S.Afr.J .Ethnol., 1995, 18(2) 49

Rathateng and Mabyanamatshwaana: cradles of the K wena and Kgatla

J.C.C. Pistorius Department of Anthropology and Archaeology, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, 0002 Republic of South Africa

Received December 1994

Rathateng and Mabyanamatshwaana represent two important sites from which the Kwena and Kgatla dispersed - the

Kwena groups largely in a westerly direction (from Rathateng), and the Kgatla groups in different directions (from

Mabyanamatshwaana and Marapjana). Excavations in the centre of the Mabyanamatshwaana complex exposed settlement

features analogous to historical and archaeological Kwena and Kgatla (Pedi) settlements. The characteristic letlatswa of

historically known Kgatla (Pedi) settlements in Sekhukhuneland is conspicuous in the Mabyanamatshwaana complex. The

spatial nexus which characterizes Kwena settlements could not be recognized in the Mabyanamatshwaana complex. It

probably once existed in the central part of the settlement but was eventually nudged out to the periphery to form the

letlatswa - probably as a result of the introduction of large-scale secondary iron working in the central part of the

settlement.

Rathateng en Mabyanamatshwaana verteenwoordig twee belangrike herkomspunte in die geskiedenis van die Kwena en

Kgatla. Kwenagroepe het hoofsaaklik weswaarts (vanaf Rathateng) versprei, terwyl die Kgatlagroepe in verskillende

rigtings (vanaf Mabyanamatshwaana en Marapjana) versprei het. Opgrawings in die kern van die Mabyanamatshwaana­

kompleks het ooreenkomste met historiese en argeologiese K wenaterreine en met histories bekende Kgatlaterreine

blootgele. Die letlatswa wat histories bekende Kgatlaterreine (Pediterreine) in Sekhukhuneland kenmerk, is duidelik in die

Mabyanamatshwaana-kompleks waameembaar. Die ruimtelike verbindings wat Kwenaterreine kenmerk kan nie in hierdie

terreine onderskei word nie. Dit het waarskynlik vroeer weI in die kraalkompleks bestaan waarna dit uitgestoot is na die

buiterand van terreine om die letlatswa te vorm - vermoedelik as gevolg van grootskaalse ystersmidswerk in die sentrale

gedeeJtes van hierdie terreine.

Introduction

An archaeological survey tn the north-east of Brits revealed a part of the remains of an extensive stone-walled complex which

, dates from at least the advent of the seventeenth century. This

complex - referred to here as the Mabyanamatshwaana com­plex - was first recognized by Mason (1968, 1986) from aerial

photographs. It was later investigated by means of a small exca­vation on the farm Zambok Zyn Oude Kraal (258JR). In this arti­

cle is indicated, firstly, that the Mabyanamatshwaana complex

(stretching along the norite series of hills between Rustenburg and Pretoria) and the site of Rathateng (on the border between South African and Botswana) were the two centres from which

the present Kwena and Kgatla peoples dispersed into the .Trans­vaal, the Free State, and Botswana.

Secondly, an overview is provided of the results of a survey and excavation of two settlements (ZKOOl, ZK002) On the farm Zwartkopjes (427JQ), to the north-east of Brits. These settle­ments are part of the nucleus of the Mabyanamatshwaana com­

plex.

Thirdly, an interpretative explanation, which utilizes Kwena

and Kgatla (Pedi) ethnography, is provided for site ZKOOI. This settlement, which clearly exhibits settlement features of both the

Tswana kgoro and the letlatswa of the Pedi village, seems to pro­vide evidence for the commOn origin of the Kwena and the

Kgatla.

As the results of the analysis of the archaeological remains

from site ZKOOI (including fauna, pottery, a human skeleton and radio-carbon dates) are still being awaited, this article is the first in an intended series on the Mabyanamatshwaana complex. ,

Method and approach

The archaeological investigation of the stone-walled settlements On Roodekopjes or Zwartkopjes (427JQ) in September 1993 con­sisted of a helicopter survey of the norite hills which stretch from Wonderboom Airfield north of Pretoria to Brits (approximately 40 km to the north-west of Pretoria). This aerial survey proved beyond doubt that a large number of stone-walled sites - some of considerable size and extent - lie scattered along these hills. The aerial reconnaissance was followed by a ground surveillance of parts of the farms Elandsrand (570JQ), Elandsfontein (440JQ), and Roodekopjes or Zwartkopjes (427JQ). Several sites, covering the period from the seventeenth to the twentieth century, were discovered (Figure 1; Pistorius & Coetzee 1993a, 1993b). Five settlements were surveyed and mapped and one of them excavated. The focus here is primarily on the results of the excavations at this settlement (hereafter referred to as Zwartkop­jes 001 or ZKOOl). The archaeological excavations and features of this site are described and subsequently explained by using Kwena and Kgatla (Pedi) ethnographic data.

Or'al history

This article does not intend to provide an overview of all availa­ble historical evidence regarding the origin of the Sotho-Tswana peoples. This laborious and difficult task was undertaken by Legassick (1978) who achieved admirable results considering the nature of the historical data at his disposal. Late Iron Age archae­ologists (whose field of study overlaps with Bantu oral history) have to take note of this evidence and particularly of the refer­ences to ancient settlement names. Such data can serve as key markers in chronological and spatial frameworks. From these

Rep

rodu

ced

by S

abin

et G

atew

ay u

nder

lice

nce

gran

ted

by th

e Pu

blis

her (

date

d 20

13)

50

I I

~ -\ /

_ i ROOOEKOP~ES \ OR lWARTKOPJES 427 JO

I , , ~

f " ~ .",.; -::.,.~~C>

'\ ELANDSRAND 570JO

\

- --Figure 1 Location of Sotho-Tswana settlements, dating from the Iron Age on the farms Elandsrand, Elandsfontein, and Zwartkopjes in the Birts district

descriptive interpretations, more complex enquIrIes into the

meaning and significance of these remains and the people who

were associated with them can be made_

Significant data about ancient settlements and their inhabitants

can, of course, also be obtained by interviewing elderly spokes­

persons - an approach which is currently used by the author and

his co-worker among the Kgatla of Kgafela (Pilanesberg). Such

archaeo-ethnographic enquiries have long been proposed in the

literature (e.g. Stiles 1977) and the method have to some extent been used in research on the South African Iron Age (Loubser

S.Afr.TydskrEtnol., 1995,18(2)

1981,1991; Pistorius 1984).

At least four major Sotho-Tswana group~ can be distinguished,

namely, the Rolong, the Hurutshe, the Kwena and the Kgatla.

These peoples currently still occupy the central and northwestern parts of the Transvaal, the Free State, and southern Botswana.

The ancestry of these peoples have occasionally been traced to

the interlacustrine regions of Africa (Stow 1910). Whether these

groups had earlier progenitors within the borders of South Africa

and Botswana is at present still unclear from the evidence pro­

vided by archaeologists. At least one researcher proposes a local

development for the Sotho-Tswana by using data regarding early

Iron Age sites such as the one at Broederstroom (Mason 1983,

1986). This viewpoint can be contrasted with the migratory

hypothesis of Evers (1983) which is in accordance with the oral

histories of the groups mentioned above and which dates back to

the arrival of groups such as the Rolong and the Hurutshe-Kwena

in their present territories (fourteenth to fifteenth century AD)

(Breutz 1953: 18; Coertze 1971:23).

The Rathateng site was discovered by the author in 1989 after

it was located on the 1 :50000 topographical map of Thabazimbi

(2426BD). The site is located close to the confluence of the

Crocodile and Marico Rivers on the farm London (19KP) in the

Thabazimbi district (2426BD) and close to the border between

South Africa and Botswana (Figure 2) (Schapera 1952:8; Breutz

1953:81, 1956: 169). Rathateng is closely associated with the

Kwena, although an old spokesman who lives on the farm Lon­

don indicated that it was also occupied by the Kgatla. Several

generations after the Kwena of Mogopa broke away from this

settlement (eighteenth century), they were followed by the

Kwena of Modimosana (Breutz 1953:81,425, 1956: 169; Coertze

Figure 2 Site known as Rathateng on the farm London in the Thabazimbi district

Rep

rodu

ced

by S

abin

et G

atew

ay u

nder

lice

nce

gran

ted

by th

e Pu

blis

her (

date

d 20

13)

S.Afr J Ethnol .1995.18(2) 51

Figure 3 Aerial photograph of stone-walled settlements which form part of the Mabyanamatshwaana complex

1971 :23; McDonald 1940: 15). The Modimosana people divided

into two main sections, those of Matau and those of Raman­

amela. They respectively settled on the fanns Selonskraal

(317JQ) and Shylock (256JQ) in the Rustenburg district. Here

the two sections developed into fonnidable chiefdoms - cur­

rently represented by two stone-built megasites respectively

known as Molokwane and Boitsemagano (Pistotius 1984, 1992,

1994b).

