sport city zones tourism

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The Development of Sports-City Zonesand Their Potential Value as TourismResources for Urban Areas

ANDREW SMITH

School of Architecture and the Built Environment, University of Westminster, 35 Marylebone Road,

London NW1 5LS, UK

(Received April 2008; accepted December 2008)

ABSTRACT In recent years, several cities have constructed new sports facilities in concentratedareas or supplemented existing facilities to create a themed sport zone. Some have branded theseareas as sports cities to give them visibility and coherence. This research assesses therationale for these projects, in particular, their potential value as new tourist areas for cities.

Although the relationship between sport and cities is an established part of urban studies, there iscurrently little research that explicitly addresses this new phenomenon of themed areas of citiesdedicated to sport. To address the lack of previous work, existing literature on comparablemanifestations of themed urban areas is used as a conceptual basis for the paper. A comparativeanalysis is then conducted of four specific schemes: SportCity, Manchester (UK); The

International Sports Village, Cardiff (UK); The Aspire Zone, Doha (Qatar) and Dubai SportsCity (UAE). These different sports-city zones are compared and evaluated with reference toissues raised in the literature. The paper concludes that, to be successful, sports-city zones need tobe planned as such, and not merely employed as convenient brands for existing events facilities.

Introduction

In recent years, several cities have clustered new sports facilities in concentrated areas tocreate a themed sports zone. Some have branded these areas as sports-cities to give them

visibility and coherence. The present study explores the characteristics and potential

success of such projects. As their contribution to the visitor economy is emphasized

heavily in associated rationales, the value of sports cities as tourism resources is the

main focus of the analysis. Although analysing the relationship between sport and cities

is becoming an established part of urban studies, there is currently very little academic

research that explicitly addresses this new phenomenon of themed areas of cities dedicated

Correspondence Address: Andrew Smith, School of Architecture and the Built Environment, University ofWestminster, 35 Marylebone Road, London NW1 5LS, UK. Email: [email protected]

European Planning Studies Vol. 18, No. 3, March 2010


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to sport. The present study aims to address this gap in the literature and advance the under-

standing of the value of clustering sport facilities in a designated zone.

The idea of a sports city is a rather abstract concept, but the term has been used with

increased frequency in recent years. Usage usually takes one of two forms: designating one

zone of a city as a sports city; or branding a whole city as a sports city (Smith, 2005a). Thislatter, holistic approach is evident in Melbourne, Australia. Francis and Murphy (2005)

claim that Melbourne has earned its holistic status as a Sports City by developing facili-

ties such as the Telstra Dome, Tennis Centre, the Melbourne Cricket Ground, Flemington

Racecourse and Aquatic Centre. Similarly, in the 1990s, three UK cities: Birmingham,

Sheffield and Glasgow won the right to call themselves National Cities of Sport from

the national sports council. Smith (2005a) suggests that there are certain problems with

such comprehensive branding, most notably the difficulties tourists have understanding

what a sports city actually is. Therefore, the present study does not focus on these abstract

examples of city branding, but instead analyses the potential value of physical sports-city

zonesconcentrated sites of sports facilities that are developed as merely one part of a city.The practice of theming certain urban zones is nothing new. But in recent years, this

practice has become more common, with cities adopting a wide variety of themed

areas, from jazz quarters to technology zones. Creating sports-themed zones in cities

has a long history that can be traced back ca 2700 years to Olympia in Ancient Greece.

In the nineteenth century, sport venues were clustered in several British cities due to

shared former land use and/or ownership (Inglis, 2004). Inglis (2004, p. 22) tracesthree clusters of sport venues in Manchester which he deems to be Victorian equivalents

of sports and leisure zones primarily aimed at local citizens. The revival of the Olympic

Gamesand the range of smaller events that it inspiredstimulated the development of

more outward looking zones in the twentieth century. In the twenty-first century, it is

Middle Eastern cities that are pioneering a new generation of sports cities aimed at

attracting tourists and new residents. Examples exist, or are currently being developed,

in Amman (Jordan), Abu-Dhabi, Dubai (both UAE) and Doha (Qatar). These follow

more haphazard schemes used by Western cities, where sports-city branding has been

used to give coherence to existing sports resources bequeathed by large events.

The present study involves a comparative analysis of four different schemes: Sport-

City, Manchester (UK); The International Sports Village (ISV), Cardiff (UK); The

Aspire Zone, Doha (Qatar) and Dubai Sports City (UAE). Manchesters SportCity is

complete, as is Dohas equivalent, although both cities need to consider how best to

utilize and enhance these sites. Cardiffs ISV and the Dubai Sport City are currently

being developed, with both due to open in 2010.1

As these latter sites are merely proposeddevelopments, and because of ongoing development in the other examples, analysis within

this paper is focused on the potential value of sports-city zones, rather than any actual

impacts they may have had.

The aims of the paper are:

. to explore existing manifestations of, and plans for, sports-city zones;

. to compare specific examples of sports-city zones in different urban contexts;

. to assess the value of sports-city zones as tourism resources for cities

Initial sections review more general projects and ideas that can help us to understand theemergence of sports-city zones. Forms of urban design that have influenced these zones

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are identified, alongside equivalent projects from which inspiration and implications can

be drawn. This indirect analysis is necessary because of the lack of research into sports

cities themselves. In later sections, the focus switches to the four case studies. These

are critically evaluated and compared, before related conclusions are drawn.

Existing Manifestations of Themed Urban Zones

The idea of segregating different types of land use in cities is not a new idea. The US has

long used zoning as part of urban planning procedures, a practice which falls under spatial

or land-use planning in many European countries (Hall, 1992). Even without active inter-

vention, cities have always been segregated, with different industries, people and activities

congregating in certain parts of the city because of various geographical, social and econ-

omic factors. In recent years, there has been an increased attempt to capitalize upon these

urban clusters by developing themed quarters of cities (Bell & Jayne, 2004; Montgomery,

2005). This has been particularly evident in the US: Schimmel (2006, p. 161) feelsthemed cultural landscapes have been the hallmarks of urban design in the USA since

the late 1980s, producing a series of packaged landscapes in US downtowns. UK

cities have adopted a similar approach, with themed quarters deemed necessary to

represent cities as coherent spaces for consumers. For example, some UK cities have

instigated cultural quarters to delineate and promote a concentration of cultural

attractions. Clustering can also have positive effects for producers, facilitating access to

localized knowledge, consumers and skilled labour. This is why Brown et al. (2000)

compare contemporary clusters to the industrial district model of the Third Italy,

where small- and medium-sized enterprises clustered around complementary skills. The

development of science and business parks in the 1980s is seen by Brown et al. (2000)

as a contemporary equivalent. Now cities are beginning to consider the value of clusters

in city centres and in urban areas requiring transformation.

