export most of the heroin, a portion of the heroin remains within national borders.

Needle sharing is a growing concern in Afghanistan. The use of heroin often involves intravenous injections. About 19,000 of Afghanistan’s nearly 100,000 drug users inject their drugs, which could quickly become a major problem

Studies have shown not only that there is a positive correlation between economic instability and poppy production, but also that poppy production incites and prolongs violent conflicts .

Criminal organizations that rely on drug money for perpetuation destabilized the country to the point that 35% of Afghanistan’s territory is no longer accessible.

The use of heroin often involves intravenous injections.

21

Criminal organizations that rely on drug money for perpetuation destabilized the country to the point that 35% of Afghanistan’s territory is no longer accessible.

The added resources and involvement of these external organized crime syndicates allowed warlords and drug traffickers to take control of a significant portion of the country, reducing the

ability of the Afghan government to maintain order, especially in the southern region.

The southern region of Afghanistan produces the most opium, possesses the most wealth and experiences the highest levels of violence. In fact, the south grows four-fifths of all the opium in Afghanistan, with more than half of the total opium crop coming from the extraordinarily unstable

region of Helmand. Large areas within Afghanistan are

virtually lawless, functioning beyond the control of the government. Strengthened by their role in the opium trade, warlords

have consolidated their control over these areas and developed partnerships with other groups interested in operating outside the law. Profits from opium sales provide revenue for the Taliban and other armed groups whose actions promote chaos in the region. Taliban insurgents, drug traffickers, and warlords thus benefit by brutalizing the countryside.

Participants in the drug trade have infiltrated the Afghan government. Corrupt officials, such as security officers and holders of political offices, use their influence over the government to protect their interests in the opium industry and actively work

Profits from opium sales provide revenue for the Taliban and other armed groups whose actions promote chaos in the region.

against law enforcement efforts.

Fixing the ProblemDespite the massive opium harvest, many

farmers are still growing legitimate crops subject to neither eradication nor exploitation by greedy warlords. The growth of opium poppies affects all facets of Afghan society, but the root of the

problem is agricultural. Years back, the Afghan government, with help

from friendly nations, enacted crop-replacement programs to replant the poppy fields with a variety of fruits, vegetables and spices. Unfortunately, the volatility resulting from crime and insurgency thwarted these plans, suggesting that effective strategies are those aimed at eliminating poppy crops and the organizations that produce them. Improvements in infrastructure, especially in irrigation systems, could benefit legal forms of agriculture such as raising livestock or growing fruits, nuts, and vegetables.

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Improvements in infrastructure, especially in irrigation systems, could benefit legal forms of agriculture such as raising livestock or growing fruits, nuts, and vegetables.


REFERENCES

Byrd, William. 2008. Responding to Afghanistan’s Opium Economy Challenge: Lessons and Policy

Implications from a Development Perspective. Policy Research Working Paper, World Bank.

April. http://www- wds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/

IW3P/IB/2008/03/04/000158349_ 20080304082230/Rendered/PDF/wps4545.pdf (accessed

November 11, 2008).Goodhand, Jonathan. 2005. Frontiers and Wars: the Opium

Economy in Afghanistan. Journal of Agrarian Change 5, No. 2 (April): 191-216. EBSCOhost

database (accessed 7 October, 2008).Katzman, Kenneth. 2008. Afghanistan: Post-War Governance,

Security, and US Policy. CRS Report for Congress, Congressional Research Service. 12 November http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL30588.pdf (accessed 28

November, 2008).Koehler, Jan and Christoph Zuercher. 2007. Statebuilding,

Conflict and Narcotics in Afghanistan: The View from Below. International Peacekeeping 14, No. 1

(January): 62-74. EBSCOhost database (accessed 10 November, 2008).Medler, James D. 2005. Afghan Heroin: Terrain, Tradition, and

Turmoil. Orbis 49, No. 2 (Spring): 275- 291. http://www.sciencedirect.com/science?_ob=MImg&_

imagekey=B6W5V-4FH0WD8-C- 3&_cdi=6580&_user=650596&_orig=search&_

coverDate=04%2F01%2F2005&_sk=999509997& view=c&wchp=dGLzVzz-zSkzk&md5=457f31ef531a83de28

bfd5dbf50ae336&ie=/sdarticle.pdf (accessed December 1, 2008).Peterson, Elizabeth. 2007. Two Sides of the Same Coin: The

Link Between Illicit Opium Production and Security in Afghanistan. Journal of Law and Policy 25: 215-

244. http://law.wustl.edu/Journal/25/Peterson.pdf (accessed

December 1, 2008).Rubin, Barnett R. 2004. Road to Ruin: Afghanistan’s Booming

Opium Industry. Center for American Progress, Center for International Cooperation. http://www.cic.nyu.edu/archive/pdf/RoadtoRuin.pdf

(accessed November 11, 2008).United Nations. Office on Drugs and Crime. 2008. Illicit Drug

Trends in Afghanistan. http://www.unodc.org/documents/regional/central- asia/Illicit%20Drug%20Trends%20Report_Afg%2013%20

June%202008.pdf (accessed 11 November, 2008).United States. Office of National Drug Control Policy. 2008.

Press Release: New Survey Reveals Steep Drops in Opium Production and Cultivation in Afghanistan.

24 October. http://www.whitehousedrugpolicy.gov/news/

press08/102408.html (accessed December 1, 2008).U.S. Department of State. 2008. Fighting the Opium Trade in

Afghanistan: The Myths, Facts, and Sound Policy. March 11. http://www.state.gov/p/inl/rls/

other/102214.htm (accessed November 28, 2008).Ward, Christopher, et al. 2008. Afghanistan: Economic

Incentives and Development Initiatives to Reduce Opium Production. World Bank, Department for

International Development. February. http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/

SOUTHASIAEXT/0,,cont entMDK:21636749~pagePK:146736~piPK:146830~theSiteP

K:223547,00.html (accessed November 11, 2008).

The current economic and societal situation in Afghanistan may not be favorable, but it is not a lost cause. A drop in opium production in 2008 is an indication that the situation is at least moving in the right direction. In 2008, 18 provinces were no longer producing poppies compared to 13 provinces in the previous year.

The dissipation of Afghanistan’s opium economy will go hand-in-hand with the achievement of higher levels of internal security, social mobility, honesty and prosperity. As evidence clearly indicates, the poppy trade has been a powerfully negative influence on Afghanistan, plaguing a troubled nation with unnecessary economic, socio-cultural and security dilemmas. Given enough time and effort, Afghanistan may yet pull away from this drug-driven discord and dysfunction to end its opium ordeal.

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policy consists of: Three bi-monthly Varner House visits aPaying for and passing a test on the committed crime aCommunity service aConferences held with all persons adversely affected aFor repeat offenders: aMaintenance of a 2.5 GPA aAttendance of all classes

“The goal of my reform of the JMU drug and alcohol program is to make treatment a positive experience, leave the offender feeling good about his or her role in the community, and reduce repeat offenses,” said Golden.

After close examination of JMU and the Harrisonburg community’s drug and

alcohol rehabilitation programs, Lindsey Golden discovered sev-eral major problems:

aFailure to address the issue aLack of transparency aFailure to relate to college students aExcessive and ineffective fines aFailure to prevent repeat offenders

Golden conducted personal interviews with 16 people—past drug and alcohol offenders, JMU alcohol aware-ness program assistants, Office of Resident Life (ORL) employees, Resident Hall Assistants (RAs), and Hall Directors. One participant in the Alcohol Safety Action Program (ASAP) described the program’s failure to prevent repeat offend-ers: “The drug and alcohol safety class on campus was aw-ful. I was forced to take it for a possession of marijuana charge, and all they talked about was the dangers of alcohol. I think they

Is the System Working? Drug and Alcohol Rehabilitation Programs for Students

mentioned weed once. They didn’t really show any harmful effects of weed during class. It didn’t really make me want to stop smoking.” To reform the system, Golden proposes an alternative rehabilitation policy using restor-ative justice. Restorative justice is victim-oriented, encourages offenders to take responsibility, involves all of those affected, al-lows the individual to make his or her own decisions, and respects all involved parties. The criminal justice sys-tem used today in courts and rehabilitation programs in the area stress what the offenders deserve as punishment. Restor-ative justice, in contrast, focuses on understanding and taking responsibility for one’s actions while working toward prevention and treatment. She notes that sensation seeking—seeking new experi-ences and thrills because of bore-dom—is one of the most com-mon reasons that young adults use and abuse drugs and alcohol. To alleviate this, Golden proposes keeping the offender occupied with school and the community. To concentrate on treat-ment and prevention, rather than punishment, Golden’s alternative

“I think it is important to question how our justice system works, specifically regarding if it is working for society or against society. Justice is often measured in terms of fairness, thus it is vital to keep reforming our justice system in order to maintain the feeling that as a society we are assured equal and fair treatment under the law.” – Lindsey Golden

AUTHOR BIO: Lindsey Golden is a senior Justice Studies major concentrating in Policy and Justice in a Global Context. After graduation, she plans to attend law school to study international human rights law while teaching dance and yoga in the Washington DC metro area.

Caroline Cournoyer


Using Poultry Litter to Our Advantage

Dense nutrient loadings in poultry litter used as a land-based fertilizer may contribute to poor water quality in the chesapeake bay

watershed. Because so much poultry litter is pro-duced in the Shenandoah Valley, there is a pressing need to develop alternative and sustainable uses for the litter, which include pyrolysis (direct combustion for energy) and algae growth. The research below led to a number of unique poultry litter manage-ment recommendations for Rockingham County and the surrounding Shenandoah Valley.

Poultry Litter as a Resource in the Shenandoah Valley**Though birds such as emus or ducks are sometimes considered poultry, this research specifically addresses chickens and turkeys.**

The vast majority of Virginia poultry is raised in the Shenandoah Valley, home to nearly 1,000 of Virginia’s 1,300 poultry producing farms. Rockingham County alone accounts for 46% of

Figure 1: Top ten broiler and turkey producing states (USDA data compiled by Cornell University)

Top ten broiler chicken producing US states 2006 (in chickens)1. Georgia - 1,382,100,0002. Arkansas - 1,185,400,0003. Alabama - 1,053,400,0004. Mississippi - 803,800,0005. North Carolina - 749,000,0006. Texas - 628,300,0007. Kentucky - 289,000,0008. Maryland - 271,800,0009. Delaware - 269,100,000

Top ten turkey producing US states 2005 (in turkeys)1. Minnesota - 44,500,0002. North Carolina - 35,500,0003. Arkansas - 28,500,0004. Missouri - 20,000,0005. Virginia - 20,000,0006. California - 14,500,0007. Indiana - 13,400,0008. Pennsylvania - 10,500,0009. Iowa - 9,000,000

broiler and 53% of turkey production in the state1. As shown in Figure 1, Virginia ranks 10th in broiler producing states and 5th in turkey producing states.

Possible Uses of Poultry LitterDuring the study, five avenues were explored

for potential poultry litter utilization, as shown in

Ryan Powanda, Jacob HilemanAaron Sobel, Emily Thomas

Poultry litter: a mixture of manure, bedding material, feed, feathers and soil removed from poultry facilities.

25

Figure 2. These include some processes already practiced in the Shenandoah Valley (land-based application and cattle feed), and several novel uses (pyrolysis, incineration, and algae cultivation).

Mapping Poultry Litter ResourcesEvery five years the United States Department

of Agriculture (USDA) performs an Agricultural Census, which collects information on chicken and turkey production. This 2002 data was compiled against zip code data for the state to display in a Geographic Information System (GIS). A map was created representing the various levels of poultry production in the state.

Large-scale productions are farms with $50,000 or greater in annual sales. There are a number of large-scale facilities in and around Harrisonburg. And with I-81 bisecting the city, Harrisonburg has the capacity to accommodate infrastructure for storing and transporting litter.

Conventional Land-Based ApplicationIn 1997, the Shenandoah Valley produced

453,206 tons of poultry litter from commercial chicken and turkey farms(2). Litter is removed approximately twice a year (after 3-6 flocks)(3) usually by local individuals or through contracts with vertically-integrated corporations (Tysons)(1). Poultry litter is typically used for close-proximity fertilizer by neighboring farmers. But difficulties arise when poultry litter production exceeds the nutrient requirements for the soil. Regional surpluses of litter are common, and economic factors often limit the transportation of litter far enough from the production hub.

Benefits of Poultry Litter as a FertilizerNutrient levels of poultry litter are typically 3-3-

2 (3% nitrogen, 3% P2O5, 2% K2O). Poultry litter also contains various levels of boron, calcium, copper, iron, magnesium, manganese, sulfur and zinc(3). Suitable crops are those thatcan absorb and use the available nutrients, namely nitrogen and phosphorus. These crops include, but are not limited to, corn, wheat, barley and hay(2).

A typical poultry house is depicted in Figure 5; the chickens are walking on a bed of chicken litter, which can accumulate to several feet.

!Figure 2: Multiple established avenues for poultry litter usage

!

Figure 3 shows the number of poultry facilities in the Common-wealth. Production is highly focused around Harrisonburg.

!

Figure 6: 170 miles radius from Harrisonburg, Virginia where the litter could spread in a linera distance if subsidized at an estimated $2.8 million per year


Environmental IssuesPoultry litter is a useful substitute for chemical

fertilizer, when used within proper production rates. If improperly stored or over-applied to agricultural fields, three problems can arise: (1) nitrates leaching into groundwater, (2) pollution runoff into surface

water, and (3) the release of pathogens. The current application of poultry litter does

not take geology, soil or topography into account(3). Suggestions have been made to leave cover crops on land when poultry litter is applied during heavy storm runoff. This would increase plant uptake of nitrogen and phosphorus.

Over-application of poultry litter on farmlands can cause massive runoff of nutrients to nearby waterways, leading to eutrophication. Eutrophication is the over enrichment of nutrients in the water that encourage plant growth and the depletion of dissolved oxygen. Depleted levels of dissolved oxygen cause fish kills(3) and other environmental concerns. Environmental problems related to eutrophication are evident in the Chesapeake Bay.

Economics of TransportationPoultry litter in Virginia is rarely transported

beyond 50 - 100 miles(1). In research conducted in 1997, Pelletier et al. mention a proposed litter subsidy – a grant from the government to farmers that use poultry litter. Subsidies would allow greater adoption of poultry litter and would introduce new farmers to the resource. Subsidies could help drive the transport of litter away from the production hub.

Fertilizer costs largely reflect the cost of shipment. By subsidizing the litter costs, they become more attractive to farmers and create incentives to use the resource responsibly.Assuming low initial adoption rates, the maximum subsidy amount of $11 per ton would move 374,000 tons a distance of 170 miles. Pelletier et al. estimated annual subsidies would cost roughly $2.8 million and average $7.90 per ton.

Over-application of poultry litter on farmlands can cause massive runoff of nutrients to nearby waterway.

A subsidy of the litter could economically transport poultry litter 170 miles from the city of Harrisonburg, and match or beat the price of synthetic fertilizers. Figure 6 shows a 170-mile radial distance from Harrisonburg. The vast majority of the state is within this boundary.

Alternative Solutions:Our study identified four alternative

management solutions for poultry litter production: cofiring of poultry waste with municipal solid waste (MSW) in the Harrisonburg Resource Recovery Facility (HRRF), building a poultry litter boiler at the HRRF, utilizing a pyrolysis unit, and using litter nutrients as a feedstock for commercial algae production.

1. Poultry Litter and Municipal Solid Waste at the HRRFThe Harrisonburg Resource Recovery Facility (HRRF)

combusts municipal solid waste to make steam, which is used for heating and cooling applications on the James Madison University campus. The HRRF successfully reduces the amount of trash in the Valley while producing a form of renewable power. Incorporating poultry litter combustion into the management schema by cofiring litter with MSW would be beneficial to both the HRRF and local poultry growers.

!

Figure 4 depicts the size of poultry producing facilities in Virginia.

The HRRF successfully reduces the amount of trash in the Valley while producing a form of renewable power.

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If the plant had a pyrolysis unit onsite, the litter could be disposed of and the byproducts used to help power the existing processes. The combustible gas could be introduced to the boiler for combustion, the bio-oil used to power onsite shredding equipment, and the char combined with MSW ash for disposal.

4. Algae ProductionPoultry litter contains many nutrients essential

for algal growth, and could therefore be used as a nutrient feedstock for algae production. This process would remove most of the nutrients from the litter and leave behind a more environmentally favorable product.