Another centre of origin often referred to in Sotho-Tswana oral

tradition is Mabyanamatshwaana (Swartkoppies), of which the

location is described as to the north-east of Brits (Breutz

1953a: 18; Schapera 1952:8). As the name 'Swartkoppies' is

written over the norite hills which occur on the farm Krelingspost

(425JQ) (see the map of Brits: 2527DB) , it was initially thought

that this area, which is located near Garankuwa and the Medical

University of South Africa (Medunsa 237JR), may in fact refer to

Mabyanamatshwaana (Pistorius 1992:8). However, it seems more likely that the fann Roodekopjes or Zwartkopjes (427JQ) and the farm Elandsrand (570) , which is marked by extensive and elaborate stone-walled sites, may in fact refer to the centre of this

original complex. The name Mabyanamatshwaana were possibly

used to. refer to all the settlements on the norite series of hills which surround Brits and which extend westwards towards Mari­kana and Rustenburg and eastwards towards Pretoria (Figure 3).

The Ndebele settlement known as KwaMnyamana on the farms

Doornpoort (295JR) and Onderstepoort (300JR), north of Preto­

ria (Van Vuuren 1983), may represent the eastern perimeter of

this Sotho-Tswana complex of settlements.

Mabyanamatshwaana is mentioned in the oral history of the

Hurutshe who are considered to be the senior group among the

Tswana-speaking tribes and the Tswana and Pedi-speaking

Kgatla tribes. The original single cluster of lineages settled at

this locality under the leadership of an ancestor who was cele­

brated in praise poems as Mogale . Mogale and the five chiefs

who succeeded him, ruled at this centre from 1350 to 1470 AD

(Breutz 1953a: 18 ; Coertze 1971 :23). Although it is said that the

Hurutshe left this area to settle in the far Western Transvaal, it is

possible that a large number of the lineage groups which contrib­

uted to the Hurutshe may have arrived from the Rathateng area

(Legassick 1978: 100).

The processes of fission and dispersal from Rathateng and

Mabyanamatshwaana were extremely complex, but it seems evi­

dent that these two centres were part of a general area from

which the major Sotho-Tswana groups (Hurutshe, Kwena, and

Kgatla) dispersed (Figure 4). These two centres are also linked in

oral tradition; a group such as the Kwena of Mogopa stayed at

Mabyanamatshwaana but returned to Rathateng (their earlier set­

tlement) when drought and famine ravaged the central Transvaal

in c. 1720-1730 (McDonald 1940:8-9; Schapera 1952:8;

Coertze 1971 :23,24). It would, however, be mere speculation to

set a chronology for the occupation of these two centres at this

stage. While both were most probably occupied until the first decades of this century, Rathateng may register older radio-car­

bon dates than Mabyanamatshwaana if a southern movement of Iron Age peoples (such as those of the Broadhurst and Toutswe

Figure 4 Model which illustrates the fission of a Hurutshe­Kwena-Kgatla lineage cluster from Rathateng and Mabyanamat­shwaana

Rep

rodu

ced

by S

abin

et G

atew

ay u

nder

lice

nce

gran

ted

by th

e Pu

blis

her (

date

d 20

13)

52

traditions of Botswana) (Denbow 1981, 1982), took place into South Africa from the fourteenth century AD (Pistorius 1992:9). Preliminary observations also indicate that Rathateng has few visible stone-walls, which may reflect its more ancient occupa­tion than that of the settlements of the southerly Mabyanamat­shwaana complex.

While the association of the Hurutshe and Kwena with Rat­hateng and Mabyanamatshwaana are quite obvious from histori­cal evidence, the Kgatla cannot be clearly linked to either one of these centres. One of the Kgatla's earliest settlements is known as Marapjana which is located on the farm Schilpadfontein on the Springbok Flats (Legassick 1972: 103). It is here that the Marota (from Lerota, alias Motsha) separated from the Kgatla (those of Motsa and Mmakau) some three hundred years ago. The Rota splinter groups moved eastwards to establish the nine­teenth century Pedi chiefdom in Sekhukhuneland (Bothma 1969: 187, 1976: 180-182). While the Kgatla of Motsha still occupy this locality, the Kgatla of Mmakau today reside at De Wildt. Two other Kgatla groups also hived off from this original nucleus, namely, the Kgatla of Mosethla and the Kgatla of Kgafela. The latter group again separated into two clans of which the senior group moved to Botswana. The Kgatia of Mosethla today occupy the Hammanskraal-Warm baths area and the junior section of the Kgatia of Kgafela live in Saulspoort, in the Pilanesberg district. Both the Hammanskraal and De Wildt areas fall within the ambits of the Mabyanamatshwaana complex. Numerous Kgatla lineages also moved south over the Vaal River to settle in the Free State (Kriel 1976; Legassick 1978).

Archaeological investigation

A cluster of four stone-walled settlements, namely, ZKOOl, ZK002, ZK003, and ZK004, which occur on the southern border of Roodekopjes or Zwartkopjes (247JQ) directly adjacen~ to Elandsrand, the northern-most suburb of Brits, was investigated (Figure 5). The first two settlements were surveyed while site ZKOOI was also excavated. These two sites are presently endan­gered by a proposed road construction project. In fact, the suburb of Elandsrand (on the farm of the same name) was built over sev­eral stone-walled settlements which were part of the cluster that survived on Zwartkopjes and substantial damage was done to ZK002. It seems as if all the settlements which were destroyed, together with the cluster on Zwartkopjes, were ranked in some hierarchical order, and that site ZKOOI (according to its particu­lar locational features as well as its spatial composition) ranked high in this sociopolitical hierarchy. This settlement is not only large in size but also complex in its spatial composition and set­tlement features. It is located on the highest contour levels of the hills in this part of ElandsrandlZwartkoppies and provides a magnificent view of the surrounding norite hills and the flats between these hills.

Survey

The two settlements ZKOOI and ZK002 were surveyed with the aid of a compass, theodolite and a 50 m measuring tape. The measurements and angles were processed and plan drawings made with a REGIS program on a 486DC personal computer. The two sites, which were located 150 m apart and some 20 m in contour height difference, were spatially linked with the aid of a linear trajectory which was set up by a surveyor. It is intended to link site ZK003 (which is also located approximately 150 m from

S.Afr.Tydskr.Etnol.,1995,18(2)

site ZKOOI but on a slightly higher plateau and totally out of sight of ZKOOI and ZK002) with ZKOOI and ZK002.

Spatial features of ZK001 and ZK002

Both these settlements, as well as all the pre-nineteenth century settlements which were observed in the research area, tie in with the Bantu Cattle Pattern (Kuper 1980). This provides an ethno­graphic model which can aid the archaeologist in explaining the meaning of stone-walled settlements (Dreyer 1993; Evers 1984; Huffman 1982; Mason 1986; Pistorius 1984, 1992, 1994b; Tay­lor 1984, 1986). The settlements of the Mabyanamatshwaana complex therefore clearly reflect a pastoral character which can, however, be extended to include domestic agriculture and metal working.

The main spatial features of stone-walled settlements is an outer encircling wall, a series of centrally linked enclosures, and an intervening unenclosed space between these two features. The outer encircling wall (which consists of scallops in the case of stone-walled settlements which occur particularly in the Free State and in the central and western Transvaal), contain the homesteads of these villages and can also be referred to as malapa. The centrally arranged, and sometimes linked, enclo­sures can be termed kraal complexes. These spatial units are gen­erally associated with domestic stock (cattle, goats, and sheep), herdboy-shelters and the formal and informal gathering of men. The formal gatherings were conducted in a court (kgotla) where judicial or political matters concerning the inhabitants of the vil­lage (kgoro) were discussed. Informal gatherings of men also occurred in the kraal complex while visitors (such as traders) were received in the' kraal complex and in areas located near the entrance to the village. The outer circumference of the village with its dwellings, pottery, and grinding stones was the domain of women.