Themed urban quarters are sometimes merely concentrations of activity that have

emerged organically. In other cases, they are the outcome of tourism promotion activity

designed to give coherence and visibility to unconventional urban districts. Often these

labels are fairly tenuous and exist more as branding tools than genuine spatial planning

frameworks. Brown et al. (2000) cite jazz quarters or bohemian quarters as examples

of this crass tourism labelling. Recently, some cites have deliberately developed certain

parts of the city to conform to a certain theme. This provides a third, more manufactured,

type of cultural quarter. Interestingly, for the purposes of this paper, these different

manifestations of themed quarters can be strongly linked to sport. Several cities havedesignated certain urban zones as sports cities. Usually, though not exclusively, these

are areas which have been used previously as event venues, with the sports-city label

used to enhance post-event utilization. However, there are also more comprehensive

and planned examples of sports cities which do not merely comprise a collection of

event venues, but which incorporate a whole series of sports-related industries, services

(retail, accommodation), participatory activities and attractions.

The idea of themed zones within urban districts fits neatly with Sorkins theory that the

contemporary city can be better understood by acknowledging links to theme parks. Sorkin

(1992) not only recognizes the prevalence and importance of theme parks in contemporary

cities, but suggests that their model of urbanism is becoming an increasingly importantinfluence on urban design and management more generally. This can be traced back to

Development of Sports-City Zones 387


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branded retail zones mentioned previously. But Stevens (2005) also discusses the oppor-

tunity for more subtle versions of sports visitor attractions based around existing or new

sport stadia. This involves either creating viable destination areas around a major

stadium or designing more imaginative stadia which can themselves perform the functions

of attractions (Stevens, 2005). For example, Dortmunds enormous Westfalenstadion inGermany includes an array of events facilities, a hospitality area featuring an imitation

of a local city square and a renowned museum, all incorporated within the stadiums

design (www.borussia-dortmund.com). Some new stadia such as Bolton Wanderers

Football Clubs Stadium (UK) even offer hotel accommodation which is fully integrated

within the stadium, with views of the pitch from certain rooms. Such views are also offered

by demountable cafes, such as those installed at the Estadio Bernabeu, Madrid, that

protrude from the stands at times when events are not taking place. The increasing

tendency to design stadia as local landmarks or icons also provides evidence of the

extension of the modern stadium into the domain of the visitor attraction and fits with

the noted turn to a visually seductive tourist culture (Silk & Amis, 2005).We can also look beyond large cities to understand the sports-city phenomenon. Compar-

able manifestations of sports cities outside large urban zones are tourist resorts that special-

ize in sports activities. Perhaps the most famous European example is the La Manga Club

(Spain), which claims to be one of the worlds finest all-round sports and leisure resorts

(Resort Group, 2009). This destination boasts of a large range of facilities including 3 golf

courses, a 28-court tennis centre, 8 football pitches and 2 cricket pitches. These features

allow La Manga to cater to a wide array of sport tourists, from beginners to professional

squads. The success of such resorts has been noted by many established destinations,

especially in the Mediterranean region, who are seeking to diversify the products they

offer (and the markets they serve). According to Francis and Murphy (2005), active sport

tourists are the emerging drivers of sport tourism and are a market deemed to be capable

of addressing various destination issuesfrom seasonality problems to image deficiencies.

Sports such as golf, horse riding and water-based activities have always been an important

part of the product for many coastal destinations, but increasingly imaginative strategies are

being pursued by destinations who want to attract a wider range of sport tourists. Rather

than concentrating on conventional sport tourism, some destinations have begun to offer

individuals and teams an opportunity to practise, train and/or compete in a diverse rangeof sports. For example, in addition to conventional sport tourism, Malta promotes training

opportunities at the Malta Football Associations technical complex which incorporates the

National Stadium, training grounds and on-site accommodation (Bull & Weed, 1999).

Places like this can be interpreted as mini sport cities and could perhaps influence thedesign of more significant sites in more conventional urban locations.

Sports-City Zones and Events

The concept of a sports city is strongly linked to mega sports events. Ever since the

emergence of Worlds Fairs in the nineteenth century, cities have developed collections

of event venues in concentrated sites. Unfortunately, as Gold and Gold (2005, p. 5) recog-

nize, festival sites do not easily convert into other uses. The same is true of major sports

events, which in the twentieth century began to eclipse Worlds Fairs as the major urban

spectacles used by cities to symbolize their importance (Silk & Amis, 2005). Although thissymbolic role has existed since ancient times, the use of major sports events to

390 A. Smith
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strategically restructure cities did not emerge until the modern era. Both Munoz (2006) and

Whitson (2004) cite the Olympic Games in Rome in 1960 as the moment from which

major sports events began to be considered as urban development tools. Of particular

interest to this study is the 1972 games in Munich, Germany, where the Olympic

Village was set in an Olympic Park which was clearly orientated towards urbanleisure (Munoz, 2006, p. 179). This appears to be an early example of an event-inspired

sports city. Other Olympic host cities, such as Athens (2004), used multiple sites for the

games and this meant a coherent Olympic zone never materialized. However, the inter-

national olympic committee (IOC) now regards the compactness of the main Olympic

site as a key part of the criteria for assessing candidate cities. Therefore, it is likely that

we will see more concentrated sports zones in future Olympic host cities. This was

borne out by the bidding process for the 2012 Games in which the idea of a compact

Olympic city prevailed (Munoz, 2006).

