Representation of the indigenization policy in the mining sector, how it has been covered in the privately owned press .A case of the Zimbabwe Independent

Representation of the indigenization policy in the mining sector, how it has been covered in the privately owned press .A case of the Zimbabwe Independent

Chapter One 1.0 IntroductionZimbabwe inherited a sound economy from the colonial government on 18 April 1980.This was more of political independence than economic emancipation. The wealth remained in the hands of a few white individuals .The government of Zimbabwe adopted a socialist approach which died a premature death before emancipating the formerly disadvantaged black indigenous populace.This chapter offers insight into the area of study and why it has been of interest while highlighting the background on the creation of Indigenization and Economic Empowerment policy in the private print media specifically Zimbabwe Independent . Malcolm X (1961) asserts that the media act as a double edged sword. Therefore, the media has the ability of creating heroes and heroines and at the same time creating villains. As a result the media have the power to promote a public policy or demote a public policy. Napoleon Bonaparte in 1807 as a defense for his press censorship policy, highlighted the power of the media when he said, hostile newspapers are more fearsome compared to one thousand bayonets. It is of importance to note that polices such as the health care policy by Barack Obama the president of the United State of America (USA), nuclear disarmament policy ,economic structural adjustment policy (ESAP) and the Land Reform were portrayed neither in a positive manner nor negative way in the media .This chapter covers the background to the study, the significance, objectives, scope, structure, limitations and delimitations of the study. The media are an influential institution in society as they are socializing agents with the power of shaping and even creating public opinion. In as much as the media can build a personality, they can destroy that same personality. In the same manner Indigenization policy can be commended or reduced into nothing by the media.1.2.0 Background of StudyBaudrillard (1971) argues that the mass media no longer represent reality, but hyper reality. Hyper reality meaning over exaggerated truth which has been constructed .He says that instead of mirroring reality, the media are producing reality. Therefore, if the media can produce reality, they can produce heroes and heroines at the same time the same time creating villains for the accomplishment of certain agendas. Stuart Hall (1970) supports the fact that the media manufacture heroes and villains when he says, heroes and villains are created within certain discourses and certain political-social contexts. In relation to discourse there are certain discourses used by the Zimbabwe Independent when referring to the indigenization policy. Therefore, it is Zimbabwe Independent that explains the policy as good or bad through discourse.

The study is looking at the indigenization policy in the post 2008. Mazango (2008) tamed it the era in which the political environment in Zimbabwe became so polarized that the polarity cascaded down to the media and this resulted in the media assuming political identities with the private press being identified as an Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) wing while the public media being regarded as a part of Zimbabwe African National Unity Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) . Indigenization is a sensitive issue in the history of Zimbabwe and the media has been at the centre of explaining about it . Chari (2003) points out that the political landscape in the country shaped the media in Zimbabwe that the media is extremely polarised .The polarised environment of the press in Zimbabwe can be ascribed to countless issues such as the formation of a vibrant opposition political party MDC to power in the late 1990s.Chari (2009) noted that the polarized political environment in Zimbabwe has resulted in both government and the opposition having entrenched positions on almost every issue, be it politics, economics, or sport. Pro-opposition media are prepared to go to any lengths to try and tarnish the government of President Robert Mugabe knowing full well that international opinion is in their favour. Thus, it is easy to fabricate a story where the government is involved without having questions being asked about its veracity. The government media on the other hand does not need to be bribed to fabricate lies about the opposition in the comfort that their legion of readers will believe them. Richard Ilorah (2001) notes that although ESAP expired in 1995 in Zimbabwe, its negative impact continued to be felt setting a trend for most of the economic and political challenges that the country had to face in the succeeding years. It is argued that the emergence of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and its gaining support from the urban populace after its establishment in 1999 was due to the negative social and economic impact of ESAP. The 1990s were characterised by events that brought the ZANU PF government into disgrace. The Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) was implemented in Zimbabwe by the International Monetary Fund and it failed. According to Nathan Shamhuyarira (1995) ESAP was an unsuccessful instrument to remove the nationalist government from power. Simba Makoni in an interview with the Mirror 2000 point that the participation of the Zimbabwean army in the Democratic Republic of Congo (D.R.C.) was as a way to save the economy which was already collapsing . In 1998,The President of Zimbabwe and first the permanent secretary of Zanu Pf Robert Gabriel Mugabe's ZANU PF dominated government supported the Southern African Development Community's (SADC) intervention in the Second Congo War by sending Zimbabwean troops to assist the then President Laurent Kabilas government. This was probably a tack to bolster the floundering Zimbabwean economy by plundering the DRC.Cox and Anderson (2009) highlight that to further worsen the situation; in August 1998 President Robert Mugabe once again decided to send Zimbabwean soldiers into the Democratic republic of Congo (DRC) without the approval of the parliament to support the government of Laurent Kabila which was under attack by the local opposition forces. According to (Cox and Anderson) 2009 President Robert Mugabe further damaged the economy by sending 12 000 troops to support fellow Southern African Development Community (SADC) member country DRC at the cost of US$ 5 million per week. P Chigora (2007) notes that the total cost of the Zimbabwean governments deployment of 12 000 troops in the DRC has remained a matter of speculation. However, many observers have argued that the war significantly drained Zimbabwes treasury and eroded the country foreign currency reservesMoss (2009) argues that in 1997, approximately 50 000 war veterans demanded and received unbudgeted compensation equivalent to about US$ 1,300 per person for their war service. Such a decision to pay an estimated 60 000 war veterans accelerated in inflation and worsened the growing fiscal deficit creating a hash operating economic environment for manufacturing industries and increased the costs of production. Hardest hit were major foreign currency earning industries such as mining, tourism and tobacco production. The same argument is submitted by Confederation of Zimbabwean Industries (CZI) which indicated that the 1999 productivity in the manufacturing sector was deeply rooted in the 1997-1999 economic and political changes. There was the Land Reform Programme known as the jambaja (meaning haphazard ),it was not written down as a policy but was just done haphazardly tying to readdress the colonial injustice. In as much as the Land Reform received both local and global coverage it was portrayed negatively and is viewed as the root cause of Zimbabwean problems up to date. According to Gastsheni (2007) the long standing land question was utilised as the central organising theme for the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) election campaign to be held in the following year. Makumbe speaking on Studio 7 in 2004, said the land reform was an answer to silence threatening political voices, compensating war veterans. The land reform was supposed to be an agrarian reform rather than a land reform. In a way it was done to reward friends and punish enemies, up to now land is still limited there was only a change in skin colour .The government also introduced the Millennium Recovery Programme to try and solve these issues.The Mugabe-led government embarked on a controversial fast-track land reform program intended to correct the inequitable land distribution created by colonial rule. Sichone (2003) notes that the government of Zimbabwe considered land to be the main economic resource without which prosperity is not attainable for the majority of Zimbabwean black people .Land distribution in 2001 was therefore a resolution to the colonial land imbalances that created a gap between Zimbabwes 6 000 white farmers who owned more than 70 percent of the productive land (some of which lay without being utilised) and the peasants in the old colonial native reserves. The period has been marked by the deterioration of the Zimbabwean economic situation. Mugabe's policies have been condemned in some quarters at home and abroad, especially receiving criticism from the British and American governments arguing they amount to an often violent land seizure. Eventually a wide range of sanctions were imposed by the US government and European Union against the person of Mugabe, individuals, private companies, parastatals and the government of Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act (ZIDERA) of 2001 was passed it stated to support the people of Zimbabwe in their struggle to effect peaceful ,democracy change ,achieve broad based and equitable economic growth and restore rule of law.