This explanatory model was successfully applied to the stone­walled site (designated SELl) which forms part of the capital (motse) of the Kwena of Modimosana, known as Molokwane. This model demonstrated a spatial relation between a main dwelling (or lapa complex), a principal cattle kraal and a formal court (kgotla) among this group (Pistorius 1984, 1992, 1994b). This ethnographic model cannot, however, be duplicated on site ZKOOI. The spatial composition and layout of this settlement's addendum resembles the letlatswa of the Pedi village (kgoro) while it's body also exhibits features of the Kwena kgoro.

Site ZK002

A part of site ZK002 was destroyed during the construction of the houses in Tontelberg Street, the northern-most road of the suburb of Elandsrand. Presently the site serves as a dumping site for garden refuse and other rubbish while children use it as a playground. Treasure hunters have removed all the upper grind­ing stones and other visible artefacts from the surface. Neverthe­less, three iron artefacts were found by the author near the entrance to one of the dwellings of the site, and a piece of an ele­phant tusk was picked up on the surface of the midden adjacent to the boundary wall which encircles this site.

It seems that site ZK002 actually consists of two settlement units. Both these units consist of an outer tier of scallops in which houses (or huts) were built and which encircle centrally located enclosures. These features therefore clearly represent the structures referred to above, namely malapa with houses which

Rep

rodu

ced

by S

abin

et G

atew

ay u

nder

lice

nce

gran

ted

by th

e Pu

blis

her (

date

d 20

13)

S.AfrJ.Ethnol.,1995,18(2) 53

ZK003

not approximate location

1. Outer scalloped wall (dwellings/malapa)

2. Inner kraal complex: • byres for small & large stock • high and low-status forgers • burial centre

3. Intervening space: • circulation of people & stock • regulating social relations/taboos • delineating social status & rank

ZK001 {4. Appendix with huts for guards/visitors/traders ADDENDUM

5. Frontal part: • main entrance • cattle kraal • formal court (kgotla) • informal gathering place (kgorong)

o 10 ........ 20 30 ........ 40 50 ........

Figure 5 Cluster of four stone-walled settlements on the farm Zwartkopjes, north-east of Brits. Two of these settlements were surveyed (ZKOOI, ZK002) and one was excavated (ZKOOI)

encircle centrally located enclosures in which stock were kept (Figure 5).

Site ZK001

Site ZKOOI is located at the co-ordinates 27° 49' E and 25° 35' S and at an average height of 3 900 m above sea level. This is slightly lower than ZK003's elevation but, again, higher than ZK002 which was built on the flats and at the foot of the norite hills which stud this part of Zwartkopjes. Its size and extent, which roughly covers 2 ha, as well as the spatial features of the site (which are discussed below), indicate that this settlement represents the pinnacle of a socio-political hierarchy which used to exist in the settlements on this part of Zwartkopjes.

This settlement is marked by an outer boundary wall which consists of at least 29 scallops. Most of these semi-circles con­tain patches of clay with pole impression markings which repre­sent the remains of houses. The settlement's kraal complex consists of seven linked enclosures which encircle a central inner space. The unenclosed interspace of the site, that is, the area between the scallops (malapa) and the kraal complex, is marked by a free-standing wall, which has now largely collapsed. This wall formed a corridor with at least two thirds of the outer cir­cumference of the kraal complex. It was marked by interruptions, or openings, at short intervals which connected the corridor with sections of the surrounding malapa. Two types of small circular enclosures were associated with the corridor wall, namely, enclo­sures which form part of this wall and free-standing enclosures adjacent to this wall. Most of these enclosures, which had clearly visible entrances, are dilapidated. Several common forge niches, which can be recognized by their semi-circular ground plans, were built against the free-standing wall.

One may add two additional features to the three spatial com­ponents which have been outlined (and which are reminiscent of

most stone-walled settlements). These features consist of an

appendix to the original body of ZKOOI (which exhibits the three

features mentioned above) and a further extension consisting of,

among other things, the settlement's main entrance, low-rising

stone walls, and oval enclosures. Consequently, site ZKOOI can actually be divided into three parts (Figure 6):

ZKOOI.I: The main body of the settlement which consists of the

three spatial units outlined above.

ZKOO1.2: An appendix which was attached to the main body of the settlement.

ZKOO1.3: The main entrance which leads to the inner part of the

site, low-built free-standing and circular walls, and a

conspicuous oval enclosure which has the highest

wall in this spatial unit.

The latter two spatial units (ZKOO1.2 & ZKOO1.3) are also jointly referred to as the 'addendum' of site ZKOOI when this

part of the settlement is emphasized in contrast to the main body (ZKOO 1.1) of the site.

Excavations

The excavations which were conducted in the different spatial

components of site ZKOOI consisted of the following:

- Squares to reveal the presence, groundplans, and features of

houses in the high-status living area (also referred to as the

main lapa complex).

- Long, narrow test. trenches and single, isolated squares to

determine the nature, depths and variations in the deposits of

the main lapa complex and the kraal complex.

- The total excavation and removal of the deposits of three of

the small enclosures and two of the common iron forges

which were built against the corridor wall.

Rep

rodu

ced

by S

abin

et G

atew

ay u

nder

lice

nce

gran

ted

by th

e Pu

blis

her (

date

d 20

13)

54 S.Afr.Tydskr.Etnol., 1995, 18(2)

common iron forge niches

1. OUTER SCALLOPED WALLS (malapa)

cook house/shelters for herd boys remains of

extension to huts 'h'k'Ci2 ~ r;c~, ____ -......-

;. ~~-. '- it

2. KRAAL COMPLEX

high-status Q :::: _"::: ~ " :- -"\.".,

lapa complex "': t:·~ .. ·.c_--....... - ... '111.~~~", ... ,-..... ~ .. -~"J midden "-

10 20 30

metre

entrance/exit high-status iron forge work place

40 50

main entrance

4 & 5 ADDENDUM

informal gathering place (kgorong)

Figure 6 Plan drawing of site ZKOOI revealing three main spatial features: a central body (ZKOOI.I); an appendix (ZKOOI.2) and a frontal part (ZKOO1.3)

High-status living area

The high-status living area of site ZKOO1, which is also referred to as the main tapa complex, can be identified from various clues and features. These include the fact that this part of the settle­ment is associated with a low rising norite knoll which gives this cluster of huts a perfect view over the remaining part of the set­tlement. This living area, which encompasses at least five scal­lops, also contains the scallop with the most impressively built wall in the settlement. This dwelling occurs on the highest ele­vated position of ZKOOI. It is also noticeable that only this part of the dwellings of site ZKOOI is directly linked with the central inner space. This secondary enclosure also served as a cattle kraal judging from the deposit which was excavated in this unit. It also appeared as if the main tapa complex had the densest con­centration of houses in the settlement. Some of these were used as sleeping quarters while others fulfilled a supportive role, for example, as storage and cooking places (Figure 7).

There is therefore little doubt that this part of the settlement was occupied by its ruler. This person was probably a headman (kgosana) and also the head of the most senior family group (tesika) which occupied this village. The five scallops and one enclosure, which is located at the back of the main tapa complex, reflect the expansion of this elite group. It is clear that this family group - which may have been composed of a senior son of the headman together with his wives and children - may have pre-

pared themselves to secede from the main settlement to establish an own independent village branch (kgorwana).

From the remains of at least seven huts which were excavated within the confines of the main tapa complex, two types of huts could be distinguished. The first type, which occurs closest to or within the scallops, were interpreted as dwellings. They were generally larger in diameter than the second type and were marked by verandas opposite their entrances. These features had crescent-shaped outlines. The second type was demarcated by upright-standing foundation stones and were located opposite, or in close proximity of the dwellings (Figure 7).

Huts with crescent-shaped verandas are a common feature in stone-walled settlements associated with the Sotho-Tswana, for example, in the north-western Free State (Maggs 1976); the Vre­defort Dome (Taylor 1979), and in the Rustenburg and Klerksdorp area (Mason 1973, 1974, 1968, 1986; Pistorius 1984, 1992, 1994). These huts were used as living quarters. The second type which was excavated on site ZKOOI served a secondary role and was used for storage (water, food and beer) and perhaps for the preparation of food.