Fifty years of rather disappointing outcomes suggest that it is difficult to turn event sites

into coherent and functioning zones of cities. This is particularly true when events are usedto regenerate brownfield sites, or when they are staged in peripheral locations. Although

the Sydney Olympic Games of 2000 received deserved plaudits, the peripheral Homebush

Bay site where most of the facilities were located has not flourished as an integral urban

zone since the games. The main stadium has suffered from the lack of events large enough

to justify the use of an 80,000 seat arena, a problem exacerbated by competition from new

or redeveloped stadia in other parts of Australia (Searle, 2002). In June 2001, a master plan

was published to direct a viable future for this area, which involved plans for a new town

centre and adjacent precincts. Interestingly, these plans include a concerted effort to make

this new town a functioning events and sports zone, with an adjoining events and show-

grounds precinct with a sport participation centre. Although criticized for its commercia-

lized and segregated approach, this seems to be an effort to develop a fully functioning

metropolitan zone with a strong sporting theme. This is recognized by Searle who states

that the latest masterplan suitably recognizes the synergistic potential of the Olympic

venues to generate entertainment and sports-related activity (Searle, 2002, p. 857).

However, Searle (2002, p. 857) still feels that Sydney has missed an opportunity to

realise the areas unique tourist potential as the site of the year 2000 Olympic Games.

Missing opportunities to capitalize upon the tourist potential of Olympic status is not

something unique to Sydney. Many host cities have similarly failed to develop imaginative

Olympic-themed attractions, exhibitions and markers. Montjuic in Barcelona is a specta-

cular site, littered with Olympic venues, including the famous diving pool which provided

the iconic image of the 1992 Games. But unless tourists are fortunate enough to have timedtheir visit to coincide with one of the events staged here, they are left rather dissatisfied

when they wander around the Olympic venues, many of which are fenced off. Here, there

is plenty of evidence to back up Stevens (2005, p. 215) contention that in general the

opportunity physically to link sports stadia with visitor attractions has largely been

missed. The rather poor utilization of event venues and the lack of local attractions can

often mean that ancillary tourist resources diminish after an event is staged. Newly opened

hotels around events sites frequently change hands or even close because of the subsequent

failure to attract tourists or the anticipated conference trade (Gold & Gold, 2005).

Many events have failed to bequeath permanent attractions or a viable sports-themed

area, but events are often responsible for temporary sports-themed zones in cities. Forexample, at the annual American Football SuperBowl, the host city is required to



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provide 600,000 square feet of space for the NFL Experiencea temporary interactive

theme park (Alesia, 2004, cited in Schimmel, 2006). Similarly, at the latest FIFA Football

World Cup held in Germany in 2006, each of the host cities also staged a FanFest where

football fans could eat, drink, watch the matches on large screens, as well as experience a

number of interactive football games and promotions. The largest and most iconic of these

was located by the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin (Figure 2). This area effectively became a

sports city for the duration of the event. Sport exhibitions are also an increasingly

common feature of contemporary cities. Prior to the Olympic Games in 1992, Barcelonastaged a Planeta Esport exhibition which attracted 250,000 visitors between May and

July 1989 (Gold & Gold, 2005). This exhibition included innovative audio-visual presen-

tations, sports demonstrations and interactive displays. These examples demonstrate that

temporary sports cities are a feature of many cities that stage major sports events, even if

successful permanent examples remain rare.

Sports-City Zones as Anchors for Urban Redevelopment

There are other examples of cities that have permanent sports zones, even though they have

not staged a sports mega-event. Indianapolis has developed a strategy that perhaps hasmore in common with the cultural quarters approach than with event sites. This US city

developed new facilities in combination with a concerted attempt to attract and host sport

industries and federations. This meant there was a production orientation to Indianapoliss

strategy with the realization that to be a sports hub, it needed to attract sports producers and

administrators, as well as spectators (Rosentraub, 2003). Rather than focusing exclusively on

tourists, Indianapolis adopted a visitor frameworkencouraging residents, participants,

tourists and those involved in the sports industry to visit the city centre. This was accom-

plished in a manner in keeping with the idea of a sports city because all the developments

took place within two miles of the centre (Rosentraub, 2003).

A slightly different approach, also prevalent in US cities, is the use of sports develop-ments in association with entertainment facilities to revitalize downtown areas. Silk and

Figure 2. The FanFest in Berlin during the FIFA 2006 Football World Cup

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Amis (2005, p. 285) cite Baltimore and Memphis as examples of cities that have created

sport-anchored tourist bubbles. In these cities, rather than developing a sports city,

sports stadia have been used as key features of plans to extend or establish more

general entertainment districts. Silk and Amis (2005) feel that the sports facilities have

replaced festival marketplaces as the key anchors of these downtown re-developmentschemes. In Memphis, there is now a 28 block, clearly delineated sports and entertain-

ment district which is promoted using the slogan; come downtown and play (Silk &

Amis, 2005, p. 289). Creating these new downtown sport-anchored districts is linked to

the US trend for retro-style sports facilities. Downtown sports stadia are regarded as

more traditional than their suburban equivalents, and cities such as Baltimore have

capitalized upon this nostalgia by building more central facilities and by incorporating a

heritage dimension within the stadiums design. This trend has allowed stadia to be

utilized as tourism attractions and has slowed down the flight of stadia to the suburbs.

Newsome and Comer (2005) suggest that the demand for downtown sites is also explained

by team owners desire for increased revenues and the recent tendency for franchises tomove to smaller cities which have less problematic and more accessible downtowns.

A more imaginative approach to sports-city development is to concentrate on sports

participation by amateur residents and visitors rather than simply building elite venues.

Weiner (2000, p. 461) feels that the large amount of public investment in urban sport

means that each new facility should be used as a community centre, a local institution,

not a monument to rich-guy sport. An over-emphasis on elite sports is a noted

problem in many cities which have developed high-spec sports facilities and then

struggled to find enough elite athletes to use them. This is even more controversial

when local budgets and facilities have been diminished to free up resources for the con-

struction and maintenance of elite venues. Encouragingly, more cities are now focusing

on local participation and amateurism. Indianapolis perhaps pioneered the focus on

amateur sports, but there have been several other cities which appear to be following

their example. For example, Lee (2002) identifies Minnesota (USA) and Vancouver

(Canada) as cities that have encouraged professional stadia to be used for amateur

sports. There is an increasing realization that new elite facilities can be designed to accom-

modate a range of users. This is evidenced by the legacy loop that allows beginners to

use the otherwise treacherous Olympic canoeing facility in Sydney. The private sector is

also an important stakeholder in the provision of flexible urban sport facilities. The

Chelsea Piers Sport and Entertainment Complex in New York (a 30 acre waterfront

sports village along the Hudson River) is an example of how sports zones aimed at

amateur enthusiasts are increasingly being introduced to central urban locations byprivate developers (Howell, 2005). Unfortunately, such schemes are also highly exclusive,

not because of the level of ability required, but because of the exorbitant fees charged.