In natural systems, nutrients are often the limiting growth factor for algae. The major nutrient constituents of poultry litter – nitrogen and phosphorus – are the primary nutrients required for algal growth. When nutrient conditions are satisfied,

algae proliferates at impressive rates, and will do so until the nutrient source is depleted. Algae blooms observed in the Chesapeake Bay result from an influx of nutrients into the bay. Certain bodies of water have harbored blooms visible from outer space.

Once the nutrients are

removed from the litter, the remaining biomass can be composted or applied as a weak fertilizer. Like the leftover litter, algae can be a valuable compost or fertilizer. It can also be added in small amounts to animal feedstock to increase protein and carbohydrate content(9).

A more forward-thinking operation would convert the harvested algae into biofuel. This process produces virtually no waste products. The poultry litter loses most of its potentially harmful nutrients, and the resulting algae can be turned into fuel, either sold or used on site.

Cofiring poultry waste with the MSW would be relatively straightforward because the plant is set up as a mass burn facility. A sloped grate simply moves the fuel into the boiler, assisted by gravity. The litter would be mixed with the MSW before introduction into the boiler.

Because of varying moisture content of the litter, ‘slagging’ of the fuel mix may occur – it may begin to stick, or cake on the grate(6). To overcome this problem while continuing to use the same combustion system the plant currently operates,

only a small amount of litter should be added to the waste and combusted at a time.

2. Poultry-derived Fuel Boiler

To ensure processing of all additional poultry litter production in the Valley, an additional boiler specifically designed to burn poultry litter could be added to the HRRF. This boiler would employ a fluidized bed combustion system to deal with the unique burning characteristics of the litter. A steady stream of air would float the litter above the grate while it burns. The steam from this boiler could supplement steam production from the MSW boilers, or run an electrical generator on site.

3. Pyrolysis of Poultry LitterPyrolysis technology is known to be effective

for combustion of poultry litter. Pyrolysis burns the fuel in the absence of oxygen, producing a combustible gas, a liquid bio-oil that can be used as a fuel, and a solid char that can be burned for energy or used as a slow-release fertilizer(8).

!Figure 5: Chickens raised in a Shenandoah poultry House

Pyrolysis burns the fuel in the absence of oxygen, producing a combustible gas, a liquid bio-oil that can be used as a fuel.


In a Nutshell:Concentrated production of poultry litter

in the Shenandoah Valley and subsequent over-application of litter to local agricultural fields may be aggravating water quality concerns in nearby waterways, including the Chesapeake Bay. These four alternative management solutions of poultry litter could improve water quality, and provide a number of economic opportunities. The authors suggest that several alternatives to close-proximity land based application be explored in the future, including combustion with an incineration or pyrolysis unit, or using the litter nutrients as a feedstock for commercial algae production.

REFERENCES

1. Pelletier, Beth Ann, James Pease, and David Kenyon. “Economic Analysis of Virginia Poultry Litter Transportation.” Virginia Agricultural Experiment Station. Feb. 2001. Virginia Tech. 13 June 2007 <http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/mirrors/vaes/01-1.pdf>.

2. Pease, Jim. “An Update on Virginia Poultry Waste Management.” Virginia Cooperative Extension. June 2000. Virginia Tech. 10 June 2007 <http://www.ext.vt.edu/news/periodicals/fmu/2000-06/wastemgt.html>.

3. Moore, P. A., et al. “Poultry Manure Management.” Soil and Water Conservation Society. May 1995. Accessed 15 June 2007.

4. Wofford, John, and Brad Moorman. Combined Heat and Power for a College Campus - the Harrisonburg, Virginia Waste-to-Energy Facility. Barlow Projects Inc. Fort Collins, CO: Barlow Projects Inc. 1-7.

5. Bishop, Carl. Personal interview. 4 June 2007.

6. Minott, David H., and Terence P. Walmsley. Environmental Design Issues for Regional-Scale Poultry Litter Power Plants. Fibrowatt LLC, Alternative Resources Inc. 2006. 1-39.

7. Minott, David H., and Terence P. Walmsley. Regional-Scale Poultry Litter to Energy: Overview of the Fibrominn 50-MW Biomass Power Plant. Fibrowatt LLC, Alternative Resources Inc. 2005. 1-31.

8. U.S. Department of Energy. Office of Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy. “Pyrolysis and Other Thermal Processing. 13 October 2005. <http://www1.eere.energy.gov/biomass/printable_versions/pyrolysis.html >

9. HydroMentia Water Treatment Technologies. HydroMentia, Inc.

<http://www.hydromentia.com/Products-Services/Algal-Turf-Scrubber/index.html>.

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Lyme Disease Hits Close to HomeAlexander Sharp VIII

IT IS ONE OF THE FASTEST GROWING INFECTIOUS DIS-EASES IN

AMERICA. Since first recognized in New England in the ‘70s, re-ported cases of Lyme disease have consis-tently spread southwestward throughout the United States. For decades, debate among doctors, patients, advo-cacy groups and infectious disease experts in defin-ing the symp-toms, treatments, prevalence and transmission of Lyme disease seemingly failed to arrive at any unanimous con-clusions.

The advent of the Internet hasn’t cleared up any confusion. Although the World Wide Web revolutionized the spread of information worldwide, it allowed the publication of a lot of misinformation on Lyme disease.

In speaking with Virginia state entomologist David Gaines, Central Shenandoah District Epidemiologist Jonathan Falk, Shenandoah National Park Forest Pest Manager Rolf Gubler, officials

within the Virginia Department of Health and a number of local

doctors, I have gathered a wealth of credible information about this highly controversial illness. Some of the highlights regarding symptoms, diagnosis, transmission and tips for preventing Lyme disease are included in this report.

Also included is an up-close-and-personal look at some specific cases of Lyme disease in my home town of Rappahannock County -- a rural farming community one hour north of Harrisonburg. With its high prevalence of deer, presence of farms and mountainous

environment, Rappahannock County is reminiscent of the Harrisonburg-Rockingham County area.

These personal accounts from Lyme sufferers, coupled

Lyme disease, a bacterial infection transmitted by the black-legged tick, a.k.a. the deer tick, is often referred to as the “Great Imitator” because early Lyme

symptoms are similar to that of the flu.

“There’s so much to know, and there’s so much that still needs to be known.”David Gaines, Virginia State Entomologist

Caption: The blacklegged tick, known as the deer tick, is by far the smallest of the three ticks common in the eastern United States. Deer ticks are most prevalent in bushy woodland areas and in tall grass. (All charts and photos are courtesy of the Center for Disease Control and Prevention website: cdc.com.)

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with expert testimony, will provide much needed awareness for local Harrisonburg residents, and hopefully prevent this enigmatic disease from seriously harming another human being.

EXPERT TESTIMONY: Spread of LymeDavid Gaines, State Entomologist in Richmond,

has witnessed a steady increase in confirmed cases of Lyme in Virginia since he took the job in 2000. He believes that the rate of infection in the state will continue to increase, citing a spike in reported cases of Lyme within the past two years.

“Starting in 2007, it took a dramatic jump upwards,” Gaines said, adding that figures for confirmed cases in 2008 won’t be released until early May.

“Lyme Disease is sort of new to Virginia,” he said. “If you go back 10 or 15 years, you’d say it was new to Maryland. And if you go back 20 years you could say it was new to Pennsylvania and New Jersey. Lyme disease has been expanding Southwestward from its endemic zone in Connecticut since the ‘70s.”

The first recognized outbreak of the infectious disease came in 1975, when more than 50 cases of pediatric arthritis were reported in Lyme, Connecticut. Since then, the number of confirmed cases has consistently increased. Initially, New England was the hardest hit region. Now, Lyme has been reported as far north as Canada and as far south as Texas.

Gaines attributes the spread of Lyme disease to “suburban sprawl” wherein wooded areas that don’t provide enough sunlight for grass and other vegetation are cleared to make way for parks, malls, and residential areas.

“That opens up the forests and improves the habitat for deer greatly and eliminates the main pressure that keeps the deer population down,” Gaines said, referring to restrictions on deer hunting in residential areas and the resulting deer population explosion.

Transmission“Where there are deer, there are deer ticks,” said

Rolf Gubler, the Shenandoah National Park Biologist and Forest Pest Manager. Gubler reports that developed areas of the park, namely Skyline and Big Meadows, have extremely high deer densities – about 120 deer per square mile – compared to the average 30 deer per square mile densities in areas of the park with less human contact.

White-tailed deer are vital to the reproduction of the blacklegged tick, commonly known as the deer tick. Blacklegged ticks mate on their deer host shortly after a blood-meal, and then lay eggs. In some endemic areas – where more than 3 confirmed cases in two years have been reported – nearly 100% of deer ticks were found to be infected with borrelia borgdorferi, the spirochete that causes Lyme Disease – according to a Brown University epidemiological study.

Deer ticks don’t just feed on White-tailed Deer, however. Gubler reports that blacklegged ticks may

attach themselves to birds and rodents, namely the White-footed Mouse.

According to Gubler, the deer tick becomes infected with the borrelia borgdoferi spirochete

during its larvae stage by feeding on small mammals – the initial carriers of Lyme. The more mature nymph then spreads the bacteria by feeding on larger animals. As the nymph becomes more mobile and more active after a period of dormancy

Multiple Virginia Department of Health officials claimed that statistics regarding the number of confirmed cases of Lyme may be “highly underreported.”

“Where there are deer, there are deer ticks.”

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in the Winter, it becomes aggressive and mobile. “That’s the dangerous part, where it is spread

to deer, humans and so forth,” he said.According to the CDC, 80% of cases were

reported from April-September. Seasonality is

strongly related to the period when nymphal black-legged ticks are active.

Gubler, Gaines, and the CDC agree that human encroachment onto wooded, brushy areas for residential development improves the habitat for deer and results in high numbers of deer ticks and, therefore, a high prevalence of Lyme.

Gaines warns that local development in Harrisonburg will lead to further increase in confirmed cases of Lyme in the area.

“The recent trend is going

to spread down the Shenandoah Valley,” he said, noting that in 2008, a large number of cases were reported in the Harrisonburg and Rockingham County area.

Diagnosis and Lyme StatisticsMultiple Virginia Department of Health

officials claimed that statistics regarding the number of confirmed cases of Lyme may be “highly underreported” because they must adhere to strict guidelines during their intensive analysis of each reported case. Without a positive blood test, a case usually cannot be confirmed unless there is known

contact with a tick and the presence of a bull’s eye rash surrounding the tick bite.

Jonathan Falk, the Central Shenandoah District Epidemiologist, was asked about the number of confirmed cases in the Harrisonburg area in 2008.

His response:“It gets

kind of tricky when you ask that kind of

question because the VDH likes to go back through and take a very strict look at each individual case, how it’s defined and how it’s followed up. They put out a report that’s usually around two years behind, in terms of confirmed, verified data.”

David Gaines attributes error in the VDH findings to false-positive and false-negative blood tests, misdiagnosis by doctors and the high number of unreported cases that are treated in private practices, or by Lyme sufferers themselves.

“There is no shortage of ignorance,” Gaines said. “It’s not unusual for a doctor to misdiagnose Lyme disease based on a slight red inflammation around the tick bite.”

The most reliable indication of the presence of Lyme disease is the characteristic bull’s-eye rash – erythema migrans – that appears at the site of the tick bite and expands to as large as 14 inches over time. The most up-to-date CDC records indicate that 68% of confirmed cases of Lyme had the characteristic rash and 33% of those patients reported arthritic joints.

Lyme Disease Symptoms: As Published by the CDC“The first sign of infection is usually a circular

rash called erythema migrans. This rash occurs in approximately 70-80% of infected persons and begins at the site of a tick bite after a delay of 3-30 days. A distinctive feature of the rash is that it gradually expands over a period of several days, reaching up to 12 inches (30 cm) across. The center of the rash may clear as it enlarges, resulting in a bull’s-eye appearance. It may be warm but is not usually painful. Patients also experience symptoms of fatigue, chills, fever, headache, and muscle and joint aches, and swollen lymph nodes. In some cases, these may be the only symptoms of infection.

Untreated, the infection may spread to other parts of the body within a few days to weeks,

Gaines warns that local development in Harrisonburg will lead to further increase in confirmed cases of Lyme in the area.

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producing an array of discrete symptoms. These include loss of muscle tone on one or both sides of the face (called facial or “Bell’s palsy), severe headaches and neck stiffness due to meningitis, shooting pains that may interfere with sleep, heart palpitations and dizziness due to changes in heartbeat, and pain that moves from joint to joint. Many of these symptoms will resolve, even without treatment.

After several months, approximately 60% of patients with untreated infection will begin to have intermittent bouts of arthritis, with severe joint pain and swelling. Large joints are most often affected, particularly the knees. In addition, up to 5% of untreated patients may develop chronic neurological complaints months to years after infection. These include shooting pains, numbness or tingling in the hands or feet, and problems with concentration and short term memory.”

Testing for Lyme “A big problem is that there is not an accurate

test for Lyme,” said Brooke Miller M.D., head of a private practice in Luray, Virginia. “ We usually prescribe antibiotics based on the symptoms, not necessarily a positive blood test.”

According to the National Lyme Disease Association, the tests most doctors rely on miss 44 out of 100 patients suffering from Lyme – a disease nicknamed the “Great Imitator” because its symptoms mimic so many other conditions.

The Food and Drug Administration has published literature about the potential for misdiagnosis of Lyme disease based on the commonly marketed blood tests that detect antibodies to spirochete organisms that cause the disease – the Lyme serology and the Western-blot test. A positive test result does not necessarily indicate infection, and a patient with active Lyme may have a negative test result.

This from a summer 2006 FDA medical bulletin regarding Lyme disease test kits:

“The tests should be used only to support a clinical diagnosis of Lyme disease and should NEVER be the primary basis for making diagnostic or treatment decisions. Diagnosis should be based on a patient history, which includes symptoms and exposure to the tick vector and physical findings. The most definitive diagnostic procedure is biopsy and isolation of Borrelia borgdorferi in culture.

FDA supports the Center for Disease Control and Prevention recommendation for two-step testing and interpretation of results. The blood test should ALWAYS be followed by a Western-blot assay. Even using the two step approach, the sensitivity and specificity of the combined tests are inadequate. Many patients with active or recent infections DO NOT have detectable anti-Borrelia borgdorferi in a single specimen.”

The initial blood test for Lyme is intended to detect the antibodies the human body produces to combat the infection. However, this poses a few problems.

“All people don’t develop the antibody response at the same time,” David Gaines reports.

“When I woke up, the left side of my face was completely paralyzed.”

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“A big problem is that there is not an accurate test for Lyme.”

Caption: A microscopic view of the spirochete, borrelia borgdorferi, which bores into the joints and may be dif-ficult to eradicate after it has buried itself deep enough – a possible reason for chronic arthritis common among late stage Lyme sufferers.

According to the CDC, 80% of cases were reported April-September. Seasonality is strongly related to the period when nymphal black-legged ticks are active.

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“One person may be bitten by an infected tick and become sick in a week and have blood drawn by a doctor and test positive right then, and then another person may have the same situation and not test positive, and then three weeks down the road would test positive if another blood test was done.”

The immunity response that is detected by the Lyme serology can take up to 30 days after the onset of illness, according to the Virginia Department of Health. If a patient is prescribed antibiotics and is tested afterward, the Lyme serology and the Western-blot will likely have a negative test result – even if borrelia borgdorferi is present.

This poses a problem for doctors. The symptoms of Lyme get worse over time when left untreated. Waiting 30 days for a positive blood

test could lead to complications, and most patients are not keen on having blood drawn multiple times in the course of a month.

LYME CASES: Rappahannock County,

population 7,385.In June 2008, Mark Pruntel

thought he had a head cold. He was battling bad headaches and a fever while building a stone wall at his father’s house. Pruntel made sure to drink lots of water, eat healthy food, and get plenty of sleep. In a week, he was feeling

better. “After dropping my daughter off at daycare,

I came home and took a nap,” he said. “When I woke up, the left side of my face was completely paralyzed.”

Pruntel drove himself to Fauquier Hospital where he received a spinal tap and a number of blood tests. He was quickly diagnosed with Lyme disease. Mark’s facial paralysis, called Bell’s palsy, is one of a long list of possible symptoms of the tick-borne illness.