Kraal complex

The kraal complex of site ZKOOI consists of seven linked circu­lar enclosures which were referred to as Kraal 1 to Kraal 7. These enclosures circumscribe a secondary enclosure (Maggs

Rep

rodu

ced

by S

abin

et G

atew

ay u

nder

lice

nce

gran

ted

by th

e Pu

blis

her (

date

d 20

13)

S.ArI J.Ethnol.,1995,18(2) 55

Figure 7 The main Japa complex , or high-status living area, of site ZKOOI . The remains of at least eight huts, which include living and stor­ing huts, were excavated in this area

Figure 8 The high-status forge work place located in the kraal complex. Common iron forge niches are located in the central inner space of

site ZKOO 1

Rep

rodu

ced

by S

abin

et G

atew

ay u

nder

lice

nce

gran

ted

by th

e Pu

blis

her (

date

d 20

13)

56 S.Afr.Tydskr.Elnol..1995.18(2)

Figure 9 The skeletal remains of a young man buried in a grass container in the central inner space (cattle byre)

Figure 10 Two of the small, circular enclosures which are not attached to the free-standing corridor wall. These structures were used as cook houses and/or as shelters for herdboys

Rep

rodu

ced

by S

abin

et G

atew

ay u

nder

lice

nce

gran

ted

by th

e Pu

blis

her (

date

d 20

13)

S.AfrJ.Ethnol., 1995, 18(2)

1976:25; Pistorius 1992:15) which is also referred to as a central inner space. Excavations in all these structures (except the small­eSl kraal, no. 7, which was not excavated) proved that these enclosures, as well as the central inner space, were used for domestic animals. The deposit in all these enclosures, which reaches a depth of 1.2 m in Kraal 1, consists of levels of dung which vary in depth in the different structures. The deepest levels of these kraal deposits consist of a mixture of ash and orange­coloured soil with a limited number of potsherds and bones. These deposits are generally located below (or under) the stone walls. This occupational phase, which must predate the building of the walls of the settlement, was also noted in the main lapa complex as well as beneath the small enclosures (cook houses and herdboy shelters) which were excavated in the intervening, unenclosed space of ZKOOl.

The excavated kraals were not used exclusively to shelter domestic animals. Kraal 2 possibly also had another, but as yet undetermined function when one considers its large entrance/ opening and the stone platform which covers one third of its sur­face. Similarly, Kraal 3 served as a workplace for high-status iron forgers while the central inner space was not only used as a shel­ter for domestic animals (such as cattle according to its size), but also as a workplace for common iron forgers and as a burial place. The features and functions of Kraal 3, and the central inner space of ZK001 are discussed in more detail below.

Kraal 3

The deposit in this enclosure, which reaches.~. depth of 45 cm, mainly cons its of ash with small amounts ?fctung. The structure, however, was mainly used as an iron' forge. The ash was pro­duced by hearths, such as the one whieh was excavated, and even perhaps by the burning of wood used as charcoal in the hearths. Several pieces of carbonized logs were retrieved from the exca­vated deposit.

At least two shelters in which iron tools were forged were uti­lized in this enclosure. Each consisted of a low and partly semi­circular stone wall which mainly consists of anvil and hammer stones. These 'walls' partly demarcate one or more grouped anvil stones of varying size. Both these forge shelters were placed more or less at an equal distance from an open hearth. This fea­ture had a circular floor which was packed with stones and possi­bly a low wall of clay which helped to keep the charcoal on the heat-retaining stone floor. Iron tools were heated in this hearth (or furnace) and then hammered on the anvil stones (Figure 8).

Although evidence for the forging of iron was also found in the central inner space and against the free-standing corridor wall, no remains of (clay) blowpipes (or tyeres) were found on the site. This raises the question as to how and with what the iron forgers managed to raise the temperature of their hearths/furnaces to a suitable level for the forging of wrought iron into tools. Two iron tools were excavated adjacent to the hearth while a third was found in one of the forge shelters.

The forge shelters in Kraal 3 differs markedly from the smaller and more temporary forge niches which were located in the cen­tral inner space of the kraal complex and against the corridor wall of ZKOOl. Their elaborate and impressive nature, the large assembly of anvil and hammer stones, a longer period of use, their location in the kraal complex, and in an enclosure in close proximity of the high-status living area, demonstrate that these forges were operated by forgers of a higher rank and status than

57

those who worked in the common iron forge niches. Kraal 3, therefore, clearly accommodated the chief forger (or forgers) of the site so that this spatial unit is also referred to as the high-sta­tus forge.

Central inner space

This spatial unit qualifies as a secondary enclosure owing to the fact that it is formed by an outer chain of enclosures. Its deposit contains a substantial layer of dung which clearly indicates that this structure was used for domestic animals, most probably cat­tle. This can be deduced from the size of this enclosure and the grave of a young man which was excavated near the centre of this kraal. Burials of important men in the central kraals of villages is, of course, a common phenomenon among the Sotho-Tswana.

The surface of this spatial unit contains several roughly built forge niches. Each of these structures consists of a few anvil and hammer stones which were arranged in roughly circular, square or other random and indeterminate ground plans. A spear point was picked up on the surface in one of these niches.

It is clear that the majority of these features, similar to those that were built against the corridor wall or agaist the small, free­standing circular enclosures, such as CIFN1 and CIFN2 which were excavated, were built and used during the later part of the occupation of site ZKOOl. This can be surmised from the fact that they occur on the upper surface of the settlement and had lit­tle or very shallow deposits. Some exceptions possibly occurred, for example, CIFN1 proved to have a deposit which was 15 cm deep. These activity areas are not of the same rank and status as the high-status forge work place and are consequently referred to as common iron forge niches.

A test trench which was dug diagonally across the largest diameter of the central inner space of the kraal complex exposed the well-preserved skeleton of a young male. This individual was buried in a woven grass basket, such as a grain container (e.g. the sesigo), together with funerary goods which consisted of a ham­mer and an anvil stone (Pistorius & Steyn 1995) (Figure 9).

Intervening, unenclosed space

This spatial component is located between the outer scalloped wall of site ZKOOl and its centrally located kraal complex. It is marked by a free-standing wall, at present largely collapsed, interspersed at short intervals with small circular enclosures. A few semi-circular enclosures against the corridor wall as well as several loose standing enclosures which occur in close proximity of the corridor wall can also be observed. Three of each of these structures were excavated and interpreted. The circular enclo­sures were seen as representing cook houses (huts) and/or shel­ters for herdboys while the semi-circular enclosures were inter­preted as common iron forge niches.

When one considers the diachronic development of ZKOO1 il is possible that the free-standing wall (and therefore the interven­ing unenclosed space) and the common iron forge niches were built later than the kraal complex and also later than a part of the outer ring of malapa of the settlement. This was in fact proved for the three cook houses and/or herdboy shelters which were excavated.

Cook houses and/or herdboy shelters

Where these structures were part of the corridor wall they were difficult to recognize due to their dilapidated state and their

Rep

rodu

ced

by S

abin

et G

atew

ay u

nder

lice

nce

gran

ted

by th

e Pu

blis

her (

date

d 20

13)

58

smallness. Those that were loosely built from the freestanding wall were larger in diameter, generally less dilapidated, and con­sequently easier to recognize. Not one of these structures' inner diameters, however, exceeds more than 2.5 m, while their sur­rounding walls average a height of 1.0 m. Several of them have clearly defined openings (entrances/exits) which either face towards the scallops or towards each other (Figure 10). These structures are absent from the main lapa complex as well as from the adjoining cluster of malapa which are located directly oppo­site Kraal 3 or the high-status forge work place.

The contents of the deposits which were excavated in the three structures differed in their composition and layering and proved beyond doubt that they were built on older deposits. While the inner surface of the first enclosure (CHI) contained a layer of clay nodules with pole impression markings (similar to that of a hut wall which has collapsed), followed by a thick deposit of ash, the second deposit (enclosure CH2) only contained a thick layer (exceeding 40 cm) of the same clay nodules. The deposit of the third structure (CH3) contained only a few clay nodules but a thick (also exceeding 40 cm) layer of ash with thin lenses of brown soil. Potsherds and faunal remains were particularly abun­dant in the first two enclosures.

The excavation of more of these structures would perhaps reveal further evidence as to their functions. At present it seems as if the larger enclosures, which are loosely attached to the cor­ridor wall, may have served, in some instances at least, as cook houses for family groups who occupied the malapa directly opposite these structures. The smaller, dilapidated enclosures which are pan of this wall may have served as shelters for herd­boys or even as kraals for individual calves which were separated from the cows at night.

