king david and jerusalem - myth and reality
TRANSCRIPT
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6 Sep 2003
King David and Jerusalem- Myth and Reality
The Israel Rev iew of Arts and Letters - 1996/102 TOC | KING DAVID | MONTEFIORE | FOLK ART | ETHIOPIAN CHURCH | MAYOR |
LLOSA | OZ | AMICHAI | ZACH | BEN-YEHUDA | LOTAN | JERUSALEM SYNDROME
| DRAWINGS
King David and Jerusalem: Myth
and Reality
Daniel Gavron
Stele wi th theinscription Beit
David (House of
Dav id), Tel Dan,
9th centur y BCE
To mos t Israelis i t is axiomatic that the celebrations for the
3,000th anniversary of the conquest of Jerusalem by King
David mark a real and tangible event; but this is far from
certain. The biblical account of the capture of the city is the
only one we have, and in the opinion of most modern
scholars , the Bible is not an entirely reliable his torical
document. Corroborating evidence is required, and some
indeed exists; but it is not conclusive. When all the
available information has been assembled, the mos t that
can be said is that there was probably an Israelite ruler
called David, who made Jerusalem his capital sometime in
the tenth century bce. However, the precise date cannot be
determined, and consequently there is no way of knowing
exactly when the anniversary falls.
There is plenty of evidence for the existence of ancient
Jerusalem. Excavations in the City of David, today the
village of Silwan, jus t south of the Old City walls , show that
the site has been continuously occupied for some 5,000
years. Closer to David's purported time, excavations
directed by the late Prof. Yigal Shiloh, uncovered a
monumental 20 metre stepped structure, and dated it to the
12th-10th century bce. This could have been the foundation
of the Jebusi te stronghold, captured and subsequently
expanded by David.
In addition to the archaeological evidence, Jerusalem
appears in several ancient documents, apart from the
Bible. The earliest known reference dates to 1900 bce in
the so-called "Execration Texts." The names of the
enemies of the Egyptian ruler were ins cribed on pottery,
which was then smashed in the hope of bringing
destruction upon them. Jerusalem at that time was
apparently an enemy of Egypt, as indicated by letters written
on clay tablets found in the ruins of Amarna, the palace of
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the reforming Pharaoh Akhnetan. In one of them, dating to
the 14th century bce, Abdu-Heba, the king of Jerusalem,
writes pledging his loyalty to the Egyptian ruler.
Until very recently, there was no evidence outside the Bible
for the existence of King David. There are no references to
him in Egyptian, Syrian or Assyrian documents of the time,
and the many archaeological digs in the City of David failed
to turn up so much as a mention of his name. Then, on July
21, 1993, a team of archaeologists led by Prof. Avraham
Biran, excavating Tel Dan in the northern Galilee, found atriangular piece of basalt rock, measuring 23 x 36 cm.
inscribed in Aramaic. It was subs equently identified as part
of a victory pillar erected by the king of Syria and later
smashed by an Israelite ruler. The inscription, which dates
to the ninth century bce, that is to say, about a century after
David was thought to have ruled Israel, includes the words
Beit David ("House" or "Dynasty" of David"). It is the first
near-contemporaneous reference to David ever found. It is
not conclusive; but it does strongly indicate that a king
called David established a dynasty in Israel during the
relevant period.
Another piece of significant evidence comes from Dr. AviOfer's archaeological survey conducted in the hills of Judea
during the last decade, which shows that in the 11th-10th
centuries bce, the population of Judah almost doubled
compared to the preceding period. The so-called Rank Size
Index (RSI), a method of analyzing the size and positioning
of settlements to evaluate to what extent they were a s elf-
contained group, indicates that during this period - David's
supposed period - a strong centre of population existed at
the edge of the region. Jerusalem is the most likely
candidate for this centre.
To sum up the evidence then: in the tenth century bce, a
dynasty was es tablished by David; the population doubledin the hill country of Judah, which acquired a strong central
point, probably Jerusalem , a previously settled site that
was important enough to be mentioned in Egyptian
documents. These facts are certainly consis tent with the
biblical account; but, before examining the biblical version,
we should cons ider the nature of the Bible and of the
historical material it contains.