Potential Problems Associated with Sports Cities

Before addressing specific examples of sports-city strategies, it is important to recognize

that the existing literature raises certain problems with the idea of creating sports-

themed quarters of cities. Indeed, the very idea of deliberately manufactured quarters is

something deemed to be problematic by some commentators. Brown et al.s (2000)

research concentrates on the popular music industry, which like sport, is a populistpursuit, allowing governments to escape accusations of elitism. The authors feel that



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public sector intervention to create popular musical quarters is misguided, as it produces

rather isolated and staid urban zones. Their research, in Manchester and Sheffield, UK,

found that government-led quarters are too heavily focused on providing themed physical

facilities at the expense of developing soft infrastructure such as people, skills,

networking and social context. Accordingly, activities which bind an area togethersuchas shopping, wandering, random socializing, lookingwere conspicuously absent

(Brown et al., 2000, p. 445). These deficiencies were also caused by the lack of retail and

residential businesses in the area which severely reduced street level activity and anima-

tion (Brown et al., 2000, p. 444). There were also feelings of exclusion from those involved

in that sector, but who resided outside these zones. These problems need to be taken into

consideration when assessing the potential value of sports-themed zones.

There is also a noted tendency for themed zones to become physically isolated and

overly regulated. This means that these areas, like the theme parks that may have inspired

them, exist as rather segregated, sanitized and surreal places, surrounded by an undisci-

plined periphery (Sorkin, 1992, p. 224). This latter concern reflects the experience of theworlds first mega-theme parkDisneyland, Californiawhich was soon surrounded by

an unregulated mass of hotels and low-grade commerce once the park became successful.

Themed zonal development means that spaces in-between zones may be largely forgotten,

resulting in the dystopian urbanism that can be seen in some US cities. Theming parts

of cities is also deemed to be a threat to diversity, as unconventional, incoherent and unde-

sirable aspects are ignored or quietly removed. Schimmel (2006) suggests that the detach-

ment of sport and entertainment zones became apparent to a global audience when

Hurricane Katrina forced thousands of New Orleans citizens to penetrate the citys

sport-anchored tourist bubble for the first time to seek shelter in the SuperDome.

Accordingly, accounts such as those by Sorkin (1992) present themed spaces as isolated,

fake spaces which are detached from real places. Silk and Amis (2005, p. 292) assert that

sport-anchored developments are deliberately conceived in this mannerto present a city

zone as a safe, sanitized, consumption-orientated space, and one which may include

sporting forms that often have little or no connection to the city (p. 294). Therefore,

there seems a strong likelihood that developing sports-city zones may produce artificial

places which are isolated from the rest of an urban area. However, Edensor and Kothari

(2004) believe that accounts regarding the dangers of theming are exaggerated. With

reference to themed tourist resorts, Edensor and Kothari (2004, p. 204) suggest that

themed and enclavic resorts are not non-places, but like all other places are constituted

out of the ceaseless flows that centre upon and flow through them. Howell (2005) also

offers a spirited defence of recent attempts to theme parts of cities using sport. Howellsees these efforts as part of a wider project to create value-added experiences, which

advance greatly previous efforts to simply build tourists attractions or sports stadia.

Howell (2005, p. 66) suggests that it is tempting to denigrate efforts to develop a new

generation of sporting spaces as nothing but an overly themed and manufactured

process, but suggests that they can also be regarded more optimistically as examples

of spontaneous and innovative entrepreneurialism.

Introduction to the Case Studies

The preceding sections have assessed key influences on existing sports cities, highlightedpotential opportunities for new types of sports-themed development and acknowledged

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potential problems with sports-themed city zones. The intention in subsequent sections is to

introduce and compare four examples of sports-city zones in Cardiff, Manchester, Doha and

Dubai. These examples have been chosen because they are comparatively rare examples of

large sites designed and branded as sports cities. They have also been selected because

they are at different stages of their development. Two already operate (Doha, Manchester),while the remaining two (Cardiff, Dubai) are due to open in 2010. The case studies are

clearly drawn from two very different regions. Two are in post-industrial parts of the UK,

where sports-city zones are being used to regenerate disused land and to re-orientate

urban economies towards leisure and tourism sectors. The remaining two examples are

located in Middle Eastern cities. These sites are both part of large urban development pro-

jects that aim to satisfy ambitious targets to attract tourists and affluent new residents. Apart

from some similarities in the rationale for these projectsall appear to be parts of plans for

post-industrial futuresit is difficult to justify comparisons between UK cities and emerging

urban areas in the Middle East. However, the choice of two cases from each context does

facilitate internal comparisons, even if wider inter-continental comparisons prove tenuous.Cardiff and Manchester are UK cities that have suffered disproportionately from the

effects of industrial decline. Since the 1980s, both cities have used sport as an economic

development tool. As a result of staging major events, they boast of some of UKs most

impressive stadia outside London, notably Cardiffs Millennium Stadium (rebuilt for

the 1999 Rugby World Cup) and The City of Manchester Stadium (built as the main

venue for the 2002 Commonwealth Games). The cases analysed here are SportCity

(Manchester) and the ISV (Cardiff). SportCity is a newly developed area in East Manchester

that incorporates the core venues used to stage the 2002 Commonwealth Games. This site,

located in a deprived part of the city, contains a large football stadium, a cycling velodrome,

a regional athletics venue as well as numerous smaller facilities including a tennis centre

and field hockey pitches (Table 1). Like SportCity, Cardiffs ISV will be located in a

policy thick area that has been the subject of much regeneration assistance over the

past 10 years. The project is planned for a man-made peninsular which is surrounded by

a fresh-water lake formed by the construction of the Cardiff Bay Barrage. The project

aims to provide a wide range of sporting facilities (Table 1), but is centred on a new

50 m swimming pool, which will replace the city centre pool that was closed to allow the

redevelopment of the Millennium Stadium.