Common iron forge niches

These niches, similar to those that were located in the central inner space of the kraal complex, were unimpressive in appear­ance and construction and were only used during the later part of the existence of ZKOOL At least three of these niches, which were all located in the northern sector of ZKOOI, could be distin­guished. Two of these were excavated.

The main characteristics of these structures were the presence of anvil and hammer stones which, as has been pointed out, largely contribute to the characteristic semi-circular or, in some instances, indistinct ground plans of these features. Conse­quently, they were referred to as common iron forge niches in contrast to the high-status forge work place.

Addendum of site ZKOOI

The appendix (ZKOOI.2) and frontal part (ZKOOI.3) of site ZKOOI are jointly referred to as the 'addendum' of site ZKOOL Only one structure in this spacial component, namely, the oval enclosure (referred to as OE) which is located in the front part of the site, was excavated. This excavation consisted of five parallel trenches which almost covered the entire surrace of this struc­ture. The excavated deposit contained no archaeological remains. Conspicuous features in this spatial unit consisted of at least two implanted stones which could have served as chairs, a small stone-paved platform at the entrance which could have served a

. similar function, and an entrance in one of the narrow sides of this oval structure. All the spatial units which form part of the addendum are devoid of any visible archae()logical deposit on

S.Afr.Tydskr.Etnol., 1995, 18(2)

their surfaces. The exception was the remains of what seems to be four huts of which three were located in the appendix and one in the frontal part of the site. The addendum was clearly not used as either a dwelling place for the inhabitants of the settlement or as shelter for domestic animals as no household refuse or dung has accumulated in the structures. Refuse was limited to the main body of the settlement.

The general absence of archaeological remains from the addendum is not totally unusual. It is, in fact, a quite logical phe­nomenon. Spatial units which are associated with the gatherings of people (e.g. during court hearings or at public events such as announcements, or during particular.rituals or rites), do not read­ily accumulate refuse. No dung was visible in what was thought to be the cattle kraal of this spatial unit (CE I or CE2) or in any other structure which constitutes the addendum.

Enclosure OE, together with the main entrance, has the highest visibility or profile and therefore clearly also the highest status of all the structures which form part of the addendum of the settle­ment. Enclosure OE has a height which exceeds 1.0 m and a wide, solidly constructed wall which consists of two parallel lay­ers of stone. A particularly intimate spatial relation exists be­tween enclosures OE and CEI, as well as between the latter two structures and the adjoining circular enclosure CE2.

The main entrance to the settlement is characterized by mas­sive boulders which were stacked on opposing sides of this entrance. Other secondary or informal entrances to the site can be observed on the northern and western perimeters of site ZKOOI. These entrances were most probably used by the occu­pants of sites ZK003 and ZK004 as they face towards these set­tlements. The main entrance/exit for stock into the site is located on its southern circumference.

The third most conspicuous feature in the addendum is the cir­cular enclosures (CEI) which were built adjacent to enclosure OE; in fact it largely embraces enclosure OE. This enclosure has a wide wall and although it was only built three or four layers high, it was most probably fitted with a pole fence which was erected between its double-layered foundation wall. Several of these foundation stones are massive in size. A second semi-circu­lar enclosure (CE2), which is marked by a small demarcated 'room' (GPI), is attached to CEI.

The remaining noteworthy features in the addendum include a boulder on the wall which abutts against CEI and a low-built, free-standing wall which demarcates the perimeter of the adden­dum. A small circular enclosure (GP4) - again exhibiting a small demarcated niche - is visible in the western part of the addendum of the site.

The interpretation and explanation of site ZKOOI is purely based on a synchronic view of the spatial composition and fea­tures of the site. As no archaeological deposit was visible in the addendum of site ZKOOI, certain assumptions could be made. These can, however, only be tested after further excavations and the dating of site ZKOOI and the collection of supportive or refut­ing evidence from the Mabyanamatshwaana complex as such.

It is possible that the addendum was only built during a later phase of the existence of site ZKOOI and that it therefore repre­sents a later addition or extension to the settlement. If this was the case, the following assumptions can be made:

- The extension of site ZKOOI (through its addendum) could have coincided with the large-scale introduction of iron forg­ing in the kraal complex. The sudden, or gradual but large-

Rep

rodu

ced

by S

abin

et G

atew

ay u

nder

lice

nce

gran

ted

by th

e Pu

blis

her (

date

d 20

13)

S.Afr.J.Ethnol.,1995,18(2)

scale introduction of secondary iron working in this spatial unit could have resulted in the shifting of the formal court and its relevant functions, as well as the domestic chores of men (other than metal working) from this area to a newly acquired space. Consequently; the addendum of the settle­ment came into being.

- The addendum may reflect the high socio-political status of site ZKOOI in the settlement hierarchy on Zwartkopjes and Elandsrand. It is possible that the minor rulers (e.g. kgosana) of subordinate settlements (i.e. kgonvana) which surround site ZKOOI took seats in the court (kgotla) of the ruler (kgosi) of this settlement which served as the capital (motse) of these communities.

Applying Tswana and Pedi ethnography to Site ZK001

According to the locational features, ground plans, and the evi­dence from excavations of the settlements on Roodekopjes or Zwartkopjes (sites ZKOOI, ZK002, ZK003 & ZK004), these vil­lages, in conjunction with those that were destroyed on Elands­rand (570JQ), were differently ranked in a socio-political hierarchy. The full picture is blurred by the destruction of settle­ments on Elandsrand and by the fact that the two unaffected sites on Zwartkopjes (ZK003, ZK004) have not yet been surveyed. However, it seems as if site ZKOOI could have fulfilled a pivotal role and may have been at the top of the suggested socio-political hierarchy. This assumption is based on reasons which are out­lined below and on the site's addendum which symbolizes its social and political importance.

The locational and spatial factors which reflect the socio-polit­ical significance of site ZKOOI include its generally high eleva­tion which exceeds that of all the other settlements. The exception is site ZKOO3 which is located on a slightly higher pla­teau than ZK004 but which is caught between three norite knolls which limited its expansion. Other outstanding features of site ZKOOI include its general size and extent, which surpasses that of all of those in its proximity, an elaborate and complex spatial composition which includes its main body, and an addendum as well as substantial accrued deposits in the main body, and a high profile main entrance. Other noteworthy features are the highly visible main lapa complex which rests against a norite knoll in order to elevate the high-status living area above the rest of the settlement. This symbolic high placing of rulers was also noted in a more common kgoro (SELl), as well as in the royal quarters of Molokwane (SEL2) (Pistorius 1984, 1992). The symbolic indication of the high rank and status of ruling families was also noted in other stone-walled settlements (Evers 1984; Taylor 1984).

The spatial features and distribution of the settlements on Zwartkopjes (247JQ), and those that can be observed on the aer­ial photograph (Figure 3), compare favourably with the macro settlement patterns of Kwena and Kgatla settlements. The most obvious difference is that Kwena settlements such as Molokwane and Boitsemagano (the previous capitals of the Kwena of Modi­mosana) as well as Kaditshwene (the former capital of the Hurut­she of Moilwa; Boeyens 1995), represent megasites. These capitals (metse) were composed of numerous densely concen­trated villages (or dikgoro) which covered several square kilome­tres. The Mabyanamatshwaana complex is, however, char­acterized by hundreds of settlements which cluster in small groups and which are lineally spread along the norite hills

59

between Rustenburg and Pretoria. This settlement pattern is very similar to that of the late Iron Age people of Lydenburg (Figure 11) and the N- and V-type settlements of the Free State (Maggs 1976).

To explain the micro settlement features (Figure 12) of the set­tlements on Zwartkopjes (247JQ), it is appropriate to discuss, and subsequently to compare, the settlement features of the archaeological sites with those of the historically known Kwena and Kgatla (Pedi) villages.

The Kwena kgoro is composed of various related, or unrelated family groups (lineages or masika), and is headed by a ward head (sub-chief: kgosana) who is also the founder of this socio-politi­cal unit and the leader of the most senior lineage group of the vil­lage or kgoro. The most outstanding spatial feature of the kgoro is the spatial nexus that exists between its three components: the high-status lapa complex (particularly the main dwelling); the central or main cattle kraal; and the formal court (kgotla) in which judicial (and political affairs in the case of the chief) were concluded (Pistorius 1984, 1992, I 994b ).