The Bible is not - and was never intended to be - a
historical document. A work of theology, law, ethics and
literature, it does contain historical information; but if we
want to evaluate this information we should consider when,
how and why the Bible was compiled.
Until comparatively recently, the Bible was accepted as the
word of God by mos t Jews and Chris tians, and therefore
scholarly works dealing with it, such as the Talmud,
rabbinical commentaries, and the work of Christian
scholars , concentrated on its interpretation.
In the 19th century ce, the "Age of Reason," scholars began
subjecting the biblical texts to linguistic, textual, and literary
analysis , noting inconsistencies and interrupted rhythms,
comparing styles, and placing the text within the
archaeological, historical and geographical background.
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ns u e o rc aeo ogy. e r conc us ons were pu s e
in "From Nomadism to Monarchy," edited by Prof. Israel
Finkelstein and Prof. Nadav Na'aman.
Around 1200 bce, semi-nomads from the desert fringes to
the east, joined by elements from Anatolia, the Aegean, and
the south, possibly including Egypt, began to settle in the
hill country of Canaan. A large proportion - probably a
majority of this population - were refugees from the
Canaanite city states, destroyed by the Egyptians in one of
their periodic invasions.
The conclusion is som ewhat startling to Bible readers who
know the Canaanites portrayed in the Bible as imm oral
idolaters: mos t of the Israelites were in fact formerly
Canaanites. The story of Abraham's journey from Ur of the
Chaldees, the Patriarchs, the Exodus, Sinai, and the
conquest of Canaan, all these were apparently based on
legends that the various elements brought with them from
their countries of origin. The consolidation of the Israelites
into a nation was not the result of wanderings in the desert
and divine revelation, but came from the need to defend
themselves against the Philistines, who settled in the
Canaanite coastal plain more or less at the same time theIsraelites were establishing themselves in the hills.
Thus the founders of Israel were not Abraham and Moses;
but Saul and David. It was apparently Saul who
consolidated the hill farmers under his rule and created
fighting units capable of confronting the Philis tines. It was
David who defeated the Philis tines and united the hill
farmers wi th the people of the Canaanite plains, thus
establishing the Kingdom of Israel and its capital city.
It is generally accepted among scholars today that there is
genuine his torical material in the Books of Samuel, which
describe the careers of Saul and David; but even thesebooks must be critically examined to distinguish between
legend and fact, in as much as it can ever be known. Some
of the materials in Samuel I and II , notably the lis ts of
officers, officials , and dis tricts are believed to be very early,
poss ibly even dating to the time of David or Solomon.
These documents were probably in the hands of the
Deuteronomis ts when they started to compi le the material
three centuries later.
Apart from the lists, the account appears to have
undergone two separate acts of editorial slanting. The
original writers show a strong bias against Saul, and in
favour of David and Solomon. Many years later, theDeuteronomis ts edited the material in a manner that
conveyed their religious m essage, inserting reports and
anecdotes that strengthened their monotheistic doctrine.
When it comes to Jerusalem , however, the challenge is to
set the biblical texts in the context of the archaeological and
historical evidence.
The biblical account is terse:
And the king and his men went unto the Jebusites ,
the inhabitants of the land; which spake unto David,
saying, Except thou take away the blind and the
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ame, ou s a no come er; n ng av
cannot come in hither. Nevertheless, David took the
stronghold of Zion; the same is the city of David. And
David said on that day, whosoever getteth up to the
gutter, and smiteth the Jebusites and the lame and
the blind, that are hated of David's soul, he shall be
chief and captain. Wherefore they said, the blind
and the lame shall not come into the house. So
David dwelt in the fort and cal led it the city of David.
[II Samuel 5: 6-9]
We have already seen that archaeologists uncovered a
large stepped structure that could have been the bas is of
the Jebusite town, so the two questions that arise are: how
did David and his men get into the town, and what is the
significance of the rather obscure reference to the "blind
and the lame."
In 1865, Charles Warren, a British army engineer,
discovered beneath the village of Silwan, a shaft leading to
a tunnel connecting with the Gihon spring. For some time it
was taken as self-evident that the "gutter" (tzinnor in
Hebrew) of the biblical account was this shaft, named
Warren's Shaft, after its d iscoverer.