Pruntel witnessed signs of improvement within a week of starting on antibiotics.

“It’s getting better,” he said 9 days after his blood tests at Fauquier Hospital. “I’m grateful to get better, but I still can’t drive, can’t blink, and I’m just now being able to hold a conversation again.”

Mark Pruntel is one of an increasingly high number of Rappahannock residents to come down with Lyme disease.

“We’ve already had twice the number of Lyme cases this summer as last summer,” Dr. McCue of Blue Ridge Medicine in Rappahannock County said in a mid-July interview in 2008. “Usually the bulk of Lyme sufferers come to me in the late summer early fall, so we’ve already started at a rapid pace.”

Between April and July 2008, Dr. McCue diagnosed and treated more than twenty Rappahannock residents with the tick-borne illness. All of those patients received doxycycline to combat the infection.

McCue emphasized that about 25% of his Lyme cases in the past few years did not have a history of a tick bite. Of the twenty plus Lyme sufferers within that 4 month time period, only five had the characteristic bulls-eye rash commonly affiliated with the disease.

Carol Lucking of Sperryville also began suffering from flu-like symptoms in June 2008. After a week of little improvement, she went to Dr. McCue who ran blood tests and prescribed her a 6 week regiment of doxycycline.

A few days later, Carol’s husband Bob felt the same symptoms – headaches, joint and muscle soreness, fatigue. He had pulled off a deer tick three days prior while finishing construction on his house down Old Hollow Road.

“I wasn’t going to waste any time,” Bob said.

“I could barely move. Getting out of bed every day was a chore.”

A tell-tale sign of a tick bite is a ringed rash.

Caption: A microscopic view of the spirochete, borrelia borgdorferi, which bores into the joints and may be dif-ficult to eradicate after it has buried itself deep enough – a possible reason for chronic arthritis common among late stage Lyme sufferers.


“I immediately started taking doxycycline. I know what can happen if you let Lymes go for too long.”

If left untreated, the spirochetes that cause the infection can infiltrate the joints, the heart, and the nervous system.

Kaitlin Krometis, a 2008 graduate of Rappahannock County High School, did not catch hers right away. In February, she began suffering from flu-like symptoms. Kaitlin was constantly

fatigued, sore and achy, had a fever and frequent headaches. After a week, she went to Dr. McCue and was given doxycycline.

Upon finishing the month-long regiment of antibiotics and seeing no improvement, Kaitlin’s mom Kathy drove her to the University of Virginia Hospital to meet with the Head of Infectious

Diseases. He diagnosed her with mononucleosis. “I’d think I was better and then a couple days

later I felt worse,” she said. “I could barely move. Getting out of bed every day was a chore.” Kaitlin was in and out of school for the next few weeks.

After negative tests for Lupus and Rheumatoid Arthritis, the Head of Infectious Diseases at Johns Hopkins advised Kaitlin to exercise and to go on with her life as she would normally – hinting that the symptoms were all in her head.

“I know my daughter, and she was very very sick,”Kathy Krometis said. “And that makes you start thinking, ‘Does she have cancer? What is wrong?’”

Kaitlin’s condition continued to worsen.

After a number of specialists failed to arrive at an accurate diagnosis, she went back to Dr. McCue, who reaffirmed that she may have Lyme disease. He started giving her daily injections of Rocephin, which provided temporary relief from excruciating headaches, joint and neck pain, salivation, and stomach aches. Two days later, Kaitlin’s condition relapsed. She was rushed to the hospital and had an intrave-

nous PIC-line inserted into her inner bicep, which ran up her arm and into her chest. Strong antibiotics

were pumped daily into the PIC-line for a month. Kaitlin finally began to feel better.

More than two months after that first doctor visit in February, Kaitlin Krometis was diagnosed with Late Stage 2 Lyme Disease. She missed the last 3 months of her senior year of high school. “When I got Lymes, I never saw a tick, I never saw a bulls-eye, and it was in the middle of winter,” she said.

Had Kaitlin started on antibiotics sooner, Dr. McCue said much of this may have been avoided. Had she gone any longer without intravenous antibiotics, her condition may have become irreversible.

Edward Wilman fell victim to Lyme disease in July 2004. He removed a deer tick in the shower shortly after bush hogging one of his fields in Amissville, a town at the northern end of Rappahannock County. Two days later, Wilman came down with a fever of 102 that lasted four days. He went to the doctor and was given a two week prescription of amoxicillin. A month later he woke up with severely blurred vision in his right eye.

“I went to an optimologist who said I had a blood clot in my right eye, a spirochete of the retina that would go away in a matter of weeks,” Wilman said.

“Luckily, my wife and I searched the internet to see if Lyme disease had anything to do with it and found dozens of articles about it. “I called the optimologist and told him about the correlation and, since he had never heard of it, referred me to Connie Smith who was a specialist in infectious diseases in Winchester.” Smith ran an MRI and found that spirochetes were eating away his optic nerve. In a matter of days, Edward Wilman would have gone totally

“When I got Lymes, I never saw a tick, I never saw a bulls-eye, and it was in the middle of winter.”

Deer ticks often go undetected because of their small size.

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blind. A surgeon immediately installed an intra-venous PIC-line that pumped antibiotics into his bloodstream. He witnessed signs of improvement within a couple days.

It turned out that the amoxicillin had not successfully eradicated the spirochete bacterium transmitted by deer ticks. As a result, Wilman lost most of the vision in his right eye. For three years afterward, he battled swollen joints, stabbing knee pain, and chronic fatigue – all the result of ineffective medication.

In all, Edward spent $26,000 in medical bills, of which his insurance company paid half. With proper awareness and a speedy diagnosis, much of this may have been avoided. Wilman gives advice to others that experi-ence tick bites:

“Anyone that suffers from flu-like symptoms in the summer should automatically assume that they’ve got it,” he said. “Assume it’s probably Lyme and deal with the antibiotics from day one.”PICTURES:www.nycdermatologygroup.orgstudent.ccbcmd.eduwww.pestcontrolrx.com


Though mandated to assist with such situ-

ations, the United Na-tions High Commission on Refugees (UNHCR) has been slow to grant refugee status, angering the Sudanese commu-nity and humanitarian organizations alike. Ac-cording to UNHCR fig-ures, of the hundreds of thousands of Sudanese currently in Egypt, only 10,499 are considered official refugees, leaving most asylum seekers with no official status and thus few rights and protections under Egyp-tian law.

And the situation is getting worse. Studies conducted at the American University in Cairo report that large numbers of Sudanese are periodically imprisoned without trial and tortured indiscriminately. This paper explores the evolving history of

Sudanese refugees in Egypt and presents two general policy proposals to remedy the troubling situation.

Seeking Refuge in EgyptSudanese refugees

existed long before the modern-day crisis in Darfur. A civil war in southern Sudan has raged intermittently for the past fifty years. This created an environment of prolonged civilian displacement. Chad and Kenya allocated land and moderate amounts of resources for refugee camps, many of which have grown substantially over the years. But they are often overcrowded and poorly managed, leaving Egypt as an alternative and initially attractive destination for refuge.

In 1983 the civil war intensified in southern Sudan,

producing a new wave of refugees fleeing to Egypt. By the late 1980s, the refugee population in Egypt reached 20,000, and that number has continued to grow at a frightening rate, with some experts estimating that the community has swelled to a few million. This includes second and third generation Sudanese who have never seen their home country, further complicating policy considerations.

As a result of this escalating refugee demographic, Egyptian officials decided to amend their lenient policy toward foreign residents in favor of a protectionist approach. Many Sudanese were arrested and their bank accounts containing money accumulated through

Egyptian employment were closed -- tough measures meant to encourage refugees to consider other countries for resettlement.

Those who stayed experienced economic stagnation and the Sudanese communities within Egypt increasingly resembled ghettos. These slum-like neighborhoods still exist both on the periphery of Cairo and in the city’s dense urban center. Although these neighborhoods are a social buffer to some extent, they do not prevent uncomfortable and sometimes dangerous interactions with native Egyptians.

The tall, slender, and dark appearance of most Sudanese men stands out among a lighter-skinned Arab crowd, and racism toward “black” Africans is notorious among

Sudanese Refugees in Egypt:An Unsafe Asylum

Josh Linden

IN THE WAKE OF CIVIL WAR AND THE RECENT GENOCIDE IN DARFUR, WAVES OF SUDANESE HAVE FLED TO EGYPT HOPING TO FIND PEACE AND RELATIVE STABILITY. Yet, most encounter discrimination and debil itating persecution, as documented by multiple non- governmental organizations that monitor refugee treatment and resettlement. T h e n u m b e r o f a r b i t r a r y a r r e s t s , d e t e n t i o n s a n d

b e a t i n g s a t t h e h a n d s o f E g y p t i a n o f f i c i a l s a n d c i v i l i a n s i s t r o u b l i n g .

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Arab populations in Saharan countries. Many Egyptians refer to sub-Saharan Africans as “Bunga-Bungas,” a derogatory reference to a popular cartoon that portrays black Africans as monkeys.

In addition to ethnic tensions, a governmental policy requires that all non-Egyptians obtain work permits. The few Sudanese who can somehow find jobs are often underpaid, underworked and poorly treated. A south Sudanese woman named Rita, who had spent a few years in Egypt before fleeing to Israel, described her situation as follows:

I worked for families [as a maid] but it was dangerous because they were often involved in criminal businesses. I decided to leave, but they wouldn’t pay me because they said they hadn’t fired me. I was scared because they were criminals. Sometimes they beat me. Finally I went to the UN office for 14 days. But when the fighting broke out [in December 2005] I was arrested and put in jail for 18 days…”

Though Rita’s story is emblematic of the larger difficulties within the Sudanese community in Egypt, women have an easier time finding employment opportunities than men. Many families need maids and there are an abundance of

Sudanese women willing to take a role that native Egyptians see as inferior (Saeed, 104).

Another refugee who fled to Israel shared his own experience with the Egyptian judicial system:

“I was put in jail for 19 days and Egyptian officials threatened to send me back to Sudan” – Mohammad A.

These threats made to Mohammad violate

a principle of international law known as non-refoulement, which makes it illegal to repatriate

refugees to their home country if their lives may be in danger. This means that forcibly deporting Sudanese refugees to areas in Darfur or southern Sudan, where the chance of violence certainly exists, is undoubtedly illegal. Other Sudanese also spoke of their negative experiences with the Egyptian legal system.

“When the fighting broke out [in December 2005] I was arrested and put in jail for 18 days” – Rita

“I was treated very bad. I was put in jail [arbitrarily] for two months and beaten…”– Abdalgbar M.

In Fall of 2005, approximately 1,000 Sudanese refugees gathered in front of the UNHCR office in Cairo to protest its

inaction regarding refugee recognition, support and protection. A tent city was erected as the sit-in

gained momentum with each passing week.

Egyptian authorities, concerned about rising tensions and poor sanitation, forcibly

disbanded the rally. Thousands of riot police were brought in with fire hoses and batons, initiating a confrontation that left at least 27 Sudanese men, women, and children dead.

In the aftermath of this tragedy, hundreds of Sudanese were arrested regardless of age, gender or participation in the protest. Many were beaten and tortured in prison for days, weeks, even months.

The southern Sudanese are typically treated

“I was put in jail for 19 days and Egyptian officials threatened to send me back to Sudan.”

Thousands of riot police were brought in with fire hoses and batons, initiating a confrontation that left at least 27 Sudanese men, women, and children dead.


much more harshly than the northern Sudanese, a telling symptom of ethnic and religious discrimination. Southern Sudanese have darker skin and are predominantly Christian, while those from the north have much more in common with Arab cultures, including Islamic religion and occasional family ties.

Favoritism of northern Arab Sudanese spills over into the legal realm as well, with empirical evidence indicating that they have not been

targeted for arbitrary arrests as often as darker-skinned Sudanese (Moro, 429). But, both groups still suffer from measurable persecution on a social level, as well as marginalization within the political framework.

Suppression of political dissidents is nothing new in Egypt. Amnesty International released a report in April 2007 which shed some light on Egyptian legal policy. The report focused exclusively on the government’s own “War on Terror,” but its findings also address the validity of Sudanese complaints. Many of those interviewed in the report shared similar experiences with the Egyptian legal system, causing Amnesty to issue the following statement:

“Torture, ill-treatment, arbitrary arrests and detentions, and grossly unfair trials before emergency and military courts have all been key features of Egypt’s 40-year state of emergency and counter-terrorism campaign” (“Egypt…” 2).

Like the interviewees in Amnesty’s report, many Sudanese are often not even afforded a basic trial; they are simply incarcerated indefinitely without charges or access to legal counsel. In an effort to re-ensure refugee rights, the UNHCR has made the following statement about the legality of refugee detention:

Detention of Asylum Seekers may be considered arbitrary (illegal) if it is:1.Not in accordance with the [1951 Refugee Con-vention or individual domestic] law 2.Not accompanied by fair and efficient procedures

for review3.Disproportionate4.Indefinite

Unfortunately, the Egyptian government, a full member and active participant in the United Nations, does not always adhere to these guidelines. Perhaps refugee support is withheld due to fiscal or political limitations, but the lack of aid only exacerbates the situation and makes it nearly impossible for Sudanese to become productive

members of society. Recently, these

dim prospects found many trekking through the Sinai desert into Israel. Thousands have

made this journey, knowing that they could immediately be arrested by the Israeli Defense Forces upon entry. This speaks volumes about their determination to find alternative settlement.

Amira, a Sudanese refugee and recent emigrant to Israel, claimed that:

“No Sudanese can be happy in Cairo…Going back to Egypt is like going back to Sudan. Going back to Egypt means death.”

Potential Solutions The following proposals are designed to be mutually beneficial for both the Sudanese and the Egyptian Government and would serve as down-payments for long-term economic progress.

Proposal #1: Creating the tools for Sudanese economic empowerment

By taking action to alleviate social and civil discrimination, Egyptian officials will aid in the Sudanese integration process. A fully engaged and affluent refugee population will benefit Egyptian society in multiple ways.

“Torture, ill-treatment, arbitrary arrests and detentions, and grossly unfair trials before emergency and military courts have all been key features of Egypt’s 40-year state of emergency and counter-terrorism campaign.”

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First, policies promoting empowerment will encourage Sudanese refugees to become active and productive members of society. Governments

often cringe at welfare programs, viewing them as a drain on the economy with few reciprocal benefits – but Sudanese empowerment would allow the government to wean them off of welfare.

A second benefit directly results from the first: an empowered and active Sudanese community will significantly boost the economy. The current

economic situation shows the Sudanese demographic with high levels of unemployment, leading to idleness and despondency. Families have almost no disposable income, which lowers their likelihood of purchasing commercial goods. Quality employment leads to financial security, which incites heightened

consumer activity.Arbitrary arrests must cease under this proposal

– economic empowerment is impossible without personal security. Currently, harassment by natives often leads to the arrest of the Sudanese individual

instead of the Egyptian citizen. If the government does find just cause to arrest an individual, they must notify the suspect of the charges and provide him or her with a fair trial.

These proposals recommend compliance to

basic standards of human rights under international treaties such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Convention on Civil and

Political Rights, among others. Egypt has signed and ratified the ICCPR, although its history of civil and political rights is troubling and raises legitimate questions about Egypt’s willingness to

protect the rights of everyone within its borders. The new U.S. administration will hopefully

start a new chapter in U.S.-Egypt relations with a greater emphasis on accountability and global partnership. Egypt currently receives the second most U.S. foreign aid of any country worldwide and would face significant pressure if the U.S. decided to leverage its use of aid to produce positive humanitarian results.

Proposal #2: Sincere efforts to recognize or resettle Sudanese

Gathering accurate statistical information about Sudanese refugees is difficult, but it is evident that large numbers of Sudanese asylum seekers are unrecognized by either the UNHCR or Egypt. Between 1994 and 2005, only 31,990 of the 58,535 official Sudanese applicants received refugee status. And of course, this does not account for the many tens of thousands who never got the opportunity to apply or were intimidated and threatened by Egyptian officials.

Of the 31,990 granted refugee rights during this time period, only half met the UNHCR’s resettlement criteria, with the rest remaining in Egypt without sufficient government support. The refugee recognition process is also very tedious – many applicants get stuck in bureaucratic muck for years at a time and eventually give up. This means the turnover rate is high and the official number of

refugees in the country at any given time is not reflective of the overall Sudanese presence in Egypt – past, present, or future.