Only one of these features was identified within the confines of site ZKOOl.l, namely the main lapa complex (with its principal hut). Not one of the seven enclosures which contribute to the kraal complex could be unequivocally associated with a main court (kgotla). It could also not be established which enclosure represented the main cattle kraal of site ZKOO I, namely, Kraal I of which the entrance faces away from the main lapa complex, or the central inner space which was employed, at the time when the settlement was abandoned, as an iron forge work place. This enclosure did, however, contain the grave of a person of high rank and status (Pistorius & Steyn 1995).

The Kwena spatial nexus could therefore not be discerned without doubt in the body of site ZKOOI. This, however, does not imply that such a spatial relation did not exist in the settlement. What is clearer is the fact that these Kwena spatial features are now contained in an extension (the addendum) to the settlement. This spatial feature, which is commonly known as the letlmswa in the Pedi kgoro, consists of the main entrance of the settlement, a main cattle kraal, the formal court, a public gathering place and an informal meeting place for men.

The Pedi village (Figure 13), or kgoro, is composed of two main spatial features, namely, an outer arc of dwellings (malapa) and the opposing letlatswa. The outer arc of dwellings housed family groups in a semi circle partly embracing the opposing let­latswa. An intervening unenclosed space separates these two spatial features. Three features are striking in the appearance of the Pedi kgoro, namely, the cattle kraal, the poles on both sides of the main entrance and the men's fireplace (Bothma 1962; Monnig 1967, 1972). The letlatswa is usually circular or oval in shape. Its surrounding wall is built with the branches of trees which enclose the following spatial units (Figure 13):

- Two opposing openings which respectively serve as an entrance/exit to the letlatswa and thereafter to the dwellings on the opposite end of this structure. Whenever the occupants of the Pedi kgoro, or their visitors, enter the village they have to move through the letlatswa to reach the dwellings.

- A cattle kraal which may be built in the centre of the letlat­swa, but which is usually located to the left (seen from the entrance) so that part of its encircling fence also serves as part of the circumference of the letlatswa. The kraal serves as

Rep

rodu

ced

by S

abin

et G

atew

ay u

nder

lice

nce

gran

ted

by th

e Pu

blis

her (

date

d 20

13)

60 S.Afr.Tydskr.Etnol., 1995, 18(2)

..,....,..----- ......... , -----,....- . "

-' ~ -...-: .,.,--"" -. " /' . . \

( ., \ \ • ~.. ,1'-;' I ~\lI\I\\I\\\I\\\\\\\\ /"/1111 I e= ••••••• ~ I cattle track ::::. h'llt \ I chief? ~ I op ~ . ."/ ' I • •• • /111/1 <'

I homesteads.. • Ii I" 1 11/1 I II I I "f /

/ .. ... /

/// ... : .. :. '-: .... ~ .. ,..// ,. . " I • •••• • __ ----1\ ••••• •• _----

'- ••• __ ---------- terraced area ........ _---/

Lydenburg 2530AB 20

.... slag

.' ..... :.... ~==-..;s,,{ rOCky:.: .. ···· ..

with open®-" ... ·.· .. ·· W';;"."_'-'" patches ® .... .

---_/

stream

o 400 .... ..I::=::::I. ...... ....I==JI

metre

Figure 11 The macro settlement patterns of the K wen a Modimosana of Rustenburg and Late Iron Age Pedi communities of Lydenburg

a burial place for rulers, as a sacrificial centre for the ances­tors, and as a shelter for the stock of the community.

- Directly adjoining the cattle kraal is an area where the politi­cal and judicial activities of the community are carried out.

- A gathering place for men around a fire (sebeSo sa banna) also occurs within the confines of the letlatswa. This area is referred to as kgorong (literally 'in the kgoro') and is demar­cated by a low wall (morako) which extends from the wall of the letlatswa. This area (kgorong) is taboo for women and uninitiated boys. More than one fire-place may be present in the letlatswa but only one serves as the principal (ritually important) fire of the kgoro. These informal gathering places may include a hut (hlaswi), a large tree (sehlare sa kgoro) or a shelter. The utilization of these 'shelters' is dependent upon the weather, the season, or the time of the day (Monnig 1967:221-223, 1972:60--62).

Analogies between the archaeological and ethno­graphic data sets

If one compares the ethnographic evidence with the archaeologi­cal remains, striking similarities can be observed between these two data sets. It is particularly obvious that the body of site ZKOOI resembles the Kwena-type of kgoro while the addendum - and specifically the frontal part (ZKOO1.3) - is similar to the letlatswa of the Kgatla (Pedi) kgoro. Other resemblances between the archaeological and the ethnographic data sets are the fOllowing:

- The body of site ZKOOI (resembling the Kwena kgoro), con­sists of three spatial units, namely, an outer tier of dwellings, a centrally located kraal complex, and an intervening unen­closed space which facilitates the movement of people and stock and helps to regulate status and rank between family groups.

Rep

rodu

ced

by S

abin

et G

atew

ay u

nder

lice

nce

gran

ted

by th

e Pu

blis

her (

date

d 20

13)

S.Afr.1.Ethnol., 1995, 18(2)

The frontal part of site ZKOOI [resembling the letlatswa of the Kgatla (Pedi) kgoro], in the following manner:

A main entrance in the frontal part which leads to two possible entrances into the main body of the settlement - one through the appendix and the second through an entrance in the southern perimeter of the site. This entrance is extended to form the intervening unenclosed space of site ZKOO 1. A large, circular enclosure, interpreted as a cattle kraal (CEI), represents one of the major spatial components of the frontal part of the site. This kraal is situated in the left side (seen from the main entrance) of the letlatswa, the position which is most often used for the placing of the

NOT TO SCALE

OUler circumference (female activitIes) • food preparing and storing • manual (asks

2. Inner kraal-complexes (male activities) • attending to slock • milking • slaughlering (rilual) • lormal meelings (political) • inlormal galhering (manual tasks)

3. Intervening space (human and Slock) • movement and circulation • regulating taboos/social relations

4. Entrance/exit (humans)

5. Entrance/exit (stock)

6. Reception (visitors) • trade, exchange, sociable

7. Middens • playgrounds for children • ritual (burials)

61

cattle kraal in the Pedi kgoro. There is little doubt that this enclosure symbolized or in fact represented the main cattle kraal of the settlement.

Enclosure OE is the one and only structure in the site which has an exceptionally high wall. It is the most conspicuous structure in the addendum. The spatial relation between OE

and CEI strongly suggests that the first structure served as a formal court (kgotla) and the second as a cattle kraal. This

close spatial relation can also be noted in the Pedi letlatswa

and in the Kwena kgoro.

One or more gathering places for men, sometimes around fire

places (e.g. GPI, GP2, GP3). The remains of at least one

~l:=.!1 m::mJL801ko 2

8JLe81kB 3

.. b matgoll. x.)' cattle kraal

a. upper grinding stones b. difaJana c. d. e.

A. headwife of kgosana B. kgotla c. 1 & 2 main cattle kraals

Figure· 12 The micro settlement features of Tswana dikgoro reveal a significant spatial nexus between a main dwelling (lapa), a cattle kraal and a formal court (kgotla) in these units

Rep

rodu

ced

by S

abin

et G

atew

ay u

nder

lice

nce

gran

ted

by th

e Pu

blis

her (

date

d 20

13)

62

~ 6-?/O"'I'~ ,/0,,:/ '»,,1. ,..

. ~ •••• V .- .. ... . .. , ••

cattle~ •• : • kraal ,,,,,,-: •

(Iesaka)... mo ak : •• r o~.

'.: k90ron9~ : , . ,. ••••• tree: - _e fire place of

(sehlare .'1\ • the men sa k90rl1) ,. : .••...

~ . hut (hi as wi) •••••• or shelter ~ (Iekuba) •••

1 mafata

(entrance poles)

• •• \ ...... . main entrance

(sebeso sa banna) •• •• •• •• ••

NOT TO SCALE

Figure 13 The Pedi village which consists of two main spatial units

structure (possibly a hut) and two large marula trees further support the existence of several gathering places for men,

- It is possible that GPI served as the sebeSo sa banna, or as the most important gathering place of the men, The wall which demarcates this space may be the moraka. As in the Pedi kgoro, this wall is connected with the outer perimeter wall of the letlatswa.