In 2008, Mugabes party suffered a defeat in national parliamentary elections, but after disputed presidential elections, Mugabe retained presidential power with the signing of a power-sharing deal the Global Political Agreement (G.P.A) with opposition leaders Morgan Richard Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara of the MDC-T and MDC-M opposition party.The formation of the Government of National Unity brought cosmetic changes especially to the media sector the polarization of the media is still present. Since Zanu Pf has lost most of its strong hold there was need to win back the public confidence again . Since the Land reform was over, there was need to come up with something else to convince the public thus the indigenization policy was authored to cater for the ZANU PF supporters. A ministry was formed to cater of the issues of indigenization and it was passed into an act and the ministry was given to ZANU PF.1.2.2 IndigenizationThe Zimbabwe Independent on March 16, 2012 noted that indigenization inspiration has been drawn from Chinese state capitalism. But Chinese state capitalism did not occur overnight. It began almost 50 years ago after the great leap forward (1958 to 1963) which subsequently became a disaster, but was Chinas first attempt to indigenize its economy using its own economic theory. After the Maoist Cultural Revolution (1965 to 1968), which saw the equivalent of our Upfumi Kuvadiki and Chipangano emerging, this was followed by a gradual transition from communist ideals to the embracing of capitalism.So after their disastrous experiments the Chinese embarked on a well-thought out model to indigenise their economy. Credit for Chinas transition to capitalism is in the main attributed to Deng Xiaoping, whose famous quote was It doesnt matter if a cat is black or white, so long as it catches mice.Deng took over the reins of the Communist party after Maos death in 1976 and effectively became premier in 1978. The economic model created under Dengs leadership is the reason for Chinas success to date.Kasukuwere in an interview with Zimbabwe Indpendant on 18 June 2011 said Zimbabwe indigenization borrows mainly from China, In the modern era, China's influence in the world economy was minimal until the late 1980s. At that time, economic reforms initiated after 1978 began to generate significant and steady growth in investment, consumption and standards of living. As of 2012 China is a major importer of raw materials, manufacturer of basic goods, and exporter of consumer goods. The economy is dominated by large, profitable, state owned enterprises, but private enterprises also play a major role in the economy. State-owned enterprises are a major source of profit and power for members of the Communist Party of China and their families and are favored by the government. However that is not the situation in Zimbabwe where Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (ZESA), AIR Zimbabwe, Grain Marketing Board (G.M.B.) and Zimbabwe Broadcasting Co-operation (ZBC) have not been performing up to standards. Mugabe (2011) quoted in National Indigenization Economic and Empowerment Board(NIEEB) report defines Indigenization policy as a policy focused response to the previous exclusion of other people from mainstream economic activity by the settlers .The policy seeks to broaden the economic base by involving the majority Zimbabweans in meaningful and gainful activity ,thus giving greater meaning to our independence and self-determination.The study seeks to establish how Zimbabwe Independent has explained to the public what Indigenization Policy is all about. The Zimbabwe Independent in representing the issue of Indigenization it is doing justice to expose its lope holes or it is just pushing its intended agenda to the people of Zimbabwe. Kasukuwere in an article written on 23 September 2011 in the Zimbabwe Independent highlighted that the Indigenization issue was the major reason why the war of liberation struggle was fought in Zimbabwe. However the Lancaster House Conference did not fairly address this issue since it actually gave political power to the government rather than economic power .Indigenization could not be completed in the first decade of independence. The willing buyer willing seller approach for redistributing wealth which was used was never carried to a logical conclusion.Mnangagwa (2011) in his presentation entitled Zimbabwe Defense Policy In Times of Indigenization and Economic Empowerment highlighted that after realizing that the land was back to its rightful owners the indigenization act was introduced in 2007.The government having learnt from their past mistakes they first drafted Indigenization bill that was later passed into a law known as the Indigenization and Economic Empowerment Act.1.2.3 Mining and Mining laws Chiwawa (1989) postulated that The Republic of Zimbabwe is a landlocked country located in the southern part of the continent of Africa, between Botswana, Mozambique, South Africa and Zambia. He says the main reason Zimbabwe was colonized by the Rhodes was that he thought there was a second rand after they found one in South Africa .Munhumutapa Empire mined Gold and traded it with the Arabs. Zimbabwe is endowed with rich mineral resources. Zimbabwe has over 40 types of minerals including gold, diamonds, asbestos, chrome, coal, platinum, nickel, and copper and so have coal-bed methane gas deposits. This sector was dominated by foreigners that is why my research focuses more on the mining sector.The history of informal mining or gold panning mining in Zimbabwe dates back to the period well before colonization in the late- 1890s. As late as 1908, over 70% of the countrys mines were still classified as small workings.The Zimbabwe Chamber of Mines (2011) volume two report points out that as in other African countries, gold mining was the basis for the wealth and power of many empires and kingdoms in Zimbabwe and this fuelled growth of small-scale mining on the continent. Chiwawa (1989) believes that despite the growth of small-scale mining over the years, especially since independence in 1980, the sector has essentially remained subsistence and a significant complimentary activity to communal and small-scale resettlement agriculture. As a whole, small-scale mining is an important sector in the mineral production system in Zimbabwe, as miners work on economic deposits often below the threshold levels of the larger operators.

Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (2001) reported that the Mining sector is well suited for Zimbabwe as it utilizes an abundant resource, labour, and employs a relatively small proportion of the scarce resource. Minerals such as chromite and tantalite, early small-scale mining was concentrated on the extraction of gold, copper, iron ore and tin. The definition of small-scale mining in Zimbabwe includes both legal and illegal operators, mechanized and semi-mechanized miners of varying sizes in terms of output, employment and capitalization. Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (2001) classify mines into four categories mines operated by experienced individuals, those operated by unsophisticated groups, registered gold panners, and cooperative miners. This classification, though covering a significant section of the sector, fails to take cognisance of the important role played by illegal operators, many of them gold planners. Tantalite panning has also emerged as a significant activity during the last two years, fuelled by improved tantalum prices during this period. Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (2001) estimated 300,000 people to be directly involved in gold panning activities along 5000 km of Zimbabwes major rivers including Mazowe, Angwa, Insiza, Runde and Bubi. Most of panning sites are along Zimbabwes rivers,

According to the United Nations World Health Organisation, Zimbabwe has a total population of 14million and the unemployment rate of 90% and the youths constitute a higher percentage. Therefore informal mining becomes any alternative to the unemployed.