UNHCR documents as of the end of 2007 cite 10,499 recognized refugees currently in Egypt. In 2007, of the 13,338 total refugee cases pending at the beginning of the year, only 20% were

Egypt currently receives the second most U.S. foreign aid of any country worldwide and would face significant pressure if the U.S. decided to leverage its use of aid to produce positive humanitarian results.

This means the turnover rate is high and the official number of refugees in the country at any given time is not reflective of the overall Sudanese presence in Egypt – past, present, or future.


decided, with the remaining cases rolling over to 2008 causing a net increase in the total pending cases. This is a recurring theme in UNHCR conduct within Egypt, as they are notoriously slow in rendering decisions on refugee status. This proposal advocates a closer relationship between Egypt and the UNHCR in hopes that mutual collaboration will improve efficiency and speed the process of refugee assimilation and/or resettlement.

Cooperation of this magnitude would precipitate new solutions for dealing with the skyrocketing Sudanese refugee population. Resettlement in a third country may be a potential solution, but this discussion can only take place after determinations are made on initial refugee status. At the start of 2007, only 12 countries had significant Sudanese refugee populations, 7 of whom are regional African nations.

Discussions should be initiated with these countries as well as other Western nations to construct a solid plan to distribute the Sudanese refugees fairly and according to any given country’s available resources. The UNHCR should help coordinate these discussions and facilitate the resettlement process. A collaborative effort will alleviate some of the domestic pressures associated with assimilating a growing foreign population.

This proposal isn’t without risks and uncertainties. Over the past few years, the UNHCR

has moved away from third-country resettlement as a primary option. Like all organizations, the UNHCR is constricted by limited resources. Resettlement of a small number of refugees also has the potential to open the flood gates for others who desire a resettlement plan.

It is impossible to accommodate every application for third-country resettlement, and the UNHCR may increase its caution to avoid charges of political favoritism and hypocrisy. Also, most countries do not rush to the front of the resettlement queue, meaning that the difficulty of large-scale resettlement may be a function of low supply and high demand.

But these limitations should not preclude Egypt or any international organization from collaborating for solutions. Any short-term pain felt by these actors will be offset by the undeniable long-term benefits of resolving refugee crises.

Selecting a workable plan is as much about expediency as quality, but it would be a mistake to sacrifice the latter for the former. Sustainability must be a key component, and both proposals would alleviate some immediate tension while laying the foundation for long-term social and economic progress in Egypt.

Keep in mind the core philosophy of these refugee policies: aiding and empowering the displaced persons will mitigate human suffering

Sudanese refugees, caught in between countries seek refuge in tents set up in a camp

41

and strengthen the broader economy. This unique convergence of humanitarianism and pragmatism could appease hardliners on both ends of the ideological spectrum.

Sudanese-Egyptian progress depends on a wholehearted commitment by all players. There is little money and even fewer electoral votes promoting refugee policies in Egypt.

Only in a joint effort between public officials and international refugee organizations will asylum seekers achieve sustained empowerment to allow them to choose their own futures.

REFERENCES

UNHCR Statistics for 2007. Chart. United Nations High Commission for Refugees, 2008.

Ghazaleh, Pascale. “Two Miles into Limbo Displaced Sudanese in a Cairo Slum.” Middle East Report 225 (Winter 2002): 3. 3 Dec 2007 <http://www.jstor.org>

Levine, Haninah. “Finding Asylum in a Land of Refuge.” The Jerusalem Report (2003): 26.

3 Dec. 2007 <http://www.lexisnexis.com> Ghazaleh, 3. J., Rita. Personal Interview 10 July 2007. Saeed, Ehsan Elgaddal. “Sudanese Women Refugees in Cairo,

Egypt.” Journal of Gender Studies 8.1 (1999): 103. 3 Dec. 2007. <http://www.jstor.org>

Ibid, 104. A., Mohammad. Personal Interview 10 July 2007 J., Rita. M., Abdalgbar. Personal Interview 10 July 2007. Moro, Leben Nelson. “Interethnic Relations in Exile: The

Politics of Ethnicity among Sudanese Refugees in Uganda and Egypt.” Journal of Refugee Studies 17.4 (2004): 429. 3 Dec. 2007 <http://jrs.oxfordjournals.org>

Ibid. “Egypt—Systematic Abuses in the Name of Security.” Amnesty

International 12/001/2007 (April 2006): Published by International Secretariat: London.

Amira. Personal Interview 12 July 2007. “Background Briefing: Sudanese Refugees and Asylum Seekers

in Cairo.” Darfur Australia Network, DAN Briefing Paper (Jan. 2007): 1. Published by Darfur Australia Network: Victoria, Australia.

“Background Briefing: Sudanese Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Cairo,” 1.

Ibid, 5. UNHCR Statistics for 2007 Ibid.

PICTURES:israelity.com www.smh.com.auwww.msnbc.msn.com


THE TRADE EMBARGO THE UNITED STATES IM-POSED ON CUBA IN 1962 MUST END IF THERE IS TO BE DEMOCRATIC PROGRESS IN CUBA’S

ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL SYSTEM. The embargo against Cuba hurts the economies of both the Unit-ed States and Cuba, has damaged the reputation of the United States, and has been grossly ineffective in achieving its goals. Economic engagement be-tween the United States and Cuba is imperative for the betterment of the economies of both nations.

A Brief History of U.S-Cuban RelationsThe UnitedStates has always had strong

commercial and political interest in Cuba. In 1898, with the help of the US, Cuba won its independence from Spain in the Spanish-American War. The US received Cuba, the Philippines, Guam and Puerto Rico from Spain as part of the peace treaty.

The US Congress was not interested in annexing Cuba and thus created the Teller Amendment to assert Cuba’s right to be free and independent, but Congress upheld the right to intervene in cases of pacification (Holden 73). This created a loophole, allowing the creation of the Platt Amendment in 1901. The Amendment stated that the US had the right to intervene when necessary in Cuba’s domestic affairs, to lease land for military bases, and to oversee to some degree Cuba’s foreign policy and economy. Cuba’s sovereignty was conditional upon its inclusion of the Platt Amendment in its new constitution. The constitution passed by one vote and Cuba became a “sovereign” nation in 1902 (Holden 81).

Cuba was free for the first time, but in name alone – in 1905, the US owned sixty percent of all rural land in Cuba. Committed to helping this newly independent nation, the United States gave Cuba the “most favored nation” status and access to the domestic sugar market, in exchange for access to the Cuban manufacturing sector (Blake 250).

Sugar prices drastically fell as the US forced Cuba to import rather than produce goods. The Great Depression only added to Cuban economic woes, and the US role in Cuba began to be publically questioned throughout the island (Blake 251, Ramonet 3). In the Sergeants’ Revolution of 1933 reformist Ramón Grau took power and immediately rejected the Platt Amendment. This infuriated the US and the Cuban elite who had strong economic ties to the States (Blake 252).

The US backed a military coup against Grau and placed Fulgencio Batista in power. In return, Batista restored the clause of the Platt Amendment, giving the US the right to lease land in Cuba. This clause is active today. Exhibit A: the US Naval Base in Guantanamo Bay.

Ties to the US remained strong and by the mid 1950s, Cuba’s exports to the States comprised over seventy percent of its total export sales (Blake 253). Batista’s regime was one of oligarch wealth. With the support of the US, the rich got richer and the island’s poor were pushed into further destitution.

In 1959, Batista was overthrown and pushed into exile by Fidel Castro’s rebel army.

The United States Trade Embargo against Cuba:

A Brief History of the Embargo, Why it should End and Which Policies Should Replace It

Caitlin Van Sant

43

The Revolution and the Beginning of the EmbargoAs Fidel Castro advanced through the island,

wealthy Batista loyalists fled to the US. These exiled Cubans and their descendants are a primary reason that the trade embargo has continued; Florida has the highest concentration of Cuban-Americans in the United States, and is incidentally the fourth largest state in the Electoral College.

This relationship between the Cuban-American lobby and the embargo is evident in the text of the 1996 Helms-Burton Act, which allows Cuban expatriates to sue foreign companies in US courts for property damages if the total property value was over $50,000 – a sum of money reserved for the elite in in Cuba after Helm Burton 1996 (Desloge). Many of the expatriates assumed that their exile would be brief and that they would be able to return to the

island in a few months. According to Castro, “They expected the United States to step in and bring the Revolution down” (Castro, 256).

The US sprung into action when Cuba and the Soviet Union signed a five year economic agreement in 1960. Cuban sugar exports were used to underwrite loans from the USSR. American firms in Cuba refused to refine Soviet crude oil, and in response Cuba nationalized the refineries. The United States then discontinued Cuba’s export preferences, leading to the nationalization of all US firms in Cuba.

By 1961, all diplomatic ties between the US and Cuba had been severed (Blake 256). A memorandum issued by the State Department to the National Security Council discussed possible applications of sanctions on Cuba to bring it back in line with the United States. The State Department argued that economic sanctions would be the best option as they were legal under the Trading With The Enemy Act of 1917 (Fowler 2).

In 1962, the economic embargo was launched (Blake 256).

According to the inter-departmental memorandums of the State Department sent in 1962, the three goals of the economic sanctions

were to:- diminish Fidel Castro’s regime’s stability - decrease Cuba’s influence in the Americas - cause strain on the relationship between Cuba and the Soviet bloc by increasing the costs associ-ated with supporting Cuba (Hurwitch 2)

Costs to the US Resulting from the EmbargoA 2007 US International Trade Commission

report noted that although US agricultural sales to Cuba were $440 million dollars (a law passed by Congress in 2001 in the wake of Hurricane Michelle allows a limited amount of food and medicine to be sold to Cuba), these sales could increase by over $300 million dollars, and the US agricultural sector could provide nearly seventy percent of Cuba’s food supply (USA Engage).

After a visit to Cuba in 2003, Chairman of the Senate Finance Committee Max Baucus reported that “In the absence of sanctions, US exports to Cuba would grow to more than one billion dollars. Meat exports from the US could be as much as seventy six million dollars, while wheat exports could be as much as fifty two million dollars”

(Center for Democracy in the Americas). New regulations passed by the US Treasury

and Office of Foreign Asset Controls in 2005 have already cost the US over 100 million dollars in lost business opportunities. Rice and dairy sales fell by forty three percent by value, apple exports by sixty four percent, cotton by fifty five percent, poultry by nineteen percent and wheat by fourteen percent (Center for Democracy in the Americas).

If missed agricultural profits are not enough to push the administration to halt the embargo,

perhaps lost oil will be. In 2006, Cuba sold the rights to explore 1,660 square miles of Cuban offshore oil reserves to India and Venezuela (Center for Democracy in the Americas).

American taxpayers contribute hundreds of millions of dollars a year in subversion expenses pertaining to Cuba. Since 1996, the United States Agency for International Development has been used to funnel over sixty five million dollars to anti-Castro and Cuban-American exile groups in Florida

By halting the flow of ideas and knowledge between Cuba and the US, the embargo has created a heightened atmosphere of prejudice in the Cuban community.

In 2006, Cuba sold the rights to explore 1,660 square miles of Cuban offshore oil reserves to India and Venezuela.


(Ramonet 5). This figure does not include the eighty million

dollars that President George Bush allocated to these militant groups in 2004 (Ramonet 5). Proponents of such measures, such as Cuban-American Congressman Robert Menendez, point out that such assistance is humanitarian and is pushing Cuba toward democracy (Menendez). However, the Government Accountability Office found that US AID’s funding to such groups has been greatly mismanaged and that many of the groups are using the funds to purchase luxury items for their members (USA Engage).

Cost of the Embargo to CubaBetween 1961 and 2006, estimated damages

done to the Cuban economy in direct relation to the embargo are approximately seventy billion dollars

(Ramonet 664). The Torricelli Act of 1992 and the Helms-Burton Act of 1996 intensified the sanctions by attempting to make the embargo multi-lateral and “generate a deeper economic deterioration in order to accelerate the fall of the current Cuban regime” (Schwartzman).

The Torricelli Act prevents any US subsidiary based in another country to do business with Cuba, and prevents any ship in Cuban waters from entering any US port for 180 days (Ramonet 693). The Helms-Burton Act strengthened the embargo even more by allowing Cuban Americans to sue for damages in US courts and disallowing foreign companies to do business with Cuba on threat of sanctions and US entry denials (Desloge).

The embargo also prohibits “products that contain any US component or raw material from being exported to Cuba from third countries,

including products based in US design and technology” (Schwab). This provision restricts trade to Cuba even further by interfering with global commerce. Scholars, lawyers, and politicians worldwide claim that the United States’ attempt to extraterritorially apply its embargo is a violation of the United Nation’s and the Organization of American States’ charters, and a clear infringement on traditional principles of sovereignty and non-intervention in international law (Herrera 2).

By restricting freedom to trade and the movement of capital, the US is illegally interfering in the autonomy of nations. The global community has voiced its opinions regarding the sanctions – but to little effect. In November 2008, for the seventeenth consecutive time, the United Nations General Assembly voted to end the embargo against Cuba in a vote of 185 nations to three. The

three states that voted against ending the embargo were the United States, Israel and

Palau (Debusmann).The loss of the US as a trading

partner stifled the Cuban economy immediately after the embargo was put in place. In 1966, some estimate that up to sixty percent of Cuban manufacturing and industrial capacity was idle (Losman). This situation was rectified by the USSR until its collapse.

Cuban industry today has the skill to produce, but must deal with the problem of securing replacement parts for their old American-made machines or finding new technology. Cuba must either find a country willing to break the embargo or develop new technology on its own. Both options are incredibly expensive. Cannibalization of machines for parts was prevalent during the early years of the embargo and now the capital is

Between 1961 and 2006, estimated damages done to the Cuban economy in direct relation to the embargo are approximately seventy billion dollars.

In November 2008, for the seventeenth consecutive time, the United Nations General Assembly voted to end the embargo against Cuba in a vote of 185 nations to three.

Since 1996, the United States Agency for International Development has been used to funnel over sixty five million dollars to anti-Castro and Cuban-American exile groups in Florida.

Fidel Castro was in power for nearly 50-years.

45

In November 2008, for the seventeenth consecutive time, the United Nations General Assembly voted to end the embargo against Cuba in a vote of 185 nations to three.

essentially worthless (Losman). The biggest example of lost foregone potential

as a result of the embargo is the tourism industry. The US International Trade Commission estimated in 2007 that over one million Americans would want to visit Cuba every year if the travel ban was lifted. In 2003, the House of Representatives passed a bill 227 to 188 that reinstated the right to travel to Cuba. This bill was vetoed by President George Bush; it is currently illegal to travel to Cuba without a license

from the US Treasury under penalty of up to ten years in prison and/or up to $250,000 dollars in fines (Ramonet 692).

Other consequences of the embargo to Cuba include:

-losses incurred due to the geographic reorientation of trade shipments

-increased cost of financing development due to lack of access to hard currency (Herrera 3)

-huge social costs. Emigration from Cuba to places where such restrictions on capital are not present is increasing.

The US cites emigration as a sign that the embargo is working and the Cuban people are losing faith in the Revolution. Opponents of the US’s policy charge that the humanitarian consequences of the embargo “subject the people [of Cuba] to the maximum of suffering and infringe upon the physical and moral integrity of the whole population” – the true cause of emigration (Herrera 2).

Why Sanctions Have Been Ineffective In Cuba?

Frank Lavin, former US Under Secretary of Commerce for International Trade, stated that “Sanctions have become the lazy man’s foreign policy, viewed as an instant and painless way of advancing US interests.” Woodrow Wilson described them as an, “economic, peaceful, silent, deadly enemy.” Regardless of which view one holds it takes a delicate balance of particular conditions for sanctions to be successful. According to Lavin there must be four criteria present:

-sufficiency

-economics -confluence -proportionality/presentation (Lavin) There is some debate on whether these factors

are present in the Cuban embargo.Sufficiency can be measured by how much

the flow of goods and capital is restricted (Lavin). In the case of Cuba, the United States was its primary trading partner prior to its revolution, but this role was assumed by the USSR after the embargo and Cuba was able to meet its needs through the Eastern bloc. Many question whether the effects of the embargo should be measured only since the collapse of the USSR in 1991.