A comparison of the spatial features and composition of the frontal part of site ZKOOI (ZKOO1.3) with the letlatswa of the Pedi kgoro clearly shows similarities between these two features. The ground plan and composition of the body (ZKOOl.1) again largely resembles the Pedi kgoro, but without a court and a main cattle kraal which are both (enclosures OE and CE1) located in the letlatswa. The appendix (ZKOO1.2) may resemble the space which is found between the opposing arch of dwellings and the letlatswa of the Pedi kgoro. In site ZKOOI it seems as if this space could have served as a check point where a permanent guard post, which occupied at least three huts, controlled the entry of people into the site. According to Pedi ethnography it is possible that this spatial unit firstly served as the living areas of the motswalodi wa kgoro and the mogotsa mollo. These men were respectively responsible for opening and closing the entrance to the letlatswa in the early morning and at night and for the maintanence of the fire in the letlatswa. The motswalodi wa

S.Afr.Tydskr.Etnol., 1995, 18(2)

kgoro had high status and occupied the lowest ranked dwelling in the high· status living area which was in close proximity of the entrance to the village. The mogotsa, who was a slave in the servo ice of the former, occupied the lowest ranked dwelling in the vil­lage (Monnig 1967:222-223, 1972:63). Secondly this spatial unit may have served as an area where traders or visitors who had travelled long distances were received and where they were pro­vided with temporary shelter.

Summary

Mabyanamatshwaana and Rathateng represent two nuclear areas from where Hurutshe, Kgatla and Kwena lineage groups - per· haps for decades and centuries - dispersed over the Transvaal, the Free State and southern Botswana. The Mabyanamatshwaana complex is marked by the numerous stone-walled settlements which are distributed along the norite hills between Rustenburg and Pretoria with Brits, and particularly the farm Roodekopjes or Zwartkopjes (427JQ), as a possible centre. Rathateng is located near the confluence of the Crocodile and Marico Rivers on the farm London (19KP) in the Thabazimbi district. This settlement is associated with the fission and dispersal of Kwena lineage groups such as those of Modimosana and Mogopa. Mabyanamat­shwaana and Marapjana served as centres from where Kgatla lin­eage groups dispersed to occupy Sekhukhuneland, the Free State, the Pilanesberg, and southern Botswana.

The stone-walled settlements which were studied on Zwartko­pjes (427JQ), as well as those on Elandsrand (570JQ) which have been destroyed, represent a hierarchical settlement pattern. Site ZKOOI was at the pinnacle of this socio·political hierarchy. This could be established from the settlement's locational features and from its micro settlement features which were very complex. It consisted of a main body (ZKOOl.1), an appendix (ZKOO1.2), and a frontal part (ZKOO1.3), a high-status living area for the head of the most senior family group, a high-status forge work place, a main entrance, a formal court (kgotla), and main cattle kraal, as well as guard posts and/or living areas for the motswal· odi wa kgoro, the mogotsa mollo, and several informal gathering places for men.

The settlements on Zwartkopjes (427JQ) tie in with the Bantu Cattle Pattern but have more complex ground plans and spatial compositions than the Kwena kgoro. The survey and excavation of site ZKOOI indicate that the spatial composition of this settle­ment consists of a body (ZK001.l), which corresponds with eth­nographic (Kgatla, Ngwato) and archaeological (Kwena) models of a village, while its frontal part (ZKOO1.3) resembles the letlat· swa of the Pedi kgoro.

The letlatswa of the Pedi kgoro, as it was more recently docu­mented in Sekhukhuneland, therefore may have originated from the Mabyanamatshwaana complex during the dispersal of Kgatla lineages from this centre. The Kwena spatial nexus and the Pedi (Kgatla) letlatswa reflect different regional and cultural adapta­tions and experiences in the Western and Central Transvaal. The ideological significance of these spatial features among both groups, however, remained generally similar since they were tied in with judicial and political affairs, represented the domains of men, and served as symbols of authority for the rulers of villages.

According to the archaeological evidence, which cannot at present be substantiated with radio·carbon dates, the letlatswa of site ZKOOI was perhaps built later than the body of this settle· ment. It seems as if this extension of the site could have coin-

Rep

rodu

ced

by S

abin

et G

atew

ay u

nder

lice

nce

gran

ted

by th

e Pu

blis

her (

date

d 20

13)

S.Afr.J.Ethnol.,1995,18(2)

cided with the large-scale introduction of iron forging in the kraal complex after which the formal court (kgotla) and men's domestic chores (except metal working) were moved to the outer perimeter of the settlement. It is also possible that an elevation of the site's socio-political status, which is reflected by spatial and locational features, coincided with the construction of the letlat­

sIVa of this settlement. The symbols which reflect the status and authority of the ruler of the kgoro, namely, the (kgotla), the main cattle kraal and the fire in the men's gathering place, are housed

in this spatial feature. While the cattle kraal served as a burial ground and as a place of veneration of the rulers of the ~goro, the fire signified continuity with the past (Hardie 1981: 172; Schap­

era 1959: 197). Stone-walled settlements are marked by complex diachronic

development and change during their existence. The synchronic explanation of the spatial composition of site ZKOO 1, as provided here, can therefore eventually be extended and tested with dia­chronic evidence from the site and from the Mabyanamat­shwaana complex. Consequently this implies that excavation of site ZKOOI should be extended and correlated with a range of radio-carbon dates and by utilizing more archaeological evidence

from the Mabyanamatshwaana complex.

References Boeyens, J.C.A. 1995. Die vestigingschronologie in die

afvloeigebied van die Maricorivier gedurende die Y stertydperk. D.Phil.-proefskrif in voorbereiding. Pretoria: Universiteit van Pretoria.

Bothma, C. Y. 1962. Ntshabeleng social structure. Ethnological Publications No. 48. Pretoria: Government Printer.

Bothma, C. Y. 1969. Pedi origins. Ethnological and linguistic studies in honour of N.J. van Warmelo. Pretoria: Government Printer.

Bothma, C.Y. 1976. The political structure of the Pedi. African Studies. 35(3-4).

Breutz, P.L. 1953. The tribes of Rustenburg and Pilansberg districts.' Pretoria: Government Printer.

Breutz, P.L. 1956. Stone kraal settlements in South Africa. African Studies, 15(4).

Coertze, RD. 1971. Die familie-, eif- en opvolgingsreg van die Bafokeng van Rustenburg. Pretoria: SABRA.

Denbow,lR 1981. Broadhurst - a 14th century A.D. expression of the Early Iron Age in south-eastern Botswana. South African Archaeological Bulletin, 36(134).

Denbow, J.R 1982. The Toutswe tradition, a study in socio­economic change. Hitchcock, RR & Smith, M.R (eds). Settlement in Botswana. Heineman: Johannesburg.

Dreyer, 1.1.B. 1992. The Iron Age archaeology of Doornpoort, Winburg, Orange Free State. Research of the National Museum, Bloemfontein, 8(7).

Evers, T.M. 1981. The Iron Age in the eastern Transvaal, South Africa. Voight, E.A. (ed.). Guide to archaeological sites in the northern and eastern Transvaal. For the South African Association of Archaeologists Excursion (65-109).

Evers, T.M. 1983. 'Oori' or 'Moloko'? The origins of the Sotho! Tswana on the evidence of the Iron Age of the Transvaal. South African Journal of Science, 79(7).

Evers, T.M. 1984. Sotho-Tswana and Moloko settlement patterns and the Bantu cattle pattern. Hall, M. et al. (eds). Frontiers: southern African archaeology today. BAR International Series 207. Oxford: England

Hardie, G.I. 1981. Tswana design of house and settlement­continuity and change in expressive space. Ph.D. thesis. University of Arizona.

Huffman, T.N. 1982. Archaeology and ethnohistory of the African

63

Iron Age. Annual Review of Anthropology, 11. Huffman, T.N. 1986. Iron Age settlement patterns and the origins of

class distinction in southern Africa. Wendorf, E & Close, A.E. (eds). Advances in world archaeology, 5. Texas: Academic Press.

Inskeep, R.R. 1978. The peopling of southern Africa. David Philip: Cape Town.

Kuper, A. 1980. Symbolic dimensions of the southern Bantu home­steads. Africa, 50(10).