The Middle Eastern cases analysed here are The Aspire Zone, Doha (Qatar) and Sports

City, Dubai (UAE). Doha and Dubai (in particular) are cities undergoing massive changes

at the present time. Both are investing in place marketing and tourism functions as part of

efforts to lessen their reliance on lucrativebut finiteoil resources. Both the case studysites analysed here are proposed as future Olympic venues, although Doha was recently

disappointed by its failure to make a shortlist of candidates for the 2016 Games. The

Aspire Zone, Doha was adapted from a previous Sport City to stage the largest ever

Asian Games in 2006. It includes the Khalifa stadium, Aspire Indoor Hall, Hamad

Aquatic Centre, a Sports Hospital and other associated facilities (Table 1). The site was

renamed the Aspire Zone to reflect ambitions to produce the athletes of the future. In

Dubais Sport City plans exist to build an Olympic-style collection of venues and facilities.

A series of new sports schools are also plannedeach associated with an international

sports brand. There will be a Butch Harmon golf school, a David Lloyd tennis academy

and a Manchester United football academy. The International Cricket Council also intendsto open its first global academy on the site (Table 1).



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Table 1. A comparison of key aspects of the four sports-city

SportCity Manchester Cardiffs ISV Dubai S

Site Brownfield site in de-industrialized urban area

A derelict and contaminatedpeninsular area

Reclaimed dland desigDubailan

Proximity to city centre(approximately)

5 km 6 km 2 km

Overall aims To establish SportCity as aworld-class sporting andentertainmentdestination

To provide a range of topquality sports and leisurefacilities which arewidely accessible to thepeople of EastManchester (ManchesterCity Council)

A landmark sports tourismdestination for nationaland international events(Collins & Flynn 2005, p.284).

Ultimately,make Dubinto a destwhich the sporting lienjoyed (2006)

Size of site (approximately) 0.6 km2 0.3 km2 4.65 km2

Accommodation SportCity Hotel one milefrom site

Plans for 750 new homesand a five star hotel

Tourist apartments80 bed budget hotel4/5 star hotel(s) (500 hotel

rooms)

997 residential units

Luxury apartHotels

Event links Main site for 2002Commonwealth Games

Plan to provide trainingfacilities and support forLondons 2012 OlympicGames

Possible Olybid (2020)


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Sports facilities (capacity) City of Manchester Stadium(40,000)

National Squash CentreNational Cycling CentreRegional Field Hockey

CentreManchester Tennis Centre200 m indoor athletics track400 m outdoor athletics

trackEnglish Institute of Sport

sports science andmedicine

Fitness suite

New 50 m swimming poolDiving, swimming surfing

and wind surfing facilitiesIndoor skiing, snow

boarding and ice sportscentre

Rock climbing and all-action-based sports

Olympic standard canoeingand white-water raftingcourse

Facilities for judo,wrestling, boxing andfencing

Facilities for gymnasticsGolf driving range

Cricket stadiField Hockey

(5000)Multi-purpos

stadium (3Indoor arena18 hole golf Manchester U

AcademyButch HarmDavid Lloyd

AcademyICC Cricket Multi-functio

gymnasiumOlympic-size

poolSports rehab

Spatial arrangement (seemaps)

Rather haphazardcentredon City of ManchesterStadium, but alsoincludes the Velodromewhich is actually outsidethe main zone

Four principal zones:sports/entertainment;visitor accommodation/residential units;commercial retail

Major stadiuof the citaccommod18 hole gorest conceman-made

Tourism ambitions Initial aim was to attract 4.5million visitors annually

Aims to act as a centre pointfor tourism in Cardiff.Plans to be an

international destination.Aims to attract 3.5million visitors annually

Part of Dubagenerate 1internation

2010


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Table 1. Continued

SportCity Manchester Cardiffs ISV Dubai S

Wider aims Part of project to regeneratede-industrialized EastManchester

To attract furtherdevelopment and inwardinvestment

Part of widerDubai intothe Arab woffset the diminishin

Extra tourism facilities? Visitors centre

The UKs tallest sculpture,standing at 180 feet

40,000 square feet of

associated sports retailSports food mall400 feet viewing tower

Indoor sport

Residentiaacademies

Estimated cost $558 million totalinvestment in area. Mainstadium site costapproximately $175million. Plans for $3.7billion investment in zonein next 15 years

$1.3 billion $2.5 billion

Date of completion Now open, but newdevelopment planned

2010 Originally 20doubt duecrisis


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Although there were complex motivations underpinning the construction of the four

sports cities, each has been assigned an important tourism development role in its host

city. Therefore, the purpose of subsequent analysis is to analyse both the potential of

sports cities as stand-alone tourism resources, and their connections to the wider urban

tourismscape. Attention to the latter relates to Harrison-Hill and Chalips (2005, p. 316)call for more research that elaborates the way that sport and the destination can comp-

lement one another. To allow a succinct evaluation of these projects, key aspects are jux-

taposed in Table 1. Comparison is also assisted by the inclusion of rudimentary maps of

the sites in Figures 36. These maps are not to scale, but help to outline the proposed

layout of these sites and the facilities that will be available to sport tourists. In the sub-

sequent analysis, this market is deemed to comprise two key elements; sport tourism

and tourism sports. The former refers to sport as a primary motivation to visit a city,

with the latter used to indicate where sport is merely a secondary consideration (Robinson

& Gammon, 2004). Sport tourism can be further divided into (active and passive) involve-

ment in competitive events; and recreational participation in sport. In a similar manner,tourism sports can be divided into incidental participation in some form of sport or

leisure; and tourists who deliberately participate in sport during tourism trips, but only

as a secondary reinforcement activity (Robinson & Gammon, 2004).

Comparative Analysis of the Four Sports-City Zones

There are several similarities between the four schemes. The central aim of each is to

attract major events (Table 1), which means that a large proportion of revenues earned

will come from conventional sports spectators. More imaginatively, each project includes

a commitment to providing training facilities for those taking part in sports activities.2 This

is perhaps most comprehensively evident in the Dubai and Doha proposals, where sporting

academies are fundamental elements (Figures 1 and 2). However, these facilitiesand

those in Manchester (Figure 3)seem more orientated towards the elite sport tourists

of the present and future, rather than recreational or incidental users. Only in Cardiff

Figure 3. SportCity, Manchester



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does there seem to be a genuine commitment to providing sports opportunities for

enthusiastic visitors who may have little or no experience of a particular sport. Tourism

provision in all the case studies is assisted by plans to provide accommodation

(Table 1). This is perhaps most apparent in the Cardiff case (Figure 4), where the accom-

modation function is targeted at those who wish to stay within the sports-city site, and at

tourists who aim to explore the whole city region. In Dubai (Figure 5), accommodation

is more orientated towards residential apartments than hotels for tourists. A permanent

residential function is also planned for Manchester and Cardiff. As well as the convention-al hotel in the adjacent shopping mall, The Aspire Zone, Doha provides accommodation

for aspiring athletes (Figure 6). Dubai and Cardiff also make provision for these long-stay

sport tourists who may be engaged in serious training. Alongside accommodation

provision, secondary services are evident in each example in the form of retail provision.