The Mine and Minerals Act is the principal law governing mining in Zimbabwe. This law provides security of tenure and has clear provisions for acquisition, maintenance and relinquishingof mining title. The act has been in force since 1965 and has served the country well. Mineral rights are vested in the State President.Gold Trade (Gold Buying Permits for concession Areas) Regulations Mines and Minerals (Custom Milling Plants) Regulations SI 239 of 2002 states the use of hammer mills by informal miners ,Mines and Minerals (Contracted Inspectors ) Regulations SI 249 of 2006 ,Mines and Minerals (Minerals Unit) Regulations SI 82 of 2008 Mines and Minerals (Declaration of Minerals ) Notice SI 91 of 1990 Regulations Gold Trade Act Chapter 21:03, Minerals Marketing Corporation of Zimbabwe Act Chapter 21:04 states who should buy and sell minerals ,Explosives Act Chapter 10:08 limits and prohibit the use and positioning, Precious Stones Trade Act Chapter 21:06 Environmental Management Act Chapter 20:27 states how mining activities should not destroy the environment ,Atmospheric Pollution Prevention Act Chapter 20:03 it prohibits the polluting of the environment, Hazardous Substances and Articles Act Chapter 15:05 ,Pneumoconiosis Act Chapter 15:08, Forestry Act Chapter 9:05,Water Act Chapter 20:22, Zimbabwe National Water Authority Act Chapter 20:25, Companies Act Chapter 24:03 ,Revenue Authorities Act Chapter 23:11 ,Value added Tax Act Chapter23:12 ,Income Tax Act Chapter 3:06Finance Act Chapter 23:04 ,Capital Gains Tax Act Chapter 23:01,Companies Act Exchange Control Act ,Indigenization and Empowerment Act states that all foreign owned mines should submit 51% of their shares to Zimbabwean citizens people. These laws affects the operation of mining in Zimbabwe. 1.2.4 Trevor Ncube and the Zimbabwe Independent Olsen (1997) notes that in May 1996, a new weekly newspaper hit the streets in Harare. It was called The Zimbabwe Independent and it came in the wake of the crisis in the independent press after the collapse of The Daily Gazette and The Sunday Gazette. According to the 15th anniversary magazine of Alpha Media Holdings (2011) the paper was an attempt to revive the private sector press which had been severely eroded, and to widen the scope and national reach of published opinion. The Zimbabwe Independent was set up with the backing of solid capital, management, and editorial resources (including a translocated senior editorial team from Modus, headed by former Financial Gazette editor Trevor Ncube). The Zimbabwe Independent leading investors were Clive Murphy and Clive Wilson. Since they sold their controlling interest in Modus, they consolidated a new publishing company and developed a national distribution agency which was used to support Zimbabwe Independent. The editorial slant included support for meaningful black empowerment measures, and for the governments economic reform program ESAP, but also a consistent criticism and exposure of government mismanagement, corruption, and abuse of power. Zimbabwe All Media Products Survey (1999) alleged the newspaper proved to be a success, and reached a circulation of 25,000 after little more than a year. The publishers bought a secondhand press, and also started a Sunday paper, the Sunday Standard, in April 1997. The market for both the Independent papers is the professional urban sector, but their impact is doubtlessly larger than their circulation indicates.According to a report published by The Zimbabwe Independent on its 15th Anniversary (2011) Trevor Ncube was born in Bulawayo in 1962. He was a teacher at Pumula High School in the early 1980s.He lost his relatives in the Gukurahundiera. Ncube started in journalism in 1989, when he was appointed assistant editor of the Financial Gazette in Zimbabwe. Ncube in 1991 was promoted to Executive Editor and in 1994 he received the Zimbabwean Editor of the Year award from Zimbabwean Union if Journalist (ZUJ). Ncube was the President of Print Media South Africa and Chair of the Newspaper Association of South Africa from 2004-2008. He was chair of the board of the Southern African Regional Poverty Network (2004-2007) and the Institute for War & Peace Reporting (2004-2008). Ncube also served on the international board of the World Association of Newspapers (2004-2008) based in Paris. Ncube holds a BA honours (first class) in economic history from the University of Zimbabwe. He completed the Said Business School, University of Oxford, Advanced Management and Leadership Programme in June/July 2009.Saunders (1999) observed that in 1992 Trevor Ncube ,editors of The Financial Gazette ,was summoned before parliament under the Privileges ,Immunities and Powers of Parliament Act ,1971 to divulge his sources for a story on the findings of parliamentary committee looking into irregularities at LORAC ,an affair which personally involved senior government officials ,banks ,the CID and CIO. Ncube revealed his source, apologized to the parliamentary committee and no other action was taken.Trevor Ncube noted that the most challenging part of his life was when he was fired from Financial Gazzette after he exposed Mugabes marriage to Grace Marufu. Saunders (1999) highlighted that it was through the Law on Civil and Criminal Defamation in 1995 criminal defamation charges succeeded against The Financial Gazzette ,after it published reports about the secret marriage of President Mugabe and Grace Marufu.Ncube also owns Munn Marketing, a magazine and newspaper distribution company in Zimbabwe, and Strand Multiprint, a commercial and newspaper printing company.He publishes South Africa's Mail & Guardian weekly newspaper, part of The Guardian group of newspapers and in Zimbabwe, sister publications The Zimbabwe Independent, The Sunday Standard and Newsday. These three newspapers, Distribution Company and printing company forms the Alpha Media Holdings which is the parent company.1.3 Statement of the research problem For us to understand how the coverage of the indigenisation policy is carried out we need to understand the political economy behind Zimbabwe Independent.1.4 Main Research questionHow is Zimbabwe Independent representing the Indigenization Policy? 1.5 Sub Research Question What are the factors that influence Zimbabwe Independent to represent the indigenization policy? Is the indigenization policy an economic or political tool? What are the interpretation mechanisms in the news production process? How do ownership and control patterns of the Zimbabwe Independent influence the way they portray in the period under study? Who is benefiting from the indigenization? How does the general public view the indigenization policy portrayal in the Zimbabwe Independent?

1.6 Research Objectives Zimbabwe Independent must not just critises or support a policy because it is a brain child of Zanu Pf but it must be objective. If indigenization policy is an economic policy Zimbabweans should make use of it and or if it is a campaigning tool, it should be available to all parties and readers will make informed decisions. To assist media owners, journalists, academia and ordinary readers to understand how indigenization policy operates. The study should explain who is benefitting from this policy and how is Zimbabwe Independent benefiting from the policy. Help readers to understand how the Zimbabwe Independent covers the indigenization policy.1.7 Assumption of the study The indigenization policy is being misrepresented in Zimbabwe Independent. The indigenization policy is genuinely a political tool which is being abused as a political tool. Ownership patterns and Funding mechanism have an influence the outcome of news Zimbabwe Independent is not reflecting reality. The indigenization policy is portrayed as a Zanu Pf brain child and it is only those who are aligned to the Zanu Pf who will benefit from it. The Zimbabwean public is not yet aware about what indigenization is all about.1.8 Justification of the study Mazango (2008) notes that the post-2000 era in which the political environment in Zimbabwe has become so polarized so much that this polarity has cascaded down to the media and this resulted in the media assuming political identities: with the private press being identified as an MDC wing while the public media being regarded as a part of Zanu Pf This study of representation has been done in other areas in certain context but mine tries to focus more on the Zimbabwe context .How it has been done by Zimbabwe Independent since the Indigenization and empowerment policy is still in the making .A lot of debates surrounds this policy.1.9 Scope of the studyI am looking at the period when the policy became so topical in the media that is from January 2010 up to June 2012. The study focus on every article on indigenization since January 2010 up to June 2012 to make them 130 articles since Zimbabwe Independent is a weekly newspaper ,I will also analyses indigenization and adverts.

1.10 Limitations The researcher as a student at MSU is based in Gweru thus there will be difficulties as the research is done during the semester it is difficult to manage time the final dissertation is wanted by October. Limited resources as the research require travelling. Since the research is dealing with a burning issue to Zimbabwe which is still in the making the responsible authorities are likely to withhold information due to fear of exposing the policys loose ends This research deals with policy makers and editors some of them who are always busy it is might be difficult for them to have ample time to discuss. If elections are held this year the media will shift their attention to elections giving the indigenization policy very little attention.1.11 Structure of the studyThe chapter dealt with the history, background study, research questions and objectives, scope of study and the outline of the chapters to follow. The following chapter deals with the theoretical framework which guides and offers a critical analysis of this study. Chapter three shows the research methodology used in the study. The following chapter four gives an in depth view of the structure of the newspapers and the organogram. The fifth chapter presents research findings and analysis of findings. The final chapter six concludes the study and makes recommendations. 1.12 Conclusion This Chapter introduced the research topic and its relevance .It provides the background information to the study and draw attention to the specific issues the researcher intends to address .It outlined the parameters that the research will follow and listed the obstacles that will be encountered during the process. The next chapter will look at the theoretical framework and literature review.

Chapter 2Literature Review and Theoretical Framework2.0 IntroductionThis chapter synthesizes from the previous chapter that looked at the background of the study. Literature that has been written before or that has links with the study will also be reviewed in this study. Theories relating to the study will also be used especially those relating to identity creation.2.1Literature reviewLiterature review is an essential test of the research question against that which is already known about the subject. Various journal articles, unpublished works and newspapers have been published which will enrich the research. Cooper (1998) defines literature review as a process of gathering information from other sources and documenting it. A literature review is a body of text that aims to review critical points of current knowledge on a particular topic. Schaefer (2006) states that by conducting a review of literature relevant scholarly studies and information researchers refine the problem under study, clarify possible techniques to be used in collecting data, and eliminate or reduce available mistakes. Tuckman (1994) argues that review of related literature must make readers see why your study is necessary. 2.1.1 Media and political interference in ZimbabweSaunders(1999),Ndlela(2005),Mukasa(2003)Rusike(1990)Rnning(2000),Dumisani Moyo(2005) and Zaffio (2002)come to an understanding on the state of the media in Zimbabwe that it is in a poor state they highlight issues to do with media polarization and the restrictive piece of legislations some of them that originated from the colonial era. The media in Zimbabwe have not been innocent in writing the truth they have been partisan they take sides and this has affected content of the outcome of news .