Kriel, J.D. 1976. Die funksionering van die politi eke en judisiele organisasie van die Tlokwa van Qwaqwa. M.A.-verhandeling. Pretoria: Universiteit van Pretoria.

Legassick, M. 1978. The Sotho-Tswana peoples before 1800. Thompson, L. (ed.). African societies in southern Africa. London: Heinemann.

Loubser, J.H.N. 1981. Ndebele archaeology of the Pieters burg area. M.A. thesis. Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand.

Loubser, J.H.N. 1991. The ethno-archaeology of Venda-speakers in southern Africa. Research of the National Museum, Bloemfontein, 7(8).

Maggs, T.M.O'C. 1976. Iron Age communities of the southern highveld. Pietermaritzburg: Natal Museum.

Mason, R.I. 1968. Iron Age settlement in the Transvaal and Natal revealed by aerial photography and excavation. African Studies, 27(4).

Mason, R.I. 1973. Iron Age research in the western Transvaal. Current Anthropology. 14.

Mason, R.I. 1974. Background to the Transvaallron Age - new discoveries at Olifantspoort and Broederstroom. Journal of the South African Institute for Mining and Metallurgy, 74(6).

Mason, R.I. 1983. 'Oori' or 'Moloko'? The origins of the Sotho­Tswana on the evidence of the Iron Age of the Transvaal. South African Journal of Science, 79(7).

Mason, R.I. 1986. Origins of b lack people of Johannesburg and the southern western central Transvaal AD 350-1880. Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand.

McDonald, C.A. 1940. The material culture of the Kwena tribe. M.A. thesis. Pretoria: University of South Africa.

Monnig, H.O. 1967. The Pedi. Pretoria: I.L. van Schaik. Monnig, H.O. 1972. Die sosiale organisasie van die Pedi. Eloff, I.E

& Coertze, RD. (reds.). Etnografiese studies in suidelike Afrika. Pretoria: Van Schaik.

Pistorius, J.C.C. 1984. 'n Etno-argeologiese interpretasie van 'n Sotho-Tswana vestigingseenheid op Selonskraal. M.A.­verhandeling. Pretoria: Universiteit van Pretoria.

Pistorius, I.C.C. 1992. Molokwane an Iron Age Bakwena village -early Tswana settlement in the western Transvaal. Johannesburg: Perskor.

Pistorius, J.c.c. 1994a. 'n Verslag van argeologiese opgrawings op die plaas Zwartkopjes of Roodekopjes (427JQ) in die Britsdistrik van Transvaal. Ongepubliseerde verslag vir die Raad vir Nasionale Gedenkwaardighede: Kaapstad.

Pistorius, J.C.C. 1994b. Molokwane, a seventeenth century Tswana village. South African Journal of Ethnology, 17(2).

Pistorius, J.c.c. & Coetzee; EP. 1993a. 'n Argeologiese impakstudie van die beoogde trajek van Roete KI6 in die Britsdistrik van Transvaal. Ongepubliseerde verslag vir die Raad vir Nasionale Gedenkwaardighede: Kaapstad.

Pistorius, J.C.C. & Coetzee, EP. 1993b. 'n Argeologiese ondersoek van 'n gedeelte van die plaas Elandsrand (57OJQ) in die Britsdistrik van Transvaal. Ongepubliseerde verslag vir die Raad vir Nasionale Gedenkwaardighede: Kaapstad.

Pistorius, I.C.c. & Steyn, M. In press. Iron working and burial practices amongst the Kgatla-K wena of the Mabyanamatshwaana Complex. Southern African Field Archaeology. Grahamstown: Albany Museum.

Schapera, I. 1952. The ethnic composition of Tswana tribes.

Rep

rodu

ced

by S

abin

et G

atew

ay u

nder

lice

nce

gran

ted

by th

e Pu

blis

her (

date

d 20

13)

64

Monographs on social anthropology. No II. London: The London School of Economic and Political Science.

Schapera, I. 1935. The social structure of the Tswana ward. Bantu Studies, 9.

Schapera, I. & Roberts, S. 1975. Rampedi revisited: another look at a Kgatla ward. Africa, 45.

Stiles, D. 1977. Ethno-archaeology: a discussion of methods and applications. Man (N.S.), 12.

Stow, G. 1910. The native races of South Africa. London: Sonnenschein.

S.Afr.Tydskr.Etnol..1995.18(2)

Taylor, M.O.V. 1979. Late Iron Age settlements on the northern edge

of the Vredefort Dome. Unpublished M.A. thesis. Johannesburg:

University of the Witwatersrand.

Taylor, M.O.V. 1984. Southern Transvaal stone-walled sites - a

spatial consideration. Hall, M. et at. (eds). Frontiers: southern

African archaeology today. BAR International Series 207.

Van Vuuren, C.1. 1983. Die vestigingspatroon van die

Suid-Ndebele. M.A.-verhandeling. Pretoria: Universiteit van

Pretoria

'Sieners in die suburbs'?: exploring new directions for South African anthropology

J. Sharp & E. Boonzaier Department of Anthropology, University of Cape Town, Private Bag, Rondebosch, 7700 Republic of South Africa

Received December 1994

At present there are many opportunities for anthropologists to analyse the manner in which South Africans are interpreting

and responding to recent political transformation. The most interesting target group in this respect is, surely, the white

segment of South Africa's population. In this article various examples of possible research in this area are indicated and

specific suggestions are made about the kinds of insights that can be achieved by means of an anthropological perspective.

Daar bestaan tans ruim geleentheid vir antropoloe om Suid-Afrikaners se vertolking van en benadering tot onlangse

politieke veranderings te ontleed. Op die oomblik is seker die interessantste teikengroep in hierdie verband die blanke

bevolking van Suid-Afrika. In hierdie artikel word verskeie voorbeelde van moontlike narvorsing op hierdie gebied

aangedui en bepaalde voorstelle word gemaak oor die aard van die insig wat deur middel van 'n antropologiese benadering

verkry kan word.

Introduction

Anthropologists study the way in which people make sense of

the world around them - the way in which they endow their

world with meaning. This is a simple way of saying that anthro­pologists are principally concerned with 'culture' (Thornton

1988:26-27). Moreover, in situations in which the world around people is changing very fast, anthropologists are interested in the

question of how they make sense of these changes for them­selves. South Africa is now in a period of extremely rapid politi­cal and social change and it seems highly probable that it is the people who define themselves as 'white' who are finding these changes most perplexing. To the extent that this is true, it implies

a need to broaden the focus of anthropology's attention. We need, in Laura Nader's (1974) twenty-year-old phrase, to 'study up'.

Anthropologists have the reputation, which is not undeserved,

of studying 'other people' and 'other cultures' - often on the

presumption that other people and their cultures must be under

considerable stress because of the pressures of rapid social

change that the people 'of the West' are imposing on them (Wolf

1982). But the current changes in South Africa mean that it is the

so-called whites - the people who have, in the past, claimed to

be bearers of 'western civilization' - who are being disorien­

tated and placed under considerable stress. How white people

make sense - or fail to make sense - of this changing world is

a subject that needs to be added to the anthropological agenda in

South Africa.

Meaning and categorization

In very simple terms, we can say that meaning is arrived at by

people when they classify the natural and social world around

them into categories - by deciding that certair. things are like

each other and belong together, and that other things are different from each other and do not go together. These categories -

based on likeness and difference - enable people to navigate, or

make sense of, the world in which they live. This process of cate­gorization is essential, because without it we would have to treat

each new object or each new person we encounter as totally unique (Leach 1976).

By classifying in this way, we make human existence possible.

At the same time, however, this process of classification -

which lies at the heart of what it means to be a human being, a

being with culture - is an interested process, a purposive proc­

ess, a process in which human intentions are laid bare. Another

way of putting this is to say that all human beings are actively

involved in processes of classification - the similarities and dif­

ferences between objects and people on which culture is built do

not simply inhere in these objects and people; they are also in the

eye of the beholder (Sharp 1988: I).

Thus anthropology is the study of how and why particular peo­

ple at particular times classify the physical and social world

around them in the ways they do; it is also the study of the diffi­

culties people can get into when the world around them changes

so that it can no longer be made to conform to established ways of classifying it.

Rep

rodu

ced

by S

abin

et G

atew

ay u

nder

lice

nce

gran

ted

by th

e Pu

blis

her (

date

d 20

13)