In Cardiff, there are plans for themed retail, including a sports food mall and a large

Figure 4. Cardiffs ISV

Figure 5. Dubai Sports City

400 A. Smith


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retail space dedicated to sport. This approach is replicated in Dubai, where a large site

has been designated to house an indoor sports mall (Figure 5). Perhaps emulating the

ESPN Zones and NikeTowns mentioned earlier, both cities aim to provide sports retail

experiences. At present, aside from the incongruous development of a giant supermarket,

retail is only a minor aspect of the Manchester site. This is in stark contrast to The Sport

City, Doha, where main anchor of the site will eventually be the 145,000 m2 Le Villaggio

shopping mall (Figure 6).

Sports visitor attractions are less evident in the case studies analysed (Table 1). There is

already a small football museum and visitor exhibition site at SportCity, Manchester

(Figure 3), but museums, halls of fame and innovative sports entertainment facilities areconspicuously absent from the other sports cities.3 Instead, Manchester and Doha have

tried to increase the attractiveness of their peripheral sports cities by constructing large sculp-

tures/landmarks. The B of the Bang Sculpture4 (Manchester) and Sport City Tower(Doha) provide attractions for tourists when events are not being staged and may generate

iconic images of the sites. Cardiff plans to capitalize on its more spectacular location by

including a 400 feet viewing tower offering views across South Wales and the Bristol

Channel within its plans (Visit Cardiff, 2009). In contrast to this site augmentation, in

Dubais Sport City it is the spectacular stadia design that will provide the iconic landmarks.

A final similarity between the sports-city zones is the strong influence of bids for sport

mega-events (Table 1). As anticipated in previous sections, these sports-themed sites havebeen instigated by events and event bids. For example, the origins of the Dubai and Man-

chester sports cities can be traced to a shared desire to host the Olympic Games. When

bidding for the 1996 and 2000 Games, Manchester felt that having new facilities in

place would assist their chances of success. So the decision was made to continue building

venues even when the IOCs decision(s) went against the city. Ultimately, this allowed

Manchester to win the right to stage the 2002 Commonwealth Games, for which Sports-

City was the main site. Having facilities already in place also seems to be a bidding tactic

employed by Dubai, where Sports City proposals are part of efforts to secure the 2020

Olympic Games. Similarly, Cardiffs ISV has Olympic connections, in that a key justifi-

cation for the development is its potential value as a training base to support the 2012Games in London. It also aims to capitalize on Golfs Ryder Cup which will be staged

Figure 6. Dohas Aspire Zone



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more general city trip. This is aided by the seemingly coherent use of sport cities as merely

one part of a wider commitment to sport by urban tourism authorities in Doha, Cardiff and

Manchester. All three cities push sport as a key dimension in the portfolio of attractions

they offer to general urban tourists. Thus, the sports cities are linked to other sports pro-

vision and to more general attractions.Manchester publishes a sport guide which is introduced with the promise that

its world-class facilities are open to spectators, visitors and sports people (Visit

Manchester, 2009). The city aims to attract both sport event tourists (active and

passive), interested visitors, but also recreational participants. This is evidenced by

provision at SportCity where tourists can hire bikes and receive tuition at the Velodrome

at relatively little cost (less than $20). And visits to SportCity may form part of wider

sports-motivated visits to Manchester that also include trips to the other main concen-

tration of sports venues (Old Trafford football and cricket stadia and associated

museums) and various sport heritage sites (see Inglis, 2004). The same approach also

seems to be apparent in Cardiff. Although the ISV is not yet open, tourism authoritiesin the Welsh capital aim to use it to supplement other sport attractions: This major

700 million project in Cardiff Bay will further enhance Cardiffs reputation as a sporting

city (Visit Cardiff, 2009). On Cardiffs official tourism website, sport is very prominent.

It commands the first heading on the homepage, and if accessed this part of the site pro-

vides information about both spectator sports and participatory sport.

Conventional spectator events dominate, but water sports are also heavily promoted and

are cited as examples of sports that can be experienced as participants. Thus, both

Cardiff and Manchester appear to be relying on the contention made by Harrison-Hill

and Chalip (2005, p. 304) that it is reasonable to suggest that sport aficionados might

be attracted to an array of complementary sporting experiences. According to these

authors, the provision of add-on experiences and integrated marketing communications

can attract the sport tourism market not merely to events, but to the destination at other

times (Harrison-Hill & Chalip, 2005).

While Cardiff is already promoting its yet-to-be-realized ISV, there seems to be a

reluctance to promote Dohas Aspire Zone as a stand-alone attraction. This may be

because recreational use of facilities is discouraged, as pre-booking and a high level of

ability (or promise) appear to be a requirement. Nevertheless, sport in general is promoted

as an important part of Dohas tourismscape, with events staged at The Aspire Zone

emphasized strongly. On the official Qatar tourism website, sport is the fourth most

prominent category after About Qatar, Politics and Business (Qatar Tourism,

2009). Doha itself is billed as a place filled with desert escapades, water sports, shoppingindulgence, modern sporting equipments, historical museums, fine-dining, luxurious

attractions and other natural attractions (Qatar Tourism, 2009). Thus, as in Cardiff and

Manchester, it seems that tourism officials believe that sports-city zones can both

provide a specialist facility, and a coherent supplement to wider tourist provision.