2.1.1.1 Saunders,R (1999) Dancing Out of TuneRichard Saunders Dancing out of tune (1999) notes that one of the pillarsof democracy in any country is information and its effective distribution .Without reliable and balance information about what happens in government and society, it is difficult if not impossible for people to participate in the running of their country. Ndlela (2005) in his paper the coverage of the Zimbabwean crisis in the Norwegian media notes that the private media played a pivotal role in representing of the Land Reform Programme which was a government policy . Similar to this research the private media played a crucial role in representing the indigenization policy. Saunders tying to bring out how the political interference have the final influence on news, same as the this research with the fact that Trevor Ncube is not in good books with ZANU PF there is no way the indigenization policy will be applauded. After using Hermeneutics of Interpretation, discourse analysis on certain newspaper articles Saunders then concluded that there is absence of the desired free flow of information. This research links with Saunders line of thinking in that the political interference of the media has affected the outcome of news .The Absence of independence in the press has affected the readers. 2.1.1.2Rusike, E.T (1990) The politics of the mass media: A personal Experience,In his exploration Rusike (1990) makes any assertion that the politics of the mass media in Zimbabwean context is central to the very existence and survival of journalists and their newspaper .Newspapers are governed by the political system within which they are operating. The mass media are an integral part in society and operate within the existing political system with existing political cultures.Rusike a former CEO of the Zimbabwe Papers (Zimpapers) resigned due to what he called he called gross interference in the execution of his duties by the ruling party ZANU Pf soon after one of his editors Geff Nyarota wrote an investigative journalist story exposing the Willogate car scandal ,which involved several cabinet ministers. The same interference is also visible to Zimbabwe Indpendandet they interfere in a way to influence the final outcome of news .Rusike in his research also focuses on the issue of political interference in the media by politicians. As a former Herald Editor Rusike was explaining from experience he used participation observation which the researcher will also use since the researcher was at the Zimbabwean Independent. Rusikes receach is interwoven with mine since it highlights the coverage of state issues such as the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme which was an economic policy .The researcher is looking at the indigenization policy, Rusike focuses more with the public media the researcher will fill the gap by focusing on the private media.The Ministry of Information remained unchanged it was inherited form the colonial system, and ZBC remained both politically and financially dependent upon the government. Various scholars agree, the obsession of those in power to maintain tight control of broadcasting and to use it as a tool for perpetuating political dominance continued amid these changes (Rnning 2003; Saunders 1999; Zaffiro 2002).2.1.1.3Mukasa, S. D (2003) Press and Politics in ZimbabweMukasa (2003) pointes out the role of politians in news formation .Mukasa (2003) believed what emerged in the early 1980s was a tame press headed by government-appointed editors. Most of these were committed to serving the interests of the ruling party of which they, with the exception of Willy Musarurwa (ZAPU), were card-carrying members. To his credit, Musarurwa tried to be less partisan and more professional. He had plans for regular coverage and analysis of rural issues and events. His editorial policy was that the greatest service the press could render to the government was to report both the positive and the negative. In reporting the negative and unfavorable stories, the press was merely drawing governments attention to problems that needed to be resolved before they got out of hand. But Musarurwas editorial policy was a voice in the wilderness.Mukasa (2003) notes that the Zimbabwe government's onslaught against the independent press in Zimbabwe reached a new crescendo with the enactment of two laws: The Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) and the Public Order and Security Act (POSA). The two laws, which are remarkably similar to laws passed by the colonial regime of Ian Smith, lend credence to the characterization of the Zimbabwe Government as a dictatorship, undemocratic and neo-colonialist. This goes against the grain of the spirit, letter, and intent of the independence struggle and the expectations of citizens when Zimbabwe attained independence in 1980. For while the Zimbabwean Constitution guarantees freedom of expression and assembly as well asa multi-party democracy, both AIPPA and POSA have become the legal smokescreen for undermining both freedom of expression and opposition politics in Zimbabwe. According to AIPPA, "Any published statement, which is intentionally, unreasonably, recklessly, maliciously or fraudulently false and either (1) threatens the interest of defense, public safety, public order, the economic interests of the state, public morality or public heath or, (2) is injurious to the reputation, rights And freedoms of other persons, will be punished. This create a difficult environment to operate in for journalists and many journalists were arrested due to these laws. Minister of Information Jonathan Moyo, has argued that legislation exists to protect Zimbabweans against western imperialist propaganda as well as to spearhead a new cultural revolution. Under a new broadcasting act, both personnel and content of the broadcast media must rigidly conform to the policies dictated by the Minister. Through content analysis Mukasa gathered the information to come up with the conclusion that the media in Zimbabwe has been greatly affected by the politics of the day and the laws making it difficult to come up with a balanced story .Mukasasreseach explains the consequences of political interference in the news room.2.1.1.4Zaffiro,J (2002)Mass Media and Democratization of Politics and Society :Lessons From Zimbabwe ,1990-2000Zaffiro(2002) pointed out that the relationship between mass media and political democratization in Africa is significant as it is poorly understood .Editors engage in self-censorship for survival because of this interference .At the end of the day the representation of stories becomes partial . Readers should decide for themselves but the newspaper end up manipulating reality .Zaaffiro used other books to come out with his thesis. The issue of lack of objectivity in Zimbabwes private media is what I share with Zaffiro to come up with a question is the Indiginisation policy being covered in an objective manner?2.1.1.5 Terence Rangers 2002 article, The Zimbabwe Elections: A Personal ExperienceTerence Rangers 2002 article, The Zimbabwe Elections: A Personal Experience he notes that The state-run Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) broadcast repetitive liberation war documentaries that presented ZANU PF as the sole deliverer of independence, justified the land seizures as a means to redressing a colonial inheritance of racially biased land distribution, highlighted colonial atrocities, and wrote out personalities and historical events inimical to ZANU PFs quest to maintain political power. Catchy music jingles and albums, the majority of which were composed by the then Information Minister Jonathan Moyo, reworking liberation war songs, and celebrating ZANU PFs role in liberation history, were aired on state-run national radio stations hourly. This clearly shows interference Newspapers report differently on certain government policies and they take sides, they do not present reality to the audience which is wrong and against the code of ethics .Therefore, the media either the public media or the private media the manipulate the public opinion on government policies. Ranger used critical discourse analysis when he analysed the music and the discourse used.The media have the power to manipulate public opinion and make a viewpoint turn out to be the dominant and acceptable view in society. According to Walter Lippman (1922), public opinion is the sum total of individual attitudes on an issue affecting individuals. The media are used to sway public opinion in favour of the political ideology that they subscribe to. Ndlela in his research used discourse analysis in analyzing of the daily news articles and the researcher will also use discourse analysis. The media in Zimbabwe has become so polarized the media its self has become a hegemonic war zone were these political parties fight their own hegemonic wars .Saunders (1999) laments that political pressure on the media puts the audiences on disadvantage the truth will be jeopardized .Its far much better if the media dance to a tune of freedom of expression and information as its melody and the fundamental principle of democracy and tolerance as it undermining beat.2.1.2Ownership and control patterns of the media influence contentRnning (2004),Garnham (1979),(Melody 1978),McChesney (1999)Bagdikian (2000)) ,Golding (1977) agrees that ownership of the media has influence in the final outcome of news. The consequences of foreign ownership of the and funding of the media is that what ever written in that paper is viewed in foreign lances and the owners of the media house have a say on what should be written and what should not be written in the papers.

Many media scholars subscribe to the notion that those who own and control the media influence the news content. The old adage which says, he who pays the piper calls the tune sums up how the political economy of the media influences the production of news content.