Subsequently, similar systems were discovered at other
sites, such as Hazor in Upper Galilee and Megiddo in the
Jezreel Valley, and dated to a later period. As a result of
this, a number of ingenious interpretations of the word
tzinnor were sugges ted, for example, a grappling iron for
climbing the walls , or the windpipes of the defenders, or
the water-source but not the shaft.
However, the mos t recent investigations have shown that
the City of David water system is based on natural fault
lines. It was man-improved rather than man-made.
Therefore it could have been earlier than the Megiddo and
Hazor systems. In any case, few archaeologists are now
prepared to date these systems precisely.
Consequently there is no reason to reject the original
ass umption that David's men penetrated the Gihon spring,
crept along the tunnel and climbed up the shaft into the city,
taking the defenders by surprise. More complex is the
matter of the blind and lame. The Roman-Jewish historian,
Flavius Josephus, writing in the first century ce, in an
apparent attempt to mock David, proclaimed that the city
was s o impregnable that even blind and lame soldiers
could defend it.
In modern times, the late Prof. Yigael Yadin was the first to
suggest a solution that has become generally accepted, by
examining the his tory of other nations in the region. Noting
that the Jebusites of Jerusalem were probably of Anatolian-
Hittite origin, Yadin made the connection to Hattusha, the
ancient Hittite capital, where documents were found that
described soldiers taking an oath of loyalty to the ruler.
The soldiers were paraded in front of a blind woman and a
deaf man, and told that anyone failing to live up to his oath
"will be as these" - that is, will be stricken blind or deaf. The
pass age about the taking of Jerusalem may refer to a
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,
lame in the front lines as a way of casting a spell on the
attackers, threatening them with blindness and lam eness .
The Bible testifies that David did not mass acre or expel the
Jebusite survivors. Two biblical passages make it clear
that they continued to live in David's capital:
And the children of Benjam in did not drive out the
Jebusites that inhabited Jerusalem; but the
Jebusites dwell with the children of Bethlehem in
Jerusalem unto this day. [Judges I: 21]
A passage in the book of Joshua is alm ost identical, except
that it refers to the "children of Judah" instead of the
"children of Benjamin." The account in the Book of Samuel,
which s tates that "David built around from the Millo inward,"
suggests that David expanded the city to accomodate his
family, court, officials and sold iers. No one is certain exactly
what this means; but most experts connect "Millo" with
milui, the Hebrew for (land) fill. It may refer to the expansion
of the Jebusite city by terracing the hillside, filling up the
terraces, and building on them. This would be cons istent
with the dis covery of the stepped structure in the city of
David.
That David showed respect for the Jebusites - even their
property rights - is clear from the description of how the
Israelite king acquired a site for a s acrificial altar. Although
Araunah the Jebus ite, poss ibly the former ruler of the city,
offers i t to him free of charge, David ins ists on paying for it:
And the king said unto Araunah; Nay, but I will surely
buy it from thee at a price; neither will I offer burnt
offerings unto the Lord my God of that which doth
cost me nothing. So David bought the oxen and the
threshing floor for fifty shekels of silver. [II Samuel
24: 24]
Other passages in the Books of Samuel make it clear that
David employed Jebusites in his army and administration.
Uriah the Hittite is an obvious example. Some scholars
also sugges t that Zadok, David's second high priest, was a
Jebusite priest of Jerusalem. The Bible shows him as a
descendant of Aaron, the brother of Moses; but, as we have
seen, s cholars are divided over the his torical authenticity of
Moses and Aaron. Many see the appointment of two high
priests as a balancing act between north and south. The
two entities, although uni ted under Saul and David, showed
signs of division during their reigns, and were irrevocably
spli t after Solomon's dem ise. Abiathar, the sole survivor of
the priests of Nob, was from the north; Zadok could have
come either from Jerusalem, or from further south.
We have already mentioned that the lists of territories,
officers and officials are almost certainly the oldest and
mos t historical parts of the Books of Samuel. Two lis ts of
David's officials contain names , such as Adoram, who was
in charge of the levy, Seraiah the scribe, and Jehoshaphat,
the royal herald. Prof. Benjamin Mazar has pointed out that
these names were Canaanite, and concluded that David
evidently employed officials of the Canaanite city-states in
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