For sanctions to economically work three things must be disrupted: fuel, hard currency and weapons (Lavin). One of the biggest problems for Cuba has been its lack of hard currency. However, a nation, in this case the United States, must consider every “action and equal and opposite reaction…economically, sanctions can hurt the target country less than the implementing country” (Lavin). At the onset of the embargo, the United States was not particularly concerned with these consequences. But now, more than forty years later and under considerable pressure from agriculture and industry, not being able to export to Cuba seems less and less desirable.

Confluence of events – a convergence or meeting – is necessary for economic asphyxiation measures to be effective. Economic sanctions are rarely, if ever, sufficient enough by themselves to bring about the desired change. A convergence of underlying problems will aggravate the cost of the sanctions to the sanctioned nation, and/or it will become devastatingly apparent to the citizens of that nation that a change is necessary and will propel them to act against their government (Lavin).

Supporters of the Cuban embargo maintain that because Castro’s regime was supported politically and financially by the Soviet bloc, there was little confluence of events until after the fall of the Soviet Union. For that reason, the embargo has become increasingly successful/devastating now that Cuba is beset with an array of financial issues and unable to rely on an outside party for patronage.

Proportionality and presentation are vital to the success of economic sanctions. Proportionality indicates that the sanctions correspond to the

Fidel Castro was in power for nearly 50-years.


created to bolster the embargo but instead created loopholes for Cuban expatriates to encourage

foreign direct investment in Cuba by collecting settlements from lawsuits. Cubans in Cuba will become tied more closely to the regime as they see the “evil Batistaists” collecting retribution on land they no longer own (Desloge).

Why Economic Engagement with Cuba is Preferable to the Embargo

Economic engagement would be the best policy to topple the current regime in cuba. As Losman points out, economic sanctions hardly ever combat military hostility, have a little impact on authoritarian regimes, and have never “toppled a dictator” (Losman). Economic growth creates uncertainty in an authoritarian

regime. The population is no longer dependent on the government and can begin to seek legitimate alternatives (Lavin).

The revocation of the travel ban to Cuba would be one of the key toppling factors. Congressman Tim McGovern once said, “The two words in the English language that the Cuban government fears the most are ‘spring break’”(CDA). The travel ban currently infringes upon the Supreme Court confirmed right to travel as “an inherent part of liberty that cannot be denied to any US citizens” (CDA). If the ability to travel was given to American

original foreign policy goals (Lavin). In Cuba’s case, these goals involve regime change through economic asphyxiation. In a memo to the National Security Council Henry Fowler, who later became Under Secretary of the US Treasury, wrote that

“It is recognized that some sanctions, while legal, could cause significant foreign relations difficulties and in their most extreme application might be appropriate only in the event of imminent hostilities” (Fowler 2).

The presentation of the sanction to the global community has impacted its overall effectiveness. The sanction was not presented in a way that would force economic reform, but as a blatant attack on the sovereignty of Cuba. Had the US not openly admitted that the goals of the embargo were those of coercion and sabotage of the Cuban government, they might have had more success. Under Secretary Lavin points out that sanctions often fail because the population chooses economic hardship over national humiliation (Lavin).

Cuban nationalism evoked by the embargo itself is often cited as a leading factor to the failure of the embargo to meet its regime change objectives. Kathleen Schwartzman, a professor from the University of Arizona, points out that “because the US, the country that initiated the boycotts, is also the country that has most threatened the ‘nationalism’ of Cuba, the nationalist ideology invigorates the revolutionary ideology…The Cuban Revolution is inextricably linked with a nationalism that continually revitalizes and legitimizes the socialist regime” (Schwartzman).

The Torricelli and Helms-Burton acts were

The Torricelli and Helms-Burton acts were created to bolster the embargo but instead created loopholes for Cuban expatriates to encourage foreign direct investment in Cuba by collecting settlements from lawsuits.

“It is recognized that some sanctions, while legal, could cause significant foreign relations difficulties and in their most extreme application might be appropriate only in the event of imminent hostilities.”

Cuban cigars are smuggled into the US and sold at high prices.

47

citizens, the Cuban government would have to launch rapid development projects to meet the extraordinary increase in demand.

The same goes for education programs in Cuba. Over three hundred US universities had to drop their study abroad programs in Cuba because of restrictions put in place by the Bush administration (CDA). By halting the flow of ideas and knowledge between Cuba and the US, the embargo has created a heightened atmosphere of prejudice in the Cuban community. The politics between the two nations can no longer be dominated by Cold War prejudices and must move forward to produce the best results for each nation through cooperation, mutual respect, and appreciation.

The economic embargo against Cuba over the past forty-eight years hasn’t achieved its original goals of diminishing the influence and power of the Castro regime or dispelled socialist politics in Cuban government. Instead, the embargo has punished both the American and Cuban economies, and has tarnished the United States’ international reputation, especially in Latin America.

The asphyxiation policies of the economic embargo must be replaced with a policy of economic engagement immediately if any progress is to be made. The United States currently conducts business with many nations whose politics are in disagreement with that of the United States and the relationship between the US and those nations have been economically and socially successful. This begs the question; why not do business with Cuba?

REFERENCES

Blake, Charles. Politics in Latin America: The Quests for Development, Liberty, and Governance. New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2005.

** Castro, Fidel, and Ignacio Ramonet. My Life. New York: Scribner, 2008.

“Cuba.” CIA: World Factbook. 15 April 2008. 18 April 2008. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/cu.html.

Debusmann, Bernd. “After Obama Win, Goodbye to the Cuban Embargo?” Reuters Online. 5 November 2008. www.reuters.com.

Desloge, Louis F. “The Great Cuban Embargo Scam; A Little-Known Loophole Will Allow the Richest Exiles to Cash In.” The Washington Post. 3 March 1996: C01.

Falk, Pamela S. “Eyes on Cuba: U.S. Business and the Embargo.” Foreign Affairs. Vol. 75, No. 2 (Mar-Apr., 1996): 14-18. JSTOR. James Madison University. 2 April 2009. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20047485.

Fowler, Henry H. Department of State. Memorandum for the Members of the NSC Planning Group. Washington: 16 June 1961.

Herrera, Rémy. “US Embargo Against Cuba: Urgent Need to Lift It.” Economic and Political Weekly. Vol. 38, No. 41 (Oct. 11-17, 2003): 4310-4311. JSTOR. James Madison University. 2 April 2009. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4414129.

Holden, Robert H. ed. And Eric Zolov. Latin America and the United States: A Documentory History. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Hurwitch, Robert A. Department of State. Memorandum for Actions Harmful to the Castro Regime. Washington: 8 November 1962.

“In Our National Interest: The Top Ten Reasons for Changing U.S. Policy Towards Cuba.” Center for Democracy in the Americas. January 2007. Washington, DC. 20 April 2008. http://www.usaengage.org/storage/usaengage/Publications/2007_01_cda_toptenreasons.pdf

Lavin, Franklin L. “Asphyxiation or oxygen? The sanctions dilemma.” Foreign Policy n104 (Fall 1996 n104): 138(16). Academic OneFile. Gale. James Madison University. 20 Apr. 2008

<http://find.galegroup.com/itx/start.do?prodId=AONE>.

Losman, Donald L. “Economic sanctions: an emerging business menace.” Business Economics 33.n2 (April 1998): 37(6). Academic OneFile. Gale. James Madison University. 20 Apr. 2008


Menendez, Robert. “Road to democracy: the impact of US sanctions on Cuba.” Harvard International Review 20.4 (Fall 1998): 30-1. Academic OneFile. Gale. James Madison University. 20 Apr. 2008


Schwab, Peter. “Cuban health care and the U.S. embargo.” Monthly Review 49.n6 (Nov 1997): 15(10). Academic OneFile. Gale. James Madison University. 20 Apr. 2008


Schwartzman, Kathleen C. “Can International Boycotts Transform Political Systems? The Cases of Cuba and South Africa.” Latin American Politics and Society 43.2 (Summer 2001): 115. Academic OneFile. Gale. James Madison University. 21 Apr. 2008


USA Engage. 2004. USA Engage. 18 April 2008. http://www.usaengage.org/.

** Please note that as this autobiography is set up as an interview, Ignacio Ramonet wrote the introduction and footnotes as well as the questions to which Fidel Castro provided answers. When pages in the introduction or footnotes are cited they will be done so as (Ramonet). However, when Castro’s responses to Ramonet’s questions are cited they will be done so under (Castro).

PICTURES: www.askmen.comwww.guerillaimports.com


outfitted with machine guns. They evicted the striking miners from their homes. They trapped the miners within their tent colonies by not allowing them use of the company-owned roads or the ability to leave the area via trains.

The guards also began beating and killing the miners and their families, either one by one or in clusters (3).

On September 2nd, 1912, West Virginia’s governor, William Glasscock, declared martial law throughout the state. Initially, the miners welcomed the declaration. Both sides were disarmed and a few mine guards were jailed while

others were driven from the state. But soon the tide turned against the strikers. Governor Glasscock stated that no miners were to meet together in groups, and a

military court was set up which sent dozens of strikers and union leaders, including Mother Mary Jones, to jail or to the penitentiary.

Military law was lifted a month later, on October 15, 1912, but many of the soldiers stuck around. They had accepted employment from the coal companies to take the vacated mine guard positions. These mine guards were even more

BY 1912, THE UNITED MINE WORKERS OF THE

WORLD (UMWA) HAD FAILED TO UNIONIZE

COAL FIELDS IN WEST VIRGINIA FOR TWENTY

YEARS. The non-unionized coal fields posed an eco-nomic threat to unionized coal fields in other parts of the country.

For decades, the diverse immigrant population of workers in West Virginia mines had no common cause to bind them and thus no reason to unite. But, in 1912, the coal miners were spurred to unionize by a collective desire to abolish the mine guard system. The scheme devised by coal operators to quell the insurgence caused the very mutiny they so feared. The resulting incident, the Paint Creek/Cabin Creek Strike, was the first of West Virginia’s “Mine Wars”(1).

The Paint Creek/ Cabin Creek StrikeThe strike began on April 18th, 1912. Both the

UMWA and the West Virginia coal mine operators took immediate action in response to the miners’ refusal to renew their contracts, and their decision to strike:

The coal operators vowed to not recognize the union and brought in scabs from across the country to work the mines and additional mine guards to break the strike (2). The UMWA promised its full

support to the miners – financial and otherwise – and Mother Mary Jones, Socialist and labor advocate, made haste to the state on behalf of the union. She made a rousing speech on the steps of Charleston’s Capital building, telling the strikers that “it [was] a day that [would] mark history in the long ages to come.”

The mine guards built fortified strongholds

Power in Their Unity: The Paint Creek/Cabin Strike of Southwestern West Virginia

They trapped the miners within their tent colonies by not allowing them use of the company-owned roads or the ability to leave the area via trains.

Erin Stevenson1912-1913

A typical coal mine in th 1900s.

49

vicious than their predecessors, and the coal miners again struck back. Governor Glasscock declared martial law for the second time on November 15, 1912. Many strikers were quickly arrested, tried, convicted and shipped off to jail or the penitentiary – often all in a matter of days. It seemed the miners were finally defeated and martial law was again lifted on January 10th, 1913.

The “Bull Moose Special” IncidentLate in

the evening on February 7th, 1913, an armored train, known as the “Bull Moose Special,” left the Charleston station and headed towards the strike zone in Paint Creek. The train contained several mine guards, a Kanawha County sheriff and his deputies, and coal operator Quinn Morton. As the train rum-bled past a tent colony set up by the miners and their families in Holly Grove, its

passengers opened fire on the sleeping strikers. Maud Estep, wife to one of the miners,

testified in front of a U.S. Senate committee about the events of that night. She stated under oath that it had been a quiet night in the tent colony until about 10 or 11 o’clock when she and her husband

A typical coal mine in th 1900s.

Many strikers were quickly arrested, tried, convicted and shipped off to jail or the penitentiary – often all in a matter of days.

heard the gunfire coming from outside, just seconds before hearing the reverberations of a passing train. Mrs. Estep’s husband ordered her and the children into the basement and ran outside. A few moments later she heard the train wheeling away and some men calling her husband’s name. Mrs. Estep climbed the steps to the top of the cellar and went outside. She found her husband, dead, only a few feet from their doorway (4).

Lee Calvin was one of the mine guards on board the “Bull Moose Special.” He testified to the same U.S. Senate committee as Mrs. Estep. Calvin said that as the train drew near to the Holly Grove tent colony a man named Walker began handing out rifles, the brakeman turned the train’s lights down low, and the engineer gave “two short blasts from the whistle”, after which the men aboard the train started firing into the night.

Calvin said that no shots were fired at them before the men on the train began shooting at the tent colony. After the train passed through the tent colony one time, Calvin testified that Quinn Morton, the coal operator on board, ordered the sheriff to have the train turned around by saying “Let’s go back and give them another round.”

According to Calvin, the sheriff refused the operator’s demand, stating that “[t]here are women and children in those tents. I am not going to do that” (5).

When the coal operator, Quinn Morton, testified in front of the U.S. Senate committee

investigating the Paint Creek/ Cabin Creek Strike, he refuted the testimony of both Maud Estep and Lee Calvin. Morton admitted to the committee that men inside of the train shot at the tent colony in Holly Grove. He also admitted

he was one of the men who were firing. But, he testified that he was shooting at the tent colony as an act of self-defense (6). Morton said his conscience was “clear” and that he did not order the sheriff to

Members of the committee gathered information and took photographs of the strike zone and its inhabitants to report on the conditions in the coal fields to the rest of the nation, while others distributed contraband strike literature to the miners.

She found her husband, dead, only a few feet from their doorway.


“go back and give them another round”(7).Martial law was declared for the third time by

Governor Glasscock on February 10, 1913, three days after the “Bull Moose Special” incident. Again, a military court was assembled and miners and their advocates were tried and jailed (8).

The WV Members of the Socialist Party of America and Governor Hatfield

As violence escalated in the strike zones, and as the UMWA began urging the strikers to settle, (9) coal miners teamed up with West Virginian members of the Socialist Party of America. The marriage between the coal miners and the Socialist Party of America was a natural one; a key tenet of the Socialist Party of America was man’s right to work and his right to a decent standard of living. These were precisely the rights that the coal miners demanded.

The West Virginia members of the Socialist Party of America were lead by former coal miner, Wyatt Hamilton Thompson – editor of the Huntington, West Virginia-based Socialist newspaper, The Socialist and Labor Star. Thompson formed a committee of fellow Socialists to aid the Paint Creek/ Cabin Creek strikers.

Members of the committee gathered information and took photographs of the strike zone and its inhabitants to report on the conditions in the coal fields to the rest of the nation, while others distributed contraband strike literature to the miners (10).

On March 4, 1913, Governor Glasscock left office and Dr. Henry D. Hatfield entered. His first duty as West Virginia’s governor explored the Paint Creek/Cabin Creek situation. He spent two days in the strike zone, giving aid to the sick and injured miners (11). Afterward he rejected all decisions made by the military courts before his term in office began, although he did not lift the declaration of martial law. Finally, Hatfield ordered the coal operators and union officials to settle the strike on his terms (12).

The terms Governor Hatfield outlined for the coal operators and union officials were four-fold: Coal miners would work a nine-hour day, have the right to select a check-weigh-man, receive

their pay semi-monthly, and not be discriminated against because of their union status. Both the coal operators and union officials agreed (13).The miners, however, were not so quick to acquiesce to the new governor’s terms. When the miners made the decision to strike almost a year earlier, the crux of their demands had been the recognition of the union and the abolition of the mine guard system – and they were not going back to work without those demands being met. They were further urged to continue the strike by their friends at The Socialist and Labor Star (14).

The miners’ refusal to abide by Hatfield’s terms angered the governor. Because the state was still under martial law, he imposed a “36-hour Ultimatum”, also known as “Hatfield’s Ultimatum”, and stated that the miners were to return to work within a day and a half or face deportation from the state.

Hatfield then suppressed The Socialist and Labor Star – this action had repercussions nationwide: Both the U.S. Senate and the national branch of the Socialist Party of America were forced

to investigate the situation and the miners reinstated

their strike. This renewed strike was brief however. The Paint Creek coal operators surrendered to the miners demands in July and the Cabin Creek coal operators did the same in early August,1913 (15).

After the strike drew to a close, the U.S. Senate released their report condemning Governor Hatfield’s actions. The Socialist Party of America, however, applauded him, much to the chagrin of its West Virginia members. A rift developed between the two groups and the coal miners lost faith in the national branch, although they remained faithful to the party in West Virginia (16).