Garnham (1979) submits that those who own the means of production have the final say on what comes out in the media. In the article, Garnham suggests that ownership and control patterns of the media organization have a direct bearing on content. Garnham (1979) articulates that political economy is the relation between the economic structure and dynamics of media industries and the ideological content of media. Content media produce can be largely accounted for by the exchange value of different kinds of content, under conditions of pressure to expand markets, and by the underlying economic interests of owners and decision-makers.

2.1.2.1Golding P and Murdock G (1991) Culture Communications and Political EconomyEchoing the same sentiments,Murdoch and Golding (1977) argue that the media are profit-driven and have to take heed to the interests of their stakeholders in order to achieve the bottom-line and in so doing this influences media content. Murdoch and Golding (1977) highlight how the commercial interests of the media influence content when they say the mass media are first and foremost industrial and commercial organizations which produce and distribute commoditiesThere are like any other organization seeking to make a profit. They get most of their revenue from advertising and hence they cannot go against those who advertise in their media.

2.1.2.2Ronning (2004) The Dilemma of Foreign Ownership and Funding of the MediaRnning (2004) notes that this is mainly to do with the perceived power of the mass media to influence the political, social and economic behaviour of individuals. The Daily News, being a largely foreign-funded newspaper, made such tremendous contribution to the opening up of political space in Zimbabwe has posed a new dilemma regarding the desirability of foreign media ownership/funding and its possible implicationsRnning (2004), for example, suggests that foreign funding is both justifiable and necessary in particular circumstances. He argues that: The ANZ initiative suggests that in the interest of media pluralism it is necessary to adopt a pragmatic position to what often may be seen as fundamental doctrines in relation to restrictions on foreign ownership and media concentration. Such principles must be applied in relation to historical circumstances and contexts, and it is to a large degree true that in Africa it is the market media that are independent

This body of knowledge is significant as it informs the research that the media do not reflect reality. Instead influenced by their ownership and control patterns in producing news content favorable to the interests of those that own the means of production. As such the research seeks to contextualize the issue of how ownership and control patterns influence the content that will be published. The research will look at the effects of political economy in the context of the portrayal of Indeginisation policy during the period under study .

2.1.2.3 Brian Ncube (2010)[footnoteRef:1] looks at how the political economy of TheHerald and The Zimbabwe Independent influenced how these two newspapers portrayed Reserve Bank Governor, Gideon Gono during the farm mechanization programme. [1: ]

Brian Ncube (2010) concluded that indeed the ownership and control patterns of these newspapers had the final say on the image of Gideon Gono which was adopted by each of these two newspapers. This body of knowledge is important as it informs this research that the image of the indigenization policy in ZimIndcould be a constructed reality meant to serve the interests of those who own and control these newspapers.

In this theme all the scholars mentioned above concurred on the consequences of ownership and its implications on the final content. Rnning (2004) and Ncube (2010) used interviews ,Ncube (2010) further used face to face interviews and agreed on the fact that he who pays the piper dictates the tune .This researcher therefore shares the same sentiments with the school of thought mentioned above the consequence of ownership have impact on the news out come .

2.1.3 Media Representation and Construction of realityJean Baudrillard(1981),Michel Foucault (1977),Jacques Derrida (2002),Michael Schudson (1995) ,Stuart Hall (1973) they agree that the media are not innocent reflectors of reality.The media do not reflect reality but are instead constructing reality to serve their own interests. Several media scholars argue that news is not a reflection of reality but a construction of the media. For example Gieber (1964) asserts that, News is what newspapermen make it. Fishman (1980) echoes the same sentiments when he says, News is the result of methods newsworkers employ. Cohen and Young (1973:97) also share the view that news is not a reflection of reality but a construction of the media when they say, News is manufactured by journalists. Stuart Hall (1996) is the main proponent of the concept of representation and he defines representation as the production of meaning through written or spoken language, visual images and signs. Hall (1996) says representation is an act of ideological recreation that serves the specific interests of those who control the media. It is those who are in power that control the representations of others in society. These representations then influence the way we see the world. In that regard, it can be said that representations are not always innocent and true reflectors of reality as certain representations are done to achieve certain objectives. Considering that the media are political actors with political interests which they seek to accomplish through the representation they confer on a particular issue or a personality, it becomes clear that the media will depict certain representations in a way that will gain them political mileage. Hall (1996) presents three approaches to representation which are namely: reflective approach, intentional approach and the constructionist approach. The reflective approach suggests that meaning lies in an object and language reflects or imitates the truth. The intentional approach proposes that people get the meaning intended by the author. The constructionist approach recognizes the social character of language. As such, it says that we construct meaning of things. In other words, things dont mean, but we make them mean.

2.1.3.1 Foucault, M (1977) Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the PrisonMichel Foucault (1977) explains the relationship among meaning, power and social behaviour within social orders. Foucault asserts that discourse concerns both language and practice. This concept refers to regulated production of knowledge through language which gives meaning to both material objects and social practice. Foucault focuses on the ways in which social constructs can foster cultural hegemony, violence and exclusion. Foucault sees meaning as socially constructed by institutions, [including such institutions as media organizations e.g. newspaper chains]. The notion, following from the death of the subject, that the condition of authorship has been dissolved, is leaving only an author position that places an emphasis on what is said. This vision can be particularly powerful in analyzing the content of mass media. Thus in this study the issue of giving a certain meaning to the indigenization policy will be exploded in an Africa context since Foucault reasearched it in a western context . Jean Baudrillard, (1981) goes deeper in explaining how the media create reality especially in a technologically advanced society. Baudrillard (1981) develops an account of postmodern society in which consumer and electronic images have become more real (hyper real) than physical reality and in which simulations of reality have displaced their originals, leaving only the desert of the real. Jean Baudrillard defines hyper reality as the inability of consciousness to distinguish reality from fantasy, especially in technologically advanced postmodern cultures. Hyper reality is a means of characterising the way consciousness defines what is actually real in a world where a multitude of media can radically shape and filter the original event or experience being depicted. Reality has been replaced by simulacra (a fake of the real that is not there) thus highlighting that we now live in a counterfeit age where we only experience prepared realities such as edited war footage, and meaningless acts of terrorism. The real is produced according to a model that is not given but artificially reproduced as real.

Baudrillard suggests that the world we live in has been replaced by a copy world, where we seek simulated stimuli and nothing more. According to him, the sign has imploded and exploded. This means that the real implodes on itself. Implosion describes a process leading to a collapse of boundaries between the real and simulations. As such this includes the frontier between the media and the society, so that the media become the world.

Baudrillard says the principle of the real is short-circuited by the inter-changeability of signs in an era whose communicative and semantic acts are dominated by electronic media and digital technologies. Baudrillard proposes the notion that, in such a state, where subjects are detached from the outcomes of events (political, literary, artistic, personal or otherwise), events no longer hold any particular sway on the subject and therefore have the effect of producing widespread indifference, detachment and passivity in industrialized populations.

He claims that a constant stream of appearances and references without any direct consequences to viewers or readers could eventually render the division between appearance and object indiscernible, resulting, ironically, in the disappearance of mankind in what is, in effect, a virtual or holographic state, composed only of appearances. In short, the media no longer mirror society, but instead society now mirrors the reality which is presented in the media. This has resulted in the media no longer representing reality, but hyper reality which is constructed by the media. This body of knowledge is significant as it informs the research that the portrayal of the indigenization policy created in Zimbabwe Independent could be a constructed reality meant to serve the interests of those who own and control this newspaper.2.1.3.2Derrida, J (1981) PositionsJacques Derrida (2002) focuses on language and the deconstruction of an immediacy or identity between words and meanings. Derrida argues that meaning is not generated by relations of difference between signifiers, rather by reference to an independent world. To him, meaning can never be fixed: words carry many meanings including the echoes or traces of other meanings from other words. Derrida introduces the notion of difference and deferral. The production of meaning in the process of signification is continually deferred and supplemented. He argues for the undesirability of binary oppositions. For Derrida, people think only in signs and there is no original meaning circulating outside of representation.