The success of the sports cities as secondary reinforcement attractions logically depends

on the wider performance of the city as a tourism destination. In 2006, Manchester attracted

912,000 overseas tourists, while Cardiff attracted 355,000 (Office for National Statistics,

2008). This makes Manchester the third most popular UK tourism city after London and

Edinburgh, with Cardiff ranked ninth. Therefore, although Manchester and Cardiff are

hardly conventional tourism destinations, they are significant tourist cities. The figures forDoha are not dissimilar: Qatar was visited by 961,518 foreign visitors in 20065 (Qatar



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Statistics Authority, 2007). However, it is important to recognize that even in a year in which

Doha staged the Asian Games, 90% of these overseas visitors were on a business trip.

Business tourism is an important source of tourism demand for all three cities and, therefore,

for secondary sport tourism. This is perhaps something that sport cities need to incorporate

into their design, particularly as the market for meetings, incentive travel, conferences andexhibitions continues to grow. In the UK, the visiting friends and relatives market is also

potentially important. Despite Manchester and Cardiffs growing popularity among overseas

visitors, domestic tourism is likely to provide their main source of revenue for sports cities.

Conversely, in Doha (and Dubai), the size and social habits of their respective populations

mean that domestic tourism is relatively insignificant.6 While Dubais Sport City may be big

enough to be the primary motivation and sole destination for sport tourists, the 6.12 million

international arrivals the city received in 2006 suggest a lucrative secondary reinforcement

market also exists (Euromonitor, 2007).

Links to Preceding Literature

To understand these examples of sports cities further, it is also useful to return to some of

the ideas discussed previously. For example, it is useful to consider whether sports cities

can be aligned to the different types of themed quarter identified. It seems that The Aspire

Zone, Doha, and SportCity, Manchester, are ultimately examples of opportunistic tourism

branding or theming, rather than deliberately planned attempts to develop new urban

quarters dedicated to sport. This is particularly evident as both areas have been indecisive

about whether to use the label Sports City or not. The Manchester site has been known

by various designations in recent years, including Eastlands and New East Manchester,

as well as SportCity. Only in the past 2 years has there been any concerted attempt to

coherently market the site as a SportCity to tourists. Doha changed the name of its

Sport City to Aspire Zone, perhaps prompted by the impending and imposing presence

of Dubai Sports City. Like Homebush Bay, Sydney, both of these examples are peripheral

event sites and branding them as sports cities gives them an identity they would otherwise

struggle to command. To be fair to Manchester, in recent years municipal authorities have

tried to make their site a more coherent sports-themed zone. This has been assisted by the

relocation of some sports federations and organizations to SportCity. The recent opening

of a visitors centre also demonstrates the renewed commitment to developing a user-

friendly site for tourists. However, essentially SportCity remains a peripheral area ran-

domly littered with sports facilities and characterized by a dispiriting milieu.

The ISV Cardiff seems to comprise a more innovative and planned attempt to provide asports-themed zone. This area has more in common with themed urban quarters which

have been deliberately planned as concentrations of one particular activity. Cardiffs

ISV also has more in common with traditional holiday parks than the other examples.

This is confirmed by Collins and Flynns (2005) prediction that this area will become

a sort of Centre Parcs. The strong commitment to recreational participation in Cardiff

means that there seems to be an effective mix of formal sports and more recreational

leisure facilities. The waterfront setting is also more spectacular than the Doha and

Manchester sites, which means it may be easier to create an appealing milieu. A potential

problem is that, as Cardiff is a less established tourist destination, the ISV will face

pressure to stimulate sport tourists to come to Cardiff especially to use the facilities.As with more conventional examples of theme parks, there also remains the danger that

404 A. Smith


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this area will be segregated from the rest of the city. Its peninsular location has similarities

with the isolation of event sites in Seville (Spain) and Montreal (Canada) which failed to

develop into integral urban zones (Gold & Gold, 2005). Although the Dubai Sports City is

located in an unremarkable and peripheral location, the massive amount of landscaping

planned suggests that this will also become an attractive, if rather contrived, setting fora sports-city zone. This case is neither a collection of existing facilities branded as

themed zone (as in Manchester/Doha), nor a planned themed park (as in Cardiff), but amixed-use urban zone with sport at its heart. Dubai appears to be well aware of this poten-

tial advantage. One of the Dubai Sports City directors recently stated that we are well

ahead of the rest, we are creating a city within a city, not a stadium with a few towers

around it (Falaknaz, 2006, p. 3). Pending the long-term effects of the recent economic

crisis, it seems likely that the Dubai Sports City will evolve into a cross between the

sport-anchored downtown entertainment districts apparent in the US and isolated sports

resorts such as the La Manga Club (Spain). The property-led dimension provides evidence

of the former, while the strong commitment to elite sports development and coaching ischaracteristic of the latter.

The problems with themed quarters in general can also give us a better understanding of

the likely outcomes of the sports-city zones. Brown et al. (2000) suggest that retail and

residential facilities help to avoid the creation of staid, artificial zones and there is

evidence that each of the cities is aware of this. Manchesters SportCity has the least

amount of housing and retail space, but there are now plans to amend this and introduce

new homes and shops. In Cardiff, Doha and Dubai, the opposite problem may occur. These

areas involve large amounts of commercial retail space and there exists a possibility that

these zones become dominated by giant suburban malls, rather than existing as mixed-use

urban zones. The other potential problems noted can also be applied to these sites. There is

little doubt that the Dubai Sports City will be a highly sanitized, exclusive and segregated

zone. Although this cannot be confirmed until the site is operational, the mix of luxury

housing and elite sports facilities means it is difficult to see an alternative outcome.

According to one of the projects directors, the emphasis on luxury housing proves that

lifestyle is at the core of the development, but this lifestyle is likely to be a very transient

and privileged one that will not create a diverse and atmospheric city zone. Ultimately, the

Dubai Sports City is unlikely to be that different from many existing themed tourist resorts,

particularly as its canal-side residences will be characterised by distinct architectural

attributes that typify Mediterranean, classic European, Venetian, Arabic and Andalucian

style (Falaknaz, 2006, p. 14). The notion that these themed areas may become divorced

physically and culturally from their host cities is also a distinct possibility.Although they have ambitious plans for the future, Doha and Dubai have little cultural

affiliation with sports like cricket, golf and athletics. The developments are mainly aimed

at affluent foreigners and may do little to address social cohesion. However, Howells

(2005) and Edensor and Kotharis (2004) defence of themed zones can also be applied

to sports-city zones. Dubai and Doha are inherently global cities, where Arab cultures

have become fused with western and capitalist influences. In these rapidly expanding

cities emerging from the Arabian Desert, it is hard to imagine development that would

not seem artificial. Skilled entrepreneurialism is needed to ensure these cities remain

viable urban areas, and it is too easy to dismiss the emerging sports-city zones as fake,

non-places. However, the concern for Dubai and Doha is that they are not the onlycities within the region adopting this strategy. Amman, Abu-Dhabi and others are



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developing their own sports cities. Therefore, Howells (2005) assertionthat sports-

themed areas should be considered as examples of spontaneous and innovative entrepre-

neurialismmay not be applicable.