Post-Paint Creek:Over the next decade, through one World

War and many smaller coal skirmishes, the resolve demonstrated by the miners in securing their own destinies during the Paint Creek/ Cabin Creek Strike culminated in the 1921 battle on Blair Mountain.

The Paint Creek/Cabin Creek miners had achieved more in their almost year-long strike than just the recognition of their union and the eradication of the mine guard system. With the support of the West Virginian members of the

The miners realized that there was power in their unity.

51

Socialist Party of America, the Paint Creek/ Cabin Creek participants had begun to build class solidarity, developing a class consciousness. The miners realized that there was power in their unity.

REFERENCES

Secondary Sources 1. Corbin, David. “Betrayal in the West Virginia Coal Fields:

Eugene V. Debs and the Socialist Party of America, 1912-1914.” The Journal of American History 64 (March 1978): 987-1009.

The affects of the Socialist Party of America’s investigation into

the Paint Creek/ Cabin Creek Strike on the coal miners’ cause 2. Corbin, David. Life, Work, and Rebellion in the Coal Fields:

The Southern West Virginia Miners, 1880-1922. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1981.

A comprehensive overview of the Battle of Blair Mountain

and its causes and effects 3. Corbin, David. “The Socialist and Labor Star: Strike and

Suppression in West Virginia, 1912-1913.” West Virginia History 25 (January 1973): 163-186.

The affects of the suppression of a Socialist newspaper during

the Paint Creek/ Cabin Creek Strike 4. Roger, Fagge. Power, Culture, and Conflict in the Coalfields:

West Virginia and South Wales, 1900-1922. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1996.

A comparison of the West Virginia coal miners’ struggles with

similar struggles in South Wales 5. Fox, Maier Brown. United We Stand: The United Mine

Workers of America, 1890-1990. Washington, DC: The United Mine Workers of America, 1990.

The history of the United Mine Workers of America 6. Lee, Howard B. Bloodletting in Appalachia: The Story of West

Virginia’s Four Major Mine Wars and Other Thrilling Incidents in Its Coal Fields. Morgantown, WV: West Virginia University Press, 1969.

a comparison of the Battle of Blair Mountain with other West

Virginian coal mine wars 7. Lunt, Robert D. Law and Order VS the Miners: West Virginia,

1907-1933. Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1979. the history of organized labor in the West Virginia and its

struggles with the law

PICTURES:www.oldukphotos.com/ glamorganshiresenghenydd.htm


The History and Significance of IslamismAccording to Dr. Guilain Denoeux, the term Islamism was coined in the 1970s in reference

to the emergence of movements and ideologies drawing on Islamic traditions to articulate a distinct-ly political agenda. Islamism itself can be defined as the belief that moral, social and political codes should be based on the Qur’an, the holy book of Islam, and the Sunna, or hadith, which are the traditions practiced by the Prophet Muhammad and his companions. Islamists, believe that Islam should be the sole guiding force in every aspect of life – including the government.

Islamists and Muslims are not one and the same. The fundamental difference between the two is that while Muslims merely practice the religion of Islam, Islamists believe that the Qur’an and Sunna should guide all facets of life within the religious sphere as well as outside of it.

The Islamist movement, which calls for the reemergence of the concept of the Islamic state, gained momentum in the 21st century, as noted by Esposito. Throughout the world, especially in the Middle East, Islamic nations have been established that adhere to Islamic law.

Recently, Islamists also gained power in the political arena, worldwide. Islamists have been elected as prime ministers, deputy prime ministers, and presidents. Others have worked within the parliaments and cabinets of their respective

Islamism and Terrorism:Turkish Hezbollah and Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula

Sierra Stanczyk

countries. Countries that witnessed these trends include Afghanistan, Algeria, Egypt, Kuwait, Lebanon, Malaysia, Pakistan, Turkey, and Yemen. These countries embrace the Islamist movement “in order to enhance their legitimacy and to mobilize popular support for programs and policies.” This

concept helps explain the continuing growth of the Islamist movement throughout the world.

The Radical Islamist Movement and TerrorismThe definition of terrorism, especially in the

years following 9/11, has been debated, established, refuted and recreated dozens of times. The popular saying, “One man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter” is often featured in this debate, making it more difficult to produce an objective definition.

However, Dr. Boaz Ganor, the founder and Executive Director of the International Policy Institute for Counter-Terrorism, argues that not only is it possible to develop an accurate objective definition of terrorism, but it is necessary to do so in order to further the advancement of counterterrorism strategies and policies. Ganor defined terrorism in 2002 as, “‘the deliberate use or threat to use violence against civilians in order to attain political, ideological and religious aims.” An attack aimed against government personnel should therefore be defined as terrorism if the target was

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ISLAMISM AND TERRORISM IS COMPLEX. It varies from nation to nation and people to people. The misconceptions that surround the two are often over-

whelming, challenging those attempting to adequately understand them. This study will first define Islamism

and terrorism separately, and then describe Islamist terrorist activities in the Republic of Turkey and Saudi Arabia.

“One man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter.”

53

not in a decision making position of the state’s Counter-Terrorism policy.

For the purposes of the proceeding analysis, we will use this Ganor’s objective definition of terrorism because it encompasses the intentional act of threatening civilians or civilian targets – specifically with violence – to achieve political, religious, and ideological goals.

The aforementioned components of this definition of terrorism distinguish the radical Islamist movement from the moderate Islamist movement. According to Denoeux, the major differences between the two movements are that radical Islamists promote and legitimize the use of terror and violence in order to achieve political ends, as opposed to moderate Islamists who denounce such tactics.

Radical Islamists hope to overthrow the governing bodies of their respective countries to gain control and establish Islamic order, and believe only in the sovereignty of God and not in the sovereignty of the people, rejecting any form of democracy. Radical Islamism can be defined as the belief that the Qur’an and Sunna are the only sources of guidance and should consequently govern the people through Islamic law—any means to achieve this goal, including the use of terror, are acceptable, even encouraged.

While there are striking differences between moderates and extremists, most Islamist groups fall in a gray area in the middle. According to Denoeux, “In the end, no matter how divided they are over strategies, tactics and methods, both extremists and moderates share the goal of establishing a state governed by the sharia, one in which religious law will be the law of the land”. Moderate Islamist groups is the utilize community service and educational projects to gain support and attention without the use of terror and violence. Yet, the notorious radical Islamist groups Hezbol-lah and Hamas direct similar projects and attain the same results.

The similarities radical and moderate Islamist groups share is undeniable, and the use of violence, therefore, is an issue on both sides.Turkish Hezbollah

Turkish Hezbollah (THB), a radical Islamist organization, was established to overthrow the secular regime of the Republic of Turkey in the

The major differences between the two

movements are that radical Islamists promote

and legitimize the use of terror and violence in

order to achieve political ends, as opposed to

moderate Islamists who denounce such tactics.


Islamist-rooted aims and goals changed dramatically. According to the Terrorism Knowledge Base of the Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism, Turkish Hezbollah “…began to target secular academics and journalists, feminists and religious Muslims who did not support its goals of establishing an Islamic state in Turkey.”

During this transition, Turkish Hezbollah stopped targeting the Kurdistan Workers Party and took aim at the Turkish

government itself. In 2000, the Turkish government came down hard on Turkish Hezbollah, and the ensuing conflicts caused the deaths of hundreds of these militants. With tensions building from this crackdown, many members of Turkish Hezbollah fled to Iraq and Iran.

From the beginning, the radical Islamist group engaged in the “…kidnapping, interrogating, and at times eliminating adversaries or those they saw as a threat.” Consider the “house of horror” discovered in Üsküdar, Turkey. In 2000, the National Intelligence Organization raided a Turkish Hezbollah “safe house” and found ten bodies of missing businessmen. The raids against THB continued. Militants were arrested and attacks by Turkish Hezbollah members increased.

Aslı Aydıntaşbaş, a Turkish journalist, for the Middle East Quarterly reported,

“Investigators learned that the mo-dus operandi of the organization was to kidnap a victim, transfer him inside a refrigerator or con-tainer box to one of its nation-wide network of safe houses for months of “interrogations.” These safe houses, where the militants main-tained a semblance of normal lives (often residing with their families), later also served as burial grounds for the victims.

Turkey had never seen the tactics employed by Turkish Hezbollah before, and the government was not prepared.

The Turkish Hezbollah was the first radical Islamist group of the militant faction the country of Turkey had to face. According to Aydıntaşbaş, “…it was the first time that violent religious activism was seen as a real and imminent challenge to the social order on a popular level.”

The Republic of Turkey combated Turkish Hezbollah in the 1990s until 2001 through relentless intelligence gathering and raids of “safe houses.” As Nugent concluded, “Interrogations of captured THB members and operatives, combined with seized documentary and computer evidence, led to further arrests and seizures, creating a snowball effect that ultimately led to the dismantlement of THB during 2000 and 2001.” The snowball

1980s, and to institute a Muslim theocracy under Islamic law. The name Turkish Hezbollah is often misinterpreted as a faction of the Lebanese Hezbollah group, but it is not related to this organization. But, note that while Iran sponsors Lebanese Hezbollah, the country is also suspected of supporting Turkish Hezbollah as well.

During the 1980s, members of Turkish Hezbollah were trained alongside members of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) to bolster the Islamist movement

within the Republic of Turkey. Hostilities and tension emerged between the two groups.

The Kurdistan Workers Party Turkish government’s primary opposition at the time, giving Turkish Hezbollah incentive to carry out attacks against the group, spread its ideologies of Islamism, and to convert others to both the religion and to their cause. High tensions between the Kurdistan Workers Party and the Turkish government may have given the government a reason to support Turkish Hezbollah on account of its shared rivalry with the PKK. This support would have been essential to the destabilization of the PKK.

This suspected relationship dissipated in the 1990s when the PKK lost momentum. Turkish Hezbollah became the primary target of the Turkish government. With the emergence of hostility toward Turkish Hezbollah, its

From the beginning, the radical Islamist group engaged in the “…kidnapping, interrogating, and at times eliminating adversaries or those they saw as a threat.”

The Hezbollah originated within the Shiite block of Lebanon society

55

effect described by Nugent unraveled the secrecy of Turkish Hezbollah, and gave insight into the workings of other radical Islamist organizations.

Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula

Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) is a radical Islamist group based in Saudi Arabia. It is linked to the extensive Al-Qaeda network led by Osama bin Laden out of Afghanistan, but is suspected to run autonomously. According to the

Terrorism Knowledge Base, both US and Saudi authorities believe that AQAP is responsible for the capture and beheading of Paul Johnson, an American contractor. During the investigation of Paul Johnson’s capture and execution in 2004, Abdulaziz al-Muqrin, or Abu Hajar (the leader of AQAP) was killed. The group is classified as a radical Islamist organization of the militant faction, with an unknown strength in numbers and unknown financial sources.

Before his death, al-Muqrin promoted the overthrow of the Saudi monarchy by Al-Qaeda

in the Arabian Peninsula in order to establish a more legitimate Islamic state.

This pronouncement led to the capture of Jerusalem by radical Islamists to “unite all the Muslims of the world.”

Al-Muqrin’s death may have catalyzed the anticipated collapse of Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. AQAP was not initially considered a terrorist threat by the oppressive Saudi regime. It was not until Saudi Arabia witnessed terrorist attacks within its own borders, that the Saudi

monarchy faced that reality. The first attacks carried out by AQAP on

March 12, 2003 came as a shock to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and its governing monarchy. In Riyadh, three explosives placed inside vehicles

were detonated in three compounds housing Western citizens. In this particular attack nine American citizens were killed and hundreds were wounded, including fourteen other American citizens. Afterward, the Saudi government and security forces investigated the group and arrested many of its members.

Attacks continued into 2004, but since the death of al-Muqrin, violence by Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula in Saudi Arabia has diminished.

Headlines of major news outlets are riddled with the violent tactics employed by the most radical of the islamist groups – from explosives to suicide terrorism. Every day, we can turn on the television, log in to the Internet or pick up a newspaper and find terrorist attacks in the name of radical Islamism that end the lives of innocent civilians and American military personnel.

Videos produced by terrorist organizations, such as Al-Qaeda, provide for us a glimpse into the world of the most extreme religious fanatics in history. This disturbing footage can be found on websites belonging to radical Islamist terrorists – and while most people find these websites distressing, terrorists consider them one of the best ways to attract, recruit and train members of the extremist movement. The radical militant faction of Islamism has utilized everything within

its power to expand its membership and increase its impact on the world.

The Turkish Hezbollah in the Republic of Turkey

and Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula in Saudi Arabia provide us with insight regarding how different types of regimes handle radical Islamist groups and how successful they are with the prevention of terrorist attacks.

Through the analysis of Turkish Hezbollah and

It can be concluded that the response on Turkey’s part – involving intensive information gathering and raids on terrorist hideouts – was effective in dismantling the militant Islamist organization.

In this particular attack nine American citizens were killed and hundreds were wounded, including fourteen other American citizens.

The Hezbollah originated within the Shiite block of Lebanon society


the response by the Turkish government, it can be concluded that the response on Turkey’s part – involving intensive information gathering and raids on terrorist hideouts – was effective in dismantling the militant Islamist organization. Intelligence and security forces relentlessly dug away at the secret group by conducting raids and interrogating members until, almost all at once, the entire operation of Turkish Hezbollah was discovered and collapsed.

The response of Saudi Arabia to Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, on the other hand, was less effective because the monarchy initially did not accept the fact that this group posed a threat to its government, its people and relations with other countries – namely the United States. However, once attacks were carried out and caught the monarchy’s attention, the government acted fast, and AQAP lost its most prominent leader.

Terrorism is an exponentially growing threat that needs to be dealt with properly, and understanding radical Islamism reveals how these radical groups operate and how their members think and carry out operations, such as suicide terrorism. The analyses of how different countries deal with different extremist groups are essential to counterterrorism, and cases like the Turkish response to Turkish Hezbollah can be used as a prototype of how radical militant Islamist groups should be pursued and, hopefully, destroyed.

REFERENCES

“Al Qaeda Organization in the Arabian Peninsula,” GlobalSecurity.org. http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/para/al-qaida-arabia.htm (accessed November 12, 2007).

Aydıntaşbaş, Aslı, “Murder on the Bosporus,” Middle East Quarterly 7.2 (June 2000).

“Background Note: Saudi Arabia,” Background Notes 2007. US Department of State. Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/3584.htm#political (accessed November 12, 2007).

“Background Note: Turkey,” Background Notes 2007. US Department of State. Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/3432.htm#gov (accessed November 5, 2007).

Dekmejian, R. Hrair, “The Rise of Political Islamism in Saudi Arabia,” Middle East Journal 48.4 (1994): 627.

Denoeux, Guilain. “The Forgotten Swamp: Navigating Political Islam.” Middle East Policy, 9:2 (June 2002), 56-81.

Erdogan, Mustafa, “Islam in Turkish Politics: Turkey’s Quest for Democracy without Islam,” Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies 8.15 (September 1999): 26.

Espositio, John L., “Political Islam and the West.” Joint Force Quarterly, 24 (2000), 49-55.

Fuller, Graham, “The Future of Political Islam.” Foreign Affairs, 81:2 (March – April 2002), 48.

Ganor, Boaz, “Defining Terrorism: Is One Man’s Terrorist Another Man’s Freedom Fighter?” Police Practice and Research: An International Journal 3.4 (January 2002): 287.

“Group Profile: Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP),” Terrorism Knowledge Base. Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism. http://tkb.org/Group.jsp?groupID=4470 (accessed November 12, 2007).

“Group Profile: Turkish Hezbollah,” Terrorism Knowledge Base. Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism. http://tkb.org/Group.jsp?groupID=3875 (accessed November 12, 2007).

Hirsckind, Charles, “What is Political Islam,” Middle East Report 205 (Oct. – Dec. 1997): 12-14.

Hoffman, Bruce, “Rethinking Terrorism and Counterterrorism Since 9/11,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 25.5 (September 2002): 303.

Kili, Suna, “Kemalism in Contemporary Turkey,” International Political Science Review, 1.3 (1980): 381-404.

Lewis, Bernard, The Crisis of Islam: Holy War and Unholy Terror (New York: Random House, 2004): 11.