2.1.3.3 Michael Schudson (1995) Sociology of News ProductionMichael Schudson (1995) notes three distinct approaches to explaining how news is produced which are political, economic, sociological and cultural perspectives. Schudson (1995:136) states that, social, cultural, economic and political forces do in fact structure news production, but they do not produce news out of nothing. Schudson suggests that news is structured in a way that favours the elite when he says, the news media have always been a more important forum for communication among elites (and some elites more than others) than with the general population (Schudson 1995).This body of knowledge informs this research that media organizations deliberately package their media products in such a way that generates certain preferred meanings in their audiences. In that regard, this research seeks to investigate ways in which the indigenization policy is being packaged.

Stuart Hall (1973) makes an encoding-decoding model which illustrates that moments of encoding and decoding may not be perfectly symmetrical. There is nothing inevitable about the outcome of the process -what is intended and what is taken may not coincide. Media professionals may wish decoding to correspond with encoding, but they cannot prescribe or guarantee this. Governed by different conditions of existence, encoding and decoding are open to variable reciprocity. Hall develops three hypothetical positions from which decodings of a televisual discourse may be constructed. The first position is the dominant-hegemonic position whereby the viewer decodes the message in harmony with the intended meaning of the encoder. The second decoding position is the negotiated reading which involves a mixture of adaptive and oppositional elements in which the televisual discourse is negotiated through and in terms of the situated conditions of the viewer. The third decoding position identified by Hall is the oppositional reading. This is the position occupied by the viewer who recognises the preferred code of the televisual but who none the less chooses to decode within an alternative frame of reference.