Although it may be unrealistic to expect projects in Doha and Dubai to achieve wider

social objectives, the forecasted growth in tourism arrivals, expected property price risesand the seemingly endless supply of funds available should assist their economic viability.

This was seemingly confirmed when one of the directors of the Dubai Sports City admitted

that I dont expect us to make money from the stadiums (Falaknaz, 2006, p. 3).

However, due to the recent economic crisis, expectations about the profitability of

related property developments may now have to be revised. The sports-city zones in

Cardiff and Manchester are likely to be under much greater pressure to succeed financially.

As both are located in peripheral areas of relatively unfashionable destinations, there is a

stronger likelihood of failure. The pressure to succeed is heightened because of the disad-

vantaged communities who live around these sites who require new employment opportu-

nities. If the projects can take off, an added consideration will be whether they can beintegrated successfully within local communities, or whether they will simply exist as

islands of regeneration. It is important to note that the latter may be inevitable and

not necessarily indicative of failure. This issue is raised by Mace et al. (2007) who

point out that SportCity, Manchester, is most likely to succeed as a destination rather

than a fully integrated part of the community, especially in a mobile society where

people are willing and able to travel to high-quality leisure facilities.

Conclusions

Preceding sections have examined examples of, and proposals for, sports-city zones.

Before drawing some tentative conclusions, it is important to acknowledge the limitations

of the present study. The analysis here has focused on potential value of sports cities as

tourism resources. Conclusions may have been very different had the main criteria

of assessment been their role as examples of integrated and sustainable urbanism.

Sports-city zones appear to be land hungry, low density, one-dimensional, segregated

phenomenacharacteristics normally considered as the antithesis of sustainable urban

development (Mace et al., 2007). More focus on residential considerations may have

revealed more about these potential problems. In focusing on tourism value, it would

also have been preferable to include more specific measures; for example, indications

of revenues earned. But this was impossible for sites that have not yet opened and

somewhat irrelevant to Qatar and UAE regimes that seem more interested in the symbolicand long-term benefits of tourism, than short-term financial returns. This latter point also

emphasizes the vastly different contexts in which these sports cities are emerging. The

abundance of financial and government support in Doha and Dubai is merely one key

difference between UK examples and those in the Middle East. Another critical distinction

is that for Manchester and Cardiff success means rehabilitating an existing urban

landscape, whereas in the Middle East sports cities are merely one part of the rapid

development of whole new cities.

Nevertheless, there are enough similarities to make comparisons worthwhile.

Comparisons are perhaps unavoidable, as in some ways the four examples will be in

direct competition, for example, in efforts to secure major sport events. Indeed, one ofthe most important findings is that sports-city sites have been principally designed as,

406 A. Smith


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and adapted from, event venues. The continued priority given to their role as event sites

exposes them to intense global competition even for events of second-order status

(Black, 2008). As Sydney has found, if you cannot attract enough large events, it does

not matter how good your new facilities are. The strategic location of the Middle East,

the related relocation of sport federations and the proactivity of their respective nationalairlines may allow Doha and Dubai to attract sufficient events. But Cardiff and Manchester

face a more uncertain future, especially as they face competition from newer venues being

built in London to stage the 2012 Olympic Games.

The key aim of the present study was to assess tourism potential of sports-city zones.

Although cited as a major objective for all four cases, tourism is only properly integrated

into plans for Cardiffs ISV. In Manchester and Doha, wider tourism functions have had

to be cultivated in sites, and with facilities, that were not purpose-built. This has to

compromise tourism outcomes. That is not to say that these sports cities will not attract

specialist tourist segments. But tourism sports markets are less well served. Incidental

tourism is unlikely in any of the cases due to their peripheral locationsunless newaccommodation and retail provision is successful enough to act as a primary attraction

rather than secondary service. The absence of incidental demand and high levels of com-

petition for event tourists means that attracting those for whom sport is a merely secondary

motivation to visit a city could be the critical success factor for sports cities. Performance

in this market seems to depend on three subsidiary factors. First, the attractiveness of the

sports city itself and the availability of a diverse range of sport and non-sport attractions.

The presence of social infrastructure and the capacity to develop a genuine sporting

place is critically important here. Second, the success of efforts to bundle sports

cities with other parts of the urban tourismscape. Again, this includes both sport and

non-sport-related attractions. Third, and perhaps most fundamentally, it will depend on

the wider success of the tourist cities in which they are located.

The importance of integrating sports cities within urban areas, and of bundling them

with other sports attractions, perhaps contradicts a central premise of sports citiesthe

value of spatial clustering. This is challenged further by recent research into urban

tourist experiences in which the importance of diversity, conviviality and landscape

texture has been emphasized. There is also a concern that different sports (even different

factions within the same sport) are homogenous and, therefore, the individual elements of

sports-city zones may not experience the usual benefits of agglomeration (such as access to

other firms consumers). However, clustering sports attractions together may generate

enough critical mass to promote awareness of, and engagement with, urban sports

provision among tourists generally. And for dedicated recreational participants, theavailability of more than one sporting opportunity may provide extra incentives for

primary visitation. Clustering seems less relevant to events tourists (passive and active)

and elite participants who are motivated to visit because of one specific facility or

event. Yet, it could be argued that clustering may allow these tourists to engage in

incidental or secondary consumption of sport attractions to supplement their primary

motivation for visiting a sports city. An attractive critical mass of themed attractions

may also prompt return visits by such audiences. Therefore, while the co-location of

sports attractions on the edge of cities may restrict incidental participation in tourism

sports, such clustering may generate extra revenues from sport tourists. And while

sports-city clusters may exhibit certain functional weaknesses, ultimately clusteringprovides extra visibility and marketing opportunities for host cities. This is not merely



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