Macdonald, Douglas, J., “The New Totalitarians: Social Identities and Radical Islamist Political Grand Strategy,” Army War College Strategic Studies Institute Carlisle Barracks PA (January 2007). http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA462576 (accessed November 12th, 2007).

Metz, Helen Chapin, ed. Turkey: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1995.

Nugent, John T. Jr., “The Defeat of Turkish Hizballah as a Model for Counter-Terrorism Stratgey,” Middle East Review of International Affairs 8.1 (March 2004).

Pape, Robert A., “The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism,” American Political Science Review 97.3 (August 2003): 345.

Sprinzak, Ehud, “Rational Fanatics,” Foreign Policy 120 (2000): 68.

“Turkey.” World Factbook 2007. Central Intelligence Agency, Office of Public Affairs. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/tu.html (accessed November 5, 2007).

Venkatraman, Amritha, “Religious Basis for Islamic Terrorism: The Quran and Its Interpretations,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 30.3 (2007): 231.

PICTURES:www.debbieschlussel.com

57

SINCE THE END OF WORLD WAR II, COUNTRIES LIKE THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, SUDAN, AFGHANISTAN AND SOMALIA HAVE

EXPERIENCED CHRONIC CONFLICT AND INSECU-RITY, while countries like Japan, France and Mexico experienced long-term stability and security. Many have questioned why certain countries seem more vulnerable than others to long-term conflict and societal insta-bility. Does the eth-nic diversity and geopo-litical location of a country inevitably lead to war?

Literature Review Buffer StatesUnfortunate-ly, there are few scholarly studies and theories that examine geopoliti-cal location as a causal factor regarding security or insecurity of a country (Partem 1983). The expected utility theory (EUT) addresses the empirically verifi-

able conditions, such as geography, capability dis-tribution, and foreign policy orientations, as deter-minative features of a buffer system or buffer state (Partem 1983, 3). A buffer state is a country located between two rival and hostile countries. The EUT suggests that a buffer state will always experience a high rate of instability because of its geographic location.

The EUT also as-serts that a bufer state will enjoy transitional stability when its two larger, surround-ing rivals want to prevent convention-al confron-tation. They do so by es-tablishing a buffer zone or state as a way of

avoiding contact and maintaining a safe distance between one another. One deficiency of the EUT is that it does not address the presence of more than

two rivals surrounding a buffer state (Par-tem 1983, 4).

The buffer state has little influence in a war between two rivals: it must eventually side with, or be overtaken by, one of the two larger powers (Partem, 1983 13). Any war between two or more larger powers is typically fought over a buffer state:

Another theory of buffering, the theory of “stuck in the middle,” argues that the geopolitical position of a country between two or more regional or international rivals is the most important determining factor in the survival of a nation.

War-prone Nations: Why?Jawan Shir


In the Schlieffen Plan during World War I, Belgium was used as a transit route by Germany to attack France. Although Belgium was a neutral state, its position as a buffer between Germany and France led to its involvement in World War I, by no choice of its own (Lieber 2007).

Another theory of buffering, the theory of “stuck in the middle,” argues that the geopolitical position of a country between two or more regional or international rivals is the most important determining factor in the survival of a nation (Fazal 2004, 311). When caught between rivals, a buffer state is subjected to conquest, annexation and occupation. For example, the nation of Poland disappeared from the map in the eighteenth century after being overtaken by Prussia, Russia and Austria because of its vulnerable location as a buffer state.

A study by Thomas Ross and John Chay suggests that to understand the cause of insecurity in a country, it is essential to study the location of the country in reference to its neighbors (Ross and Chay 1986, 13). Powerful countries tend to establish buffer states to preserve peace and avoid conventional confrontation – but these buffer states do not guarantee that powerful countries will not go to war with one another and endanger the states caught in the middle (Ross and Chay 1986, 15).

Ethnic DiversityThe intragroup divisions calling for unity

(IDCU) theory suggests that despite a “call for unity” among individual nationalists in a heterogeneous society, civil unrest is inevitable among diverse ethnic groups living in a country because, in reality, internal divisions do not foster collective interests (Caspersen 2008, 239). The IDCU claims that even a nation with one majority ethnic group can experience conflict because of differing beliefs regarding governance and protection of a nation’s unity (Caspersen 2008, 240). Within a majority ethnic group, members with opposing viewpoints can be labeled as moderate, radical, etc.

The IDCU defines Yugoslavia’s ethnic

diversity because of its intragroup divisions and heterogeneity. Yugoslavia could not manage to stay one nation, and the country as a whole experienced insecurity for a long period of time until minor ethnic groups established their own independent states: Croatia, Kosovo, Bosnia, and more (Caspersen, 2008, 243).

In Samuel P. Huntington’s study called the “Clash of Civlizations,” he argues that heterogeneous countries unavoidably experience instability and conflict (Huntington 1993, 23). Each ethnic group will identify itself as distinguishable from others, and this becomes a source of disagreement among the people of a country (Huntington 1993, 24).

Unlike other causes of war in a country or region, cultural and ethnic differences cannot be solved easily because people are

not typically willing to concede in negotiations, and they often recognize “fault lines.” A fault line is a distinction drawn between ethnic groups based on religion, language and culture (Huntington 1993, 27-29). Countries with multiple ethnicities will always have rift in cultural identity – an “us” versus “them” (Huntington 1993, 29).

In TheoryWe know based on the literature examined

that national insecurity emerges when a country is a buffer state between hostile nations and when it contains multiple diverse ethnic groups.

Theory #1: If a country is a buffer state between two or more hostile powers, the country will be more likely to experience war. Studies have revealed that it is probable that buf-fer states will experience instability because of their geopolitical locations in international politics and relations (Fazal 2004, 311). The size and location of the buffer state, presumably smaller and less pow-erful, can jeopardize a country’s security because larger powers may compete over the buffer state (Partem 1983, 5).

Theory #2: An ethnically heterogeneous country will be more likely to experience insecurity than an ethnically homogenous country.

The intragroup divisions calling for unity (IDCU) theory suggests that despite a “call for unity” among individual nationalists in a heterogeneous society, civil unrest is inevitable among diverse ethnic groups living in a country because, in reality, internal divisions do not foster collective interests .

59

The theory of “Clash of Civilizations” argues that countries that have a “fault line,” wherein distinct ethnicities are more likely to experience conflict (Huntington 1993, 34). This suggests that countries like Pakistan, Belgium, Afghanistan and Sudan will experience more civil unrest than countries like Japan, New Zealand and Korea because the former countries are more heterogeneous than the latter countries.

ResearchThe 41 countries included in this study are

Afghanistan, Argentina, Azerbaijan, the Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Belarus, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Botswana, Canada, Central African Republic, Chad, Chile, China, Cyprus, El Salvador, Gaza and West Bank, Guinea, Honduras, Iceland, India, Italy, Kenya, Latvia, Lesotho, Malawi, Malta, Mauritius, North Korea, Norway, Poland, Rwanda, Slovenia, Sudan, Suriname, Syria, Trinidad and Tobago, Turkmenistan, Ukraine and Zambia.

Each country was assigned a numerical value to quantify the relative levels of conflict, buffer status and ethnic diversity. The numerical values assigned to each country were then used in a multivariate regression analysis to determine whether a significant correlation exists between the dependent and independent variables. These numbers are the result of primary research, and are not to be used for any purpose other than to examine the potential insecurity of nations.

Insecurity of a country can be caused by its status as a buffer state. A country’s buffer status can be practically defined by measuring the number of countries surrounding it. Countries located in the middle of two or more rival states in a region of the world are defined as buffer states.

According to the literature review, a country that has diverse ethnic groups will also be more likely to experience conflict. Ethnic groups can differ in language, religion, race and culture within one country, and therefore, it is more likely that countries with diverse ethnic groups will experience conflict. I used data from the global05 dataset to measure the independent variable ethnic groups. The data that are collected in the global05 dataset are provided by the James Madison University INTA-Cross National Datasets, which are collected by reliable research institutions.

The statistical technique used in this study is

multivariate regression analysis, a technique that can determine whether relationships exist between the independent and dependent variables.

Results and DiscussionThe results of the multivariate regression

analysis are fairly consistent with the literature discussed above. I will discuss the variation in the causal relationships of the independent variables below; the following table summarizes the effects, t-scores, significance and standard errors the independent variables regressed on the dependent variable.

Generally, the independent variables did influence the dependent variable in this study; a country situated as a buffer state and having diverse ethnic groups is more likely to

experience war. The independent variable ethnic diversity shares a reasonably positive relationship with the dependent variable war.

One unit increase in the ethnic diversity of a country, the chance of that a country will experience war should also increase by 0.013. As it can be seen in the table, the p value 0.047 is lower than 5 % alpha we use to know whether we can reject the null hypothesis. Therefore, this study can reject the null hypothesis because the results show a significant relationship between the independent variable (ethnic diversity) and dependent variable (war).

The results of the data can be seen theoretically in the discussion of the Clash of Civilizations and intra-group divisions calling for unity. In the Clash of Civilizations, Huntington argues that it is notrandom that different groups will fight and create a conflict in their countries, but rather, it is an expect-ed consequence of differing ethnicities and religions (Huntington, 34).

Like ethnic diversity, the second independent variable (buffer geopolitical position) also shares a

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X Beta Std.error T-score Significance

The effects of ethnic-multiculturalism and buffering-position of a country on the breakup of war in nation


positive relationship with the dependent variable (war). However, the p value is higher than 5% alpha, meaning the study cannot reject the null hypothesis. The results can be seen in the table: one unit increase in a country’s buffer status, the probability that the country to experience war should also rise by 0.281. We cannot confidently say that a country being a buffer state will be more likely to experience war, even though the independent variable has a positive influence over the dependent variable.

The results of the second independent variable are fairly consistent with the literature above. Although the hypothesis stating that a buffer country will be more likely experience war is challenged by the null hypothesis, the literature above explains why it is assumed that buffer states are more likely to experience conflict.

SummaryCountries with diverse ethnic groups are

likely to experience war. A review of the literature explains how ethnic diversity creates tension among groups with distinct identities, destroying the sense of social solidarity and unity so important to the success of a nation.

REFERENCES

Aklaev, Airat. “Causes and Prevention of Ethnic Conflict” Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology, Russian Academy of Sciences. Available from. http://www.wilsoncenter.org/subsites/ccpdc/pubs/aklaev/2.htm. Internet. Accessed November 24th, 2008

Caspersen, Nina. “Intragroup Divisions in Ethnic Conflicts: From Popular Grievances to Power Struggles”. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, Vol, 14, No 2. (April 2008) pp 239 265.

Cullather, Nick. “Damming Afghanistan: Modernization in a Buffer State”.The Journal of American Hisotry, Vol, 89 No, 2. (September 2002) pp 512-537

Fazal, Tanisha M. “State Death in Intentional System”. International Organization, Vol, 58. (Spring 2004) pp 311-344

Huntington, Samuel P. “Clash of Civilizations”. Foreign Affairs, Vol. 72, No. 3 (Summer, 1993) pp 22-49

Hyde, Charles Cheney. “Belgium and Neutrality”. The American Journal of International Law, Vol. 31, No. 1 (Jan., 1937) pp 81-85

Lieber, Keir A. “The new history of World War I and what it means for international relations theory.” International Security 32.2 (Fall 2007): 155-191

Partem, Michael Greenfield. “The Buffer System in International Relations”. The Journal of Conflict Resolutions, Vol, 27. (March, 1983) pp 3-26

Ross, Thomas E and John Chay. Buffer States in World Politics 1st edition Ross, Thomas E and John Chay. Colorado: Westview Press (1986)

Tarock, Adam. “The Politics of the Pipeline: The Iran and Afghanistan Conflict”. Third World Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 4 (Aug., 1999), pp. 801-819

61

This paper explores the roots, evolution and contemporary applications of preemptive

and preventive violence – the two basic forms of anticipatory war. To fully understand the appro-priateness of anticipatory actions, we must acknowledge the human nature of assuming in-fallibility, and the resulting mispercep-tion and misinforma-tion. The frequency of human error raises legitimate questions about the risks in-volved when engaging in vio-lence to prevent future conflict.

Unconventional Self-defense:Preservation of life has long

been a core value of international

agreements and any military action must first comply with the notion that in order to create a world of sustainable growth and prosperity, war should only be

waged as a last resort. The chief purpose of the

international legal system is to minimize violence, and states must exhaust all peaceful and diplomatic avenues

before engaging in any sort of anticipatory attack (1).

Preemptive vs. Preventive ViolencePreemptive wars are

initiated based upon the notion that an enemy attack is imminent. Whether imminence implies hours, days or weeks is open to interpretation. There are no unanimous guidelines governing preemptive timeframes.

Preventive strikes rely on military action to deal with

a long term threat that, while not imminent, is still considered inevitable (2). Both doctrines are based on the notion of self defense – an increasingly

PHILOSOPHERS AND POLITICIANS HAVE DEBATED THE PRINCIPLES OF “JUST WAR” FOR HUNDREDS OF YEARS. This intellectual wrangling led to the development of numerous contemporary international norms and legal guidelines defining when it is appropriate to use military force. These legal precedents have had an immeasurable impact on international relations over the past few centuries. Even after many of these norms became law dur-ing the 20th century, the debate surrounding anticipatory war – the use of military force as a means of preventing conflict – only intensified. In fact, the topic has perhaps never been so relevant as we enter a new century riddled with international conflict.

Preemptive and Preventive Warfare: Legal?

“War should only be waged as a last resort.”

Josh Linden


subjective term often used liberally to justify state actions.

In anticipatory scenarios, no violence has yet occurred. Therefore, the definition of self defense must be expanded to include perceived dangers and theoretical risks (3). Such subjectivity—subject to human emotion—is not always a reliable factor when considering the necessity (or lack thereof ) to wage war.

Case Studies:Consider four events that tremendously

influenced the evolution of defensive wars over the past two centuries:

1. The Caroline Case of 1837 is often cited by international law experts as the start of preemptive self-defense in the modern era (4). In December 1837, a group of U.S. nationals, sympathetic to the Canadian liberation movement, invaded Navy Island in Upper Canada and established a provisional government in violation of British sovereignty. The American insurgents received reinforcements from The Caroline, a ship that flew a U.S. flag. These insurgents periodically opened fire on British ships.

To prevent additional supplies and insurgents from reaching Navy Island, the British attacked The Caroline while it was docked on the US side of the Niagara River. This provoked a strong response from U.S. Secretary of State Daniel Webster.

In a letter to Lord Ashburton of Great Britain – written to challenge the British attack – Webster stated that preemptive strikes were contingent if the threat proved to be “instant, overwhelming, and leaving no choice of means and no moment for deliberation” (5). Webster’s words are still a guideline for preemptive action.

2. The 1967 Six-Day War between Israel and its neighbors—Egypt, Syria, and Jordan – is perhaps the most cited example of preemptive action in recent history. It was preceded by several provocative actions from the Egyptian government: public threats against Israel, the expulsion of UN peace-keepers from the Sinai Peninsula, and the mobilization of hundreds of thousands of troops near the Israeli border.

In response, Israel ordered a preemptive strike against Egypt, as well as Syria and Jordan, under the premise of self-defense (8). The war ended six days later with Israel emerging victorious.

3. The 1956 Suez Crisis in Egypt demonstrated the preventive use of military force. After President Nasser of Egypt seized the Suez Canal, Israel mobilized its army, prompting France and Britain to follow suit. The European powers both claimed that their use of force was strictly a response to the initial Israeli-Egyptian military escalation – a crisis which threatened to disrupt international commercial shipping.

To protect their respective economic interests, France and Britain used military force in the name of anticipatory self-defense (6). This was the first time prominent world powers had overtly cited economic interests to justify preventive military action.

4. The Cuban Missile Crisis provides another example of preventive military action. In 1962, photographs were produced that showed the Soviets shipping offensive nuclear missiles to Cuba, and the construction of missile sites on the island.

After careful deliberation with top advisors, President Kennedy quarantined the island to prevent the importation of more weapons to Cuba. However, the presence of missiles alone does not constitute an imminent threat.

Kennedy emphasized the provocative and deceitful nature of Soviet actions in Cuba to justify his quarantine (“quarantine” was used in place of

“blockade,” a negative term under international law). Interestingly enough, the U.S. had far more nuclear missiles stationed close to the Soviet Union’s borders, yet the Soviets took no action.