2.2Theoretical FrameworkMarx (1963) defines the term theory as a group of logical, organized and deductively related law. He asserts that a theory can be perceived as both a tool and a goal. Bak (2005) postulates that, the function of the theoretical framework is therefore to show where your study fits in the broad debates that have gone before. This study benefited immensely from borrowing various media theories and concepts for guidance to ensure that the study is a sound piece of academic work. The study revolves around the public sphere concept, democratic participant theory, development media theory, propaganda them Political Economy, Discourse and Critical discourse analysis, Agenda setting and Gate keeping, Mediation, theory, theory of representation. The theories serve to generate understanding the role of the media in shaping public opinion in the creation of identities.2.2.1.Political economy of the media Political economy can be defined as the study of social relations, particularly the power relations that mutually constitute the production, distribution and consumption of resources. Political economy can also be defined as the interdisciplinary studies that are drawn from economics, law and political science in explaining how political institutions, the political environment and the economic system [capitalist, socialist or mixed] influence each other. When narrowly constituted, it refers to applied topics in economics implicating public policy, such as monopoly, market protection, government fiscal policy. Defined within the realm of mass media, political economy has broad critical significance often associated with macro-questions of media ownership and control, interlocking directorships and other factors that bring together media industries, politicians and social elites (Boyd-Barret: 1995). Garnham (1979) cited in McQuail (1994:162) Political economy of the mass media focuses primarily on the relation between the economic structure and dynamics of media industries and the ideological content of media. It directs research attention to the empirical analysis of the structure of ownership and control patterns of media and the way market forces operate.Mosco (1995) cited in Boyd Barret and Newbold (1995; 186) says, political economy is the study of social relations particularly the power relations that mutually constitute the production, distribution and consumption of resources including communication resources. Political economy sees content, style and form of media products such as newspaper stories or computer games as shaped by structural features such as ownership, advertising and audience spending.Political economy according to Klaehn (2005:11) is, the elite media interlock with other institutional sectors in ownership management and social circles effectively circumventing their ability to remain analytically detached from other dominant institutional sectors.The above statement suggests that those who own the media have a say in the final content. As such, the issue of objectivity becomes a contested terrain since the owners of the media have influence over the content.According to Murdock and Golding (1974:205-206), The mass media are first and foremost industrial and commercial organizations which produce and distribute commodities. They are like any other organization seeking to make profit. They get most of their revenue from advertising and hence they cannot go against those who advertise in their media. McQuail (1994:163) argues that, the media have to make a profit to survive and this often involves taking decisions which directly influence the content.Political economy approach emphasizes the media as industries and business enterprises. Political economy examines the media and the nature of media activity to identify the extent to corporate reach, the commodification of media products and the controlling nature of state and government intervention. Political economy shows greater awareness of the need to demonstrate precisely how the political economic formation of media is related to media context and to the discourses of public debate and not consciousness.Murdock and Golding (1977) adopt a Marxist view of ideology for a political economy approach to the analysis of the mass media. They argue that Marxist statement in the Germany ideology entails three empirical propositions which they show can be satisfactorily validated; that is, the production and distribution of ideas is concentrated in the hands of the capitalist owners of the means of production. Therefore their ideas receive much greater prominence and hence dominate the thoughts of subordinate groups; and that therefore this ideology domination serves to maintain the prevailing system of class and exploits of subordinate classes. Political economy posits that, the mass media serve to reproduce class inequalities in that the ownership and control of the mass media is concentrated in the hands of the ruling class. By concentrating on the economic base Murdock and Golding (1995:45) argue that, we are suggesting that control over material resources and their changing distribution are ultimately the most powerful of the many levers operating in cultural production.In addition to how the ownership and control patterns of the media influence content, the owners of media organisations go a step further in advancing their profit motive by paying attention to the needs and wants of their audiences as explicated by the concept of Critical Political Economy of the media. Critical political economists see the consumers of the media being sovereign and ultimately whatever media owners and controllers want they have to refer to the wants and needs of receivers. Through the mechanism of the market, the voice of the consumer can be heard and if owners want to acquire an audience and make profit, they cannot afford to ignore this voice William (2003). Along these lines it can be seen that the media do not reflect reality but are influenced by the wishes of the audiences to present biased versions of reality.This research therefore seeks to examine how the political economy and critical political economy of the Zimbabwe Independent affected the portrayal of Indigenization policy in the period under study. It will look at how this newspaper portrayed the Indigenization policy with reference to their ownership and control patterns.2.2.2 Public sphere conceptJrgen Habermas (1962) presents the theory of the public sphere which is based on his research into the bourgeois class of the 18th century in Great Britain, France and Germany. He defines the public sphere as a virtual or imaginary community which does not necessarily exist in any identifiable space. Habermas (1962) writes:In its ideal form, the public sphere is made up of private people gathered together as a public and articulating the needs of society with the state... The public sphere is the source of public opinion needed to legitimate authority in functioning democracy. Gripsrud (2000) gives a similar definition of public sphere when he says:[Public Sphere] is where all human beings congregate and communicate in a huge variety of ways not least in order to find out how government is doing in terms of securing their life, liberty and pursuit of happiness and what should be done to improve things if necessary , the formation of public opinion.Habermas believes that the public sphere can be most effectively constituted and maintained through dialogue, acts of speech, debate and discussion. In his further reflections, Habermas claims that the public debate can be animated by opinion-forming associations which are voluntary associations, social organizations such as from churches, sports clubs, groups of concerned citizens, grassroots movements, trade unions to counter or refashion the messages of authority. Along these lines, the media can be said to operate as the public sphere as it offers a forum for citizens to air out their opinion and criticize the government through opinion columns and letters to the editor. The medias role as a public sphere is seen when ideas are freely articulated without censorship. In addition, the media [as a public sphere] speaks out on abuses by the powers-that-be and expose injustice. With this in mind, this research seeks to assess whether the coverage of the indigenisation policy in the Zimbabwe Independent included a public sphere provision for the public to voice their opinion about him in the period under study.However, the public sphere can be said to have retrogressed. Habermas (1989) argues that a "refeudalization" of the public sphere began occurring in the late 19th century. The transformation involved private interests assuming direct political functions, as powerful corporations came to control and manipulate the media and state. On the other hand, the state began to play a more fundamental role in the private realm and everyday life, thus eroding the difference between state and civil society, between the public and private sphere. As the public sphere declined, citizens became consumers, dedicating themselves more to passive consumption and private concerns than to issues of the common good and democratic participation. The relationship between the private and public spheres and their relation with the state changed. State and society, once distinct, became interlocked, leading to the refudalisation of the public sphere. Even institutions such as parliaments could not prevent this erosion of a free public sphere. Habermas (1989) writes:Discussions, now a business, becomes formalized; the presentation of positions and counter positions is bound to certain prearranged rules of the game, consensus about the subject matter is made largely superfluous by that concerning form.The public sphere thus changed from a forum for critical and rational debate to an instrument for the manipulation of public discourse where bureaucratic and economic interests use advertising, marketing and public relations to create a social engineering of voter behaviour and cultural consumption (Habermas 1989).As such this study examines whether Zimbabwe Independent show evidence of a declined public sphere in their coverage of the Indigenisation policy . In other words does this newspaper present the publics opinion about indigenisation policy or does it simply give heed to the ruling elites opinion of it?2.2.3 Theory of HegemonyHegemony is a form of control exercised by a dominant class, i.e., by a group controlling the means of production. Domination is not imposed from above, but is won through subordinate groups spontaneous consent to the cultural domination they believe will serve their interests best. As such, hegemony can be said to be rule by consent. Gramsci (1982) used the term hegemony to denote the predominance of one social class over others (e.g. bourgeois hegemony). This represents not only political and economic control, but also the ability of the dominant class to project its own way of seeing the world so that those who are subordinated by it accept it as 'common sense' and 'natural'. Gramsci stresses that this involves willingness and active consent by the subordinate groups. Common sense, suggests Geoffrey Nowell-Smith, is the way a subordinate class lives its subordination (cited in Alvarado & Boyd-Barrett 1992: 51). However, Gramsci emphasizes struggle. He notes that common sense is not something rigid and immobile, but is continually transforming itself (Gramsci, cited in Hall 1982). As Fiske puts it,Consent must be constantly won and rewon, for people's material social experience constantly reminds them of the disadvantages of subordination and thus poses a threat to the dominant class. Hegemony posits a constant contradiction between ideology and the social experience of the subordinate that makes this interface into an inevitable site of ideological struggle (Fiske 1992).Hegemony is mobilised through civil society or cultural institutions such as education, the church, the family and the media. It is here that consent is won, reproduced and maintained. The media act as instruments for reproducing dominant hegemony since they are influenced by economic and political inequalities and tend to reproduce dominant ideas and marginalise alternative ideas.This research seeks to contextualize the notion of hegemony in the case of the Zimbabwe Independents operations. The study thereby examines whether this newspaper is reproducing dominant ideas in Zimbabwean politics in relation to the portrayal of the indigenization policy .2.2.4 The agenda setting theoryAgenda-setting theory was introduced in 1972 by Maxwell McCombs and Donald Shaw in their ground breaking study of the role of the media in 1968 presidential campaign in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. The theory explains the correlation between the rate at which media cover a story and the extent that people think that this story is important. This correlation has been shown to occur repeatedly. The agenda-setting theory asserts that the news media have a large influence on audiences by their choice of what stories to consider newsworthy and how much prominence and space to give them. Agenda-setting theorys main postulate is salience transfer. Salience transfer is the ability of the news media to transfer issues of importance from their news media agendas to public agendas. "Through their day-by-day selection and display of the news, editors and news directors focus our attention and influence our perceptions of what are the most important issues of the day. This ability to influence the salience of topics on the public agenda has come to be called the agenda setting role of the news media. (McCombs and Shaw 1972:176). Hence, the media do not tell us what to think; they tell us what to think about"- Bernard C. Cohen (1963).The two basic assumptions that underlie most research on agenda-setting are that the press and the media do not reflect reality, they filter and shape it and the medias concentration on a few issues and subjects lead the public to perceive those issues as more important than other issues. The theory explains why most people prioritize the same issues as important. In short, the agenda setting theory predicts that if people are exposed to the same media, they will feel the same issues are important.Media salience is a key independent variable in agenda setting theory and is mostly recognized as a single construct. Theoretical explications of media salience scholarship vary throughout the agenda setting literature. Spiro Kiousis (1997) perused the relevant literature and discovered that three dimensions of mediasalience emerged: attention, prominence, and valence. Thus developing his multi-construct model of mediasalience. Attention is based on the amount of coverage/exposure the news media give an object. Prominence is a framing technique used to highlight or position an attribute/object in a context that communicates its importance. Kiousis also refers to just the presence of news stories covered by prestigious news organizations (e.g. Washington Post, New York Times, etc...) as a signaling factor to the public in giving news stories prominence. Valence refers to the affective (emotional) elements of the media content. Additionally, there are several theoretical concepts that fall under the umbrella of agenda setting. Some of these include: status conferral, stereotyping, priming, gate keeping, compelling arguments, and of primary importance, the concept of framing. The concept of framing will be discussed in greater detail later. Status conferral refers to the amount of attention given to specific individuals. Stereotyping is best defined by Taylor (1982)as the "consensus among members of one group regarding the attributes of another." Priming occurs when news content suggest to news audiences that they ought to use specific issues as benchmarks for evaluating the performance of leaders and government. The theory of agenda setting is of significance to this study as it prompts the researcher to assess whether the Zimbabwe Independent was successful in setting their agendas through their portrayal of the indigenization policy in the period under study. It can then be argued that the basic assumption of the agenda setting theory is that the print media Zimbabwe Independent do not reflect reality, but rather it filter and shape it.The agenda setting theory focuses on how the media select what should be put under public debate. It is the notion that the media actually decide what the public should think about by setting agendas on certain issues and events in the society. Lazersfield et al (1994) say agenda setting means the power to structure issues. Fourier (1998) adds that, the basic assumption of the theory is that consciously or unconsciously, the media create a particular image of reality. The omission of certain events and issues, and the overemphasis of others, establishes a particular way for media users to think about reality. McQuail (2000) says that The attention given in news coverage influences the public awareness of the significance of an issue. Zimbabwe Independent portrayed the indeginisation policy as one of the worst policies even to be passed in Zimbabwe through the prominence it received. It is therefore against this background that questions will then surface in investigating whose agenda was built when Zimbabwe Independent covers a certain policy prominently .One cannot dismiss the influence of The likes of Tendai Biti and Saviour Kasukuwere in the policy formulation and set-up .Ethnic issues should be considered when Zimbabwe Independent is reporting as a business newspaper more than a national paper .2.2.5Framing and trimming and Priming Framing is a technique of agenda setting. Although many scholars have differing opinions of what exactly framing is, McCombs (1993:24)defines it as, the selection of - and emphasis upon - particular attributes for the news media agenda when talking about an object (the fact of cutting and trimming news stories in order to filter it and shape it as the sender wishes) . In turn, as we know from attribute agenda setting, people will frame objects, placing various degrees of emphasis on the attributes of persons, public issues or other objects when they think or talk about them.In other words, it is not just what is said in news reports, but how subjects are characterized and presented. It is through this unique characterization/portrayal of issues/objects that communicate certain meanings to audiences apart from just stating facts and figures; the whole is greater than the sum of its parts.Entman (1991) defines frames as involving selection and salience. To frame is to select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation for the item described. But he also goes on to describe these four functions: 1) defining problems-determining what a causal agent is doing with what costs and benefits, usually measured in terms of common cultural values; 2) diagnosing causes-identifying the forces creating the problem; 3) making moral judgments-evaluate causal agents and their effects; and 4) suggesting remedies-offering and justifying treatments for the problems and predict their likely effects. It is through these four functions that the news media can highlight/characterize certain issues/candidates/problems/attributes and/or choose to ignore others.Goffman (1974:24) defines news media framing as, "The central organizing idea for news content that supplies a context and suggests what the issue is through the use of selection, emphasis, exclusion and elaboration." When the news media supply the context, select what to emphasize or exclude information, they show us how to think about an object/issue/candidate. In order for this to be effective the audience must be able to internalize the information and individuals therefore apply interpretive schemas or primary frameworks to classify it meaningfully (Goffman, 1974:24). Journalists, political campaigns, and the news media use these primary frameworks as a baseline to make the understanding of issues easier for audiences, thus making them less complex.This research seeks to validate the notion of the media framing issues and national agendas by looking at how the indigenization policy has been created in the Zimbabwe Independent and framed to communicate certain meanings to readers. 2.2.6 The theory of RepresentationStuart Hall (1996) is the main proponent of the concept of representation and he defines representation as the production of meaning through written or spoken language, visual images and signs. Hall (1996) says representation is an act of ideological recreation that serves the specific interests of those who control the media. It is those who are in power that control the representations of others in society. These representations then influence the way we see the world. In that regard, it can be said that representations are not always innocent and true reflectors of reality as certain representations are done to achieve certain objectives. Considering that the media are political actors with political interests which they seek to accomplish through the representation they confer on a particular issue or a personality, it becomes clear that the media will depict certain representations in a way that will gain them political mileage. Hall (1996) presents three approaches to representation which are namely: reflective approach, intentional approach and the constructionist approach. The reflective approach suggests that meaning lies in an object and language reflects or imitates the truth. The intentional approach proposes that people get the meaning intended by the author. The constructionist approach recognizes the social character of language. As such, it says that we construct meaning of things. In other words, things dont mean, but we make them mean.The media have the ability to fracture or sustain different groups of people in society through representation. On one hand, the media under-represent communities by exclusion or misrepresentation through stereotypes and this is often referred to as othering of the other (i.e. categorizing other people and viewing them in a discriminatory way). This has the direct effect of fracturing and destabilizing such communities. Examples of communities that have been delegitimized and fractured by the media through misrepresentation and under-representation include gays, lesbians, women and children. On the other hand, the media empower and stabilize other communities through constant and consistent positive representations. Examples of communities that have been constantly stabilized by the media are the ruling elite, men, and white people among others.Barthes (1977) reflects on how the representation made by press photographs is not accurate as it is constructed by the media to reflect a preferred reality. He points out that a photograph is composed not just in the usual sense by the photographer, but by conventions of colour, lighting and subject which help to fix meaning. Barthes (1997) goes on to say that the written text (caption) and the editorial content that accompany press photographs guide the audience on the reading to make of the photograph.Adrien Katherine Wing (2001) addresses the politics of representation as depending solely on those in power. Wing (2001:43) says, An ability to control the representations circulated in society means an ability to give or take away agency from a group... What makes the concept of representation significant for the particular concerns of this study is that it makes it clear that the way the indigenization policy is represented in the ZimIndhas motives behind it. As such this study seeks to carefully and rigorously question the presentation of the policy as presented in the newspaper and find the motives behind it.2.2.7 The theory of IdeologyIn fundamentalist Marxism, ideology is 'false consciousness', which results from the emulation of the dominant ideology by those whose interests it does not reflect. From this perspective the mass media disseminate the dominant ideology: the values of the class which owns and controls the media. According to adherents of Marxist political economy the mass media conceal the economic basis of class struggle; ideology becomes the route through which struggle is obliterated rather than the site of struggle (Curran et al. 1982: 26). Althusser (1977) rejected the notion of false consciousness, stressing that ideology is the medium through which we experience the world (Curran et al. 1982: 24). Althusserian Marxism stresses the irreducibility and materiality of ideology: i.e., ideology is seen as a determining force in its own right. The ideological operation of the mass media in the West contributes to the reproduction of the capitalist system. Giddens (1991:245) argues that, ideology is shared beliefs which serve to justify the interests of dominant groups. The definition stresses the need to justify the legitimacy of those in power. According to Althusser (1977) Ideology in general has no history [i.e. no actual content, no concrete origin in wrong perceptions etc.], although specific ideologies do. Ideology in general is always imaginary, representing a non-historical reality. Imagination is eternal [i.e. makes the same continuing, permanent, and wrong relations between people and social reality, the famous imaginary relationship of individuals to their real conditions of existence]. Ideology is a representation of this imaginary relationship. It is not just an illusion which can be easily dispelled by a correct interpretation, not just a lie to fool subordinate classes, not just the result of a necessary alienation - ideology is needed in social life. Ideology does not just misrepresent the real nature of capitalist society - the relation of individuals to the realities is necessarily imaginary distortion. Althusser points out that the modern state is a plurality of apparatuses, namely ideological state apparatuses (I. S. A. s) and repressive state apparatuses (R.S.A.s). According to Gripsrud (2002:36), An ideological state apparatus is a social institution that addresses us as subjects and presents certain ideas about the world and our place in it by way of material structures, rituals and practices. Examples of I.S.A.s include churches, schools and the media.A repressive state apparatus is an instrument of violence and force used to coerce people into becoming obedient subjects. Examples include the army, the police and the prison. Ideological state apparatuses (I. S. A. s) function as state apparatuses, by ideology not by repression, although they are interwoven with R. S. A. s. They are unified by the ruling ideology which is revealed in I. S. A. s .The ruling class dominates I. S. A. s, providing a possible site of class struggle, and there are contradictions in ruling class ideology, leaving room for the exploited to gain power. But even so, any struggle would still only be in an ideological form. Reproduction occurs through these I. S. A. s. Any force needed is already under the control of the ruling class R.S.A.s. The political conditions needed are secured via the I. S. A. s, by means of the ruling ideology.According to Althusser (1977) Ideology interpellates individuals as subjects i.e. the very category of the subject is ideological, and all ideology has the function of constituting individuals as subjects. The very obviousness and naturalness of the experience of us as subjects is an ideological effect. We recognise ourselves as subjects - ideology has a recognition function as well as a misrecognition one. Recognition arises in rituals such as "hailing" - calling someone's name: ideology does this too; it hails us (interpellation), although we are usually unaware of this. It has done this eternally - an abstract category of subject lies waiting for us long before we actually fill out that category with detailed, concrete individual performances. This study seeks then to investigate whether the Zimbabwe Indpendent is furthering a certain ideology through their portrayal of the indigenization in the period under study.2.3 ConclusionThe researcher looked at literature review that comprises of published and unpublished works by various scholars in the field of media and communication studies. Conceptual and theoretical backgrounds from a number of scholars have also been taken note of in this chapter as they have helped to uncover various issues involved in this study. The next chapter looks at research methodology.

CHAPTER 3RESEARCH METHODS AND METHODOLOGY3.0 IntroductionThis chapter integrates the background of the study and the literature review/theoretical framework that has been what has been covered so far in the study. It provides a clear and concise description of how the study was undertaken. It discusses the methods used to analyze the coverage of the Indigenization Policy. This chapter mainly focuses on the research design, population, sampling procedure, sources of data used, and data collection procedures and data analysis procedures as well as methods of data presentation .3.1Research methodologyHaralambos and Holborn (1995) refer to methodology as, theory and analysis of how research does or should. This therefore refers to the range of approaches used in research to gather data .In research there is a wide range of methods that one can use .The methods used by the researcher are usually determined by the nature or type of research that one wants to carry out . These are methods and procedures for the data collection, research design, source of the data, types of the data, the population of the study, the sample, the sampling method, data collection procedure and data presentation and analysis.3.1.2 ReflexibilitySince the researcher will use some of my work that the researcher wrote in the paper under study there is need for reflexability. (Brewer, 2000) Reflexibilityrefers to circular relationships between cause and effect. A reflexive relationship is bidirectional with both the cause and the effect affecting one another in a situation that does not render both functions causes and effects. Insociology, reflexivity therefore comes to mean an act of self-reference where examination or action "bends back on", refers to, and affects the entity instigating the action or examination. Affective reflectivity awareness of how the individual feels about what is being perceived thought or acted upon.In this study it commonly refers