Although these examples are seemingly provide justifiable precedents for the use of both preemptive and preventive force under contemporary international law, aspects of each case study are fundamentally flawed, rendering them ineffective as internationally accepted precedents.

International law – The UN Charter Perspective:The preamble of the UN Charter, established

in 1945, includes the desire to save the world from the “scourge of war,” to utilize the world’s collective

By signing the charter, member states commit to “settle their international disputes by peaceful means.”

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strength to maintain peace and security, and to ensure that armed force shall not be used except when in the common interest (20). By signing the charter, member states commit to “settle their international disputes by peaceful means” (21).

Signed commitment to the UN also entails an adherence to the military provisions outlined in the Charter. Article 2, in Chapter I, prohibits member states of the UN from using force against another state (22). Chapter VI of the charter strengthens this prohibition with an outline for dealing with disputes peacefully.

Article 33 of this chapter declares that states shall “first of all, seek a solution by negotiation, enquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement…or other peaceful means of their choice.” Article 37 adds to these initial steps, stating that “should the parties to a dispute of the nature referred to in Article 33 fail to settle it by the means indicated in that article, they shall refer it to the Security Council.” The UN may therefore double as a mediator to avoid war.

Critics of this measured approach to peace-keeping point to the “X-factor” of time, implying that it is neither quick nor wise to bring a case to the UN – a notoriously deliberate organization – if the threat is immediate.

Michael Walzer, a well-respected “Just War” theorist, holds a different perspective. Walzer asserts that there is “often plenty of time for deliberation, agonizing hours, days, even weeks of deliberation, when one doubts that war can be avoided and wonders whether or not to strike first” (23). He is correct about the unlikelihood of countdown scenarios, and certainly none of the historical examples cited above included such immediacy that would have interrupted the UN decision-making process.

Chapter VII of the UN Charter addresses threats to, and breaches of, the peace. Article 39 of this chapter establishes the UN as judge and jury, determining which situations constitute a “threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression.” Article 41 outlines different non-military options for dealing with threats to the peace, highlighting

a variety of economic and diplomatic sanctions. If such sanctions prove ineffective or inadequate, only then is the use of military force permitted (24). These measures are checks on military power to preserve a peaceful international community.

At first glance, one important passage appears to trump the preceding conditions – the well-known Article 51. It reads, “Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations” (25).

While this segment unquestionably establishes a right to self-defense in response to an armed attack, there is no direct mention of anticipatory force. Therefore, Article 51

does not provide a loophole to justify preemptive or preventive action (26). For those who seek to rationalize anticipatory war, nothing in the UN Charter suggests that every type of military action is a threat to the peace (27).

A Rethinking of Historical PrecedentsIn light of the guidelines set forth by the UN

Charter, the case studies referenced above fail to pass the precedent test. These preemptive and preventive conflicts were justified through loose interpretations, misunderstandings or simple human error. The problems embedded in these examples severely limit their effectiveness:

1. The Caroline Case: A Case of Misperception First, there was a core disagreement over the

nature of the conflict. British Ambassador Henry Fox asserted that the British actions had been necessary to prevent future threats. British Foreign Secretary Lord Palmerston disagreed, claiming that the British actions were made in retaliation for a prior series of armed attacks by U.S. nationals as well as their continued illegal occupation of British terrority (15). This is tremendously significant.

Regardless of the true justification, the British attack should not have been defined as a preemptive action and used as a precedent (16).

2. The Six-Day War The 1967 war between Israel and its Arab

neighbors is slightly more complex. It is generally accepted among historians that Israel was subject to a clear and imminent threat that required immediate preemptive action.

“First of all, seek a solution by negotiation, enquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement…or other peaceful means of their choice.”


In his book Just and Unjust Wars, Michael Walzer paints a slightly different picture. He writes that the crisis actually began a few weeks before the first shot was fired.

In mid-May 1967, Soviet personnel circulated reports within the Arab community that Israel was mobilizing its forces on the Syrian border. UN officials in the area immediately rejected these reports, citing conflicting evidence. But Egypt took these Soviet reports seriously and began a major military buildup putting its forces on maximum alert (18).

Four days later, Egypt expelled UN officials from the Sinai Peninsula and moved large numbers of its forces eastward into Sinai. Israel understandably viewed both actions as a clear intent to escalate. The rest, as they say, is history.

There is no doubt that Egypt’s mobilization of its armed forces presented a growing threat to Israel’s security. However, there are genuine questions about Egypt’s objectives, as well as Israel’s efforts to peacefully quell the crisis without bloodshed. Egypt likely never intended to fire the first shot, an assertion corroborated by military documents found by the Israelis after the war. These outlined Egypt’s plans for an invasion of the Negev desert in southern Israel only in the event of an initial Israeli attack (19).

3. The Suez Crisis The Suez episode – which included both France

and Britain because of their economic interests in the region – did not demonstrate a clear adherence to the conventional norm of “imminent threat.”

Both France and Britain initiated anticipatory strikes because of the perceived threat to commercial interests and regional economic stability. But nowhere within their justification did they mention a violent threat to the well-being of their own respective citizens or their territorial integrity (17).

Unfortunately for France and Britain, economic stability is simply not an adequate legal justification for the use of anticipatory force, and any characterization of their action as “preemptive” is an extremely poor interpretation of legal theory.

The misperceptions in The Caroline Case, Israel’s failure to gather truthful information, and Britain and France’s unjustified entrance into war all demonstrate the difficulties of constructing accurate calculations while under duress. The lessons learned

from these cases are equally true. As former U.S. Defense Secretary Robert McNamara points out in the documentary The Fog of War, one of the most important functions for a policy maker is the ability to empathize with the enemy.

All necessary measures must be taken to gain a better understanding of the situation – a goal which requires policy makers to use diplomatic and peaceful avenues for as long as possible. Too many wars are born from misinformation and misunderstandings. The questionable nature of the conflicts discussed above hinders their usefulness as authoritative sources for customary international law.

Final Thoughts:So, what does all of this mean? The challenge

is to integrate these norms, laws and treaties into a cohesive statement about the appropriateness of anticipatory war. No matter which standard one uses, it appears that preventive war is illegal under any and all circumstances.

As has been shown, not only does it fail to meet the standard of imminent threat, but a policy of preventive war prioritizes the military option over the many peaceful, diplomatic avenues available to all nations. The UN Charter specifically states that war should only be a last resort.

However, the issue of preemptive action is slightly more complex. There are clearly historical justifications for the practice – though they each derive their legitimacy from the assumption of accurate information. If nothing else, history has taught us that concrete information is questionable at best, nonexistent at worst. In case of misinformation, misperceptions and/or a severe lack of empathy for other societies, policy makers should reach out to other leaders and international organizations before making any decisions about pursuing war.

No matter which standard one uses, it appears that preventive war is illegal under any and all circumstances.

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REFERENCES

1 Joel R. Paul. “The Bush Doctrine: Making or Breaking Customary International Law?” Hastings International and Comparative Law Review 27 (Spring 2004): 457.

2 Steven J. Barela. “Preemptive or Preventive War: A Discussion of Legal and Moral Standards.” Denver Journal of International Law and Policy 33.1 (Winter 2004): 32.

3 Michael Walzer. Just and Unjust Wars. 4th Ed. New York: Basic Books, 2006: 74.

4 David B. Rivkin, Lee A. Casey, and Mark Wendell DeLaquil. “Preemption and Law in the Twenty-First Century.” Chicago Journal of International Law 5 (Winter 2005): 469.

5 Paul, 463.8 Paul, 465.6 Rivkin, Casey, and DeLaquil, 480.20 “Charter of the United Nations.” 26 June 1945. The United

Nations 28 Nov. 2006: Preamble21 Rivkin, Casey, and DeLaquil, 474.22 Emanuel Gross. “Self-Defense against Terrorism—What

Does It Mean? The Israeli Perspective.” Journal of Military Ethics 1.2 (2002): 96.

23 Walzer, 75.24 “Charter of the United Nations,” Chapter VII, Article 41 and

42.25 Ibid, Chapter VII, Article 51.26 Gross, 96.27 Rivkin, Casey, and DeLaquil, 475.15 Paul, 463.16 Ibid, 464.18 Walzer, 82.19 Ibid, 83.17 Rivkin, Casey, and DeLaquil, 480.

Pictures: http://thesituationist.files.wordpress.com/2007/06/ iraq-war-life-magazine.jpg


East vs. West: Cuba Caught in the Crossfire

Ibrahim Lamay

WHEN FIDEL CASTRO FIRST CAME TO POWER IN 1959, THE UNITED STATES ENTHUSIASTICALLY WELCOMED HIM.7 When he visited New York in 1959, the city’s official greeter viewed the sheer number of people that had poured out to see Castro and exclaimed, “I can’t take this I better get the hell out of here.”8 But despite this immense show of support from the American populace, President Eisenhower was too busy to meet with him.

embers of the Eisenhower administration expected Castro to grant them the im-mense economic freedom that his prede-

cessor had. In fact, they were debating whether to wait until “he (Castro) asks for (economic) help or take the initiative and offer it.”

Nikita Khrushchev, on the other hand, was pleased to embrace the new revolutionary9, and at least nominally treat Castro as an equal. He met with Castro during that visit to New York. After exchanging pleasantries, Khrushchev got down to business, offering Castro’s government the economic aid it needed to fulfill its revolutionary promises.10

What followed could easily have been reversed. Castro, keen to bring about economic development in his impoverished island nation, decided to purchase cheaper petroleum from the Soviet Union. On discovering this, American refineries in Cuba refused to refine the Soviet Oil. In retaliation, Castro decided to nationalize11 the refineries.

The Eisenhower administration disciplined Cuba by imposing a 95% cut in Cuban sugar coming into American markets – a response to

what Eisenhower called Castro’s “direct policy of hostility.”12 In typical Castro defiance, the Cuban leader nationalized more property held by American businesses. An irate Eisenhower declared a complete trade embargo on Cuba and secretly started supporting espionage attempts targeting Cuba’s key agricultural industry. Fernando Davalos, a former Cuban militia fighter, reported that the US supported attacks that “used small planes with

incendiary devices to set fire to the fields”.13

After years of planning by US government officials,

the Bay of Pigs invasion was launched on 17 April 1961. After two days of fighting, Cuba had captured or killed all invading forces.14

The invasion attempt was doomed from the start. Howard Hunt, a CIA operative that had been involved in the CIA-backed

overthrow of Arbenz in Guatemala, had been sent to Cuba beforehand to assess the situation. He returned to the US and reported, “All I could find was a lot of enthusiasm for Fidel Castro.”15 Thus, even if the exiles survived the initial invasion, the probability of success would have remained uncomfortably low as they lacked the local support

M

“When two elephants fight, it’s the grass that suffers”- African Proverb

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needed for a successful guerilla campaign. It was becoming increasingly clear to

Castro that the United States would not tolerate his government; he needed help. According to Oleg Troyanovski, a Khrushchev adviser “Perhaps he (Fidel Castro) might have taken a different line had the Americans been more mild towards him than they actually were.”16

Soviet nuclear weapons in Cuba were the ugly children born of this unfortunate and intricate state of affairs. The Soviets secretly shipped 60 nuclear missiles and 40,000 men17 to the tiny Caribbean island.

“Quarantine”

During discussions on the 20th of October, as the Kennedy administration was still in the process of formulating its plan of action, Secretary of State Dean Rusk forbid use of the word “blockade” as it was technically an act of war.19 He instead advised using of the word quarantine.20 Just as importantly, while the argument has been made that it was more selective in nature – only ruling out “offensive weapons”21 – that in itself does

not change much. Not all blockades stop all cargo going in and out of a particular location – they are brutal and excessive when they do.22

International law has never rewarded the art of etymology in expense to realities present on the ground. Deciding to label a blockade a quarantine does not create a new category of actions to be judged independently, nor does it relieve the principle actor of the consequences of its actions. By declaring “quarantine” against the Cuban islands on 22 October 1962, the United States carried out an act of war.

As carried out, the United States threatened turned back all ships that possessed “cargoes of offensive weapons.” The United States imposed a blockade line with a perimeter that was 500 nautical miles28 outside Cuba, much farther than the agreed

3 mile29 limit to territorial water claims.30 In so doing, the United States was effectively doing to the

USSR what she had deplored the British and French for doing earlier in her history, interfering with neutral ships on the high seas.

While the blockade of Cuba was selective in nature and thus did not run contrary to United States neutrality arguments of the proceeding two centuries. Some scholars hold that a blockade is simply the “replacement by the belligerent of the territorial jurisdiction of his/her blockaded enemy”31 and it remains a commonly held

estimation that the high seas are free to all.Under a state of war, this understandably does

not apply, but the United States could at best hold to be at a state of war with Cuba and not the USSR. As such, the USSR was neutral in the conflict and had every right to navigate every square nautical mile of international waters free from any form of American harassment. The “quarantine” as it stood was illegal.

“Under international law, you have no right to stop our ships at sea”- Anatoly Drobynin.18

The practice and accession of states to the tenants of international law remain patchy at best. Modern states accept no higher authority, and the effectiveness of organizations like the United Nations is dependent upon its acceptance by modern day states.

This has led to a weaker state of international law. Most states respect and adhere to international law for everyday occurrences, but when issues become serious, states pay little attention to international lawyers. An enduring lesson of history is that when a state as powerful as the US finds its national security challenged, it will ignore the restrictions of international law33.

“Under international law, you have no right to stop our ships at sea”- Anatoly Drobynin.18

By declaring “quarantine” against the Cuban islands on 22 October 1962, the United States carried out an act of war.


References Castro profile of the great survivor, (2008), internet online. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/244974.stm. 25 November

2008 “Castro’s Whirl” The New York Times Apr 26, 1959 chatna.com. “Cold war Quotes.” Available from http://chatna.

com/theme/cold_war.htm. Internet; accessed 30 November 2008 CNN. “Interviews: Howard Hunt, CIA Operative, Central

America.” Available from http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/cold.war/episodes/18/interviews/hunt/. Internet; accessed 30 November 2008

CNN Perspectives: The cold War, CNN, Video recording Chayes, Abram. “Law and the Quarantine of Cuba.” Foreign

Affairs no. 41 (1963): 550. ProQuest. [online.] Defcon 2: Standing on the Brink of Nuclear War During the

Cuban Missile Crisis. The Discovery Channel, 2006 DVD Department of the Navy. “Naval quarantine of Cuba, 1962.”

Available from http://www.history.navy.mil/faqs/faq90-5c.htm. Internet; accessed 30 November 2008

Foreign Affairs Cuban Missile Crisis August 29-October 28, 1962www.u-s-history.com. “Foreign Affairs Cuban Missile Crisis August 29-October 28, 1962.” Available from http://www.u-s-history.com/pages/h1736.html. Internet; accessed 30 November 2008.

“High Seas Free to All.” New York Times (1915): www.proquest.umi.com. [Database online.] Accessed 30 November 2008.

LeFeber, Walter The American Age, New York: WW Norton and Company, 1987, p.597

The National Archives. “Interviews: Howard Hunt, CIA Operative, Central America.” Available from http://www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/2002/fall/cuban-missiles.html. Internet; accessed 30 November 2008.

National Security Archive. “Bay of Pigs 40 Years Later.” Available from http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/bayofpigs/chron.html. Internet; accessed 30 November 2008.

Neal, Arthur G. National Trauma and Collective Memory, New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1998, p96.

“Notes From the President.” American Society of International Law Newsletter (1993): Lexis Nexis. [Database online.] Accessed 30 November 2008

Prest Daryt G Calculating credibility: How Leaders Assess Military Strength, London: Cornell University Press, 2005 p 119

Quoteworld.com. Available from http://www.quoteworld.org/categories/law/. Internet; accessed 30 November 2008.

Stahn, Carsten. “Agora Continued: Future implications of the Iraq Conflict: Enforcement of the Collective Will After Iraq.” American journal of International Law (2003): LexisNexis. [Database online.] Accessed 30 November 2008

The United Nations Organization. “Chapter VII.” Available from http://www.un.org/aboutun/charter/chapter7.htm. Internet; accessed 30 November 2008.

White, Mark J. The Kennedy’s and Cuba. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1999.

www.jfklibrary.org. “The World on the Brink: John F. Kennedy and the Cuban Missile Crisis.” Available from http://www.jfklibrary.org/jfkl/cmc/j102262.htm. Internet; accessed 1 December 2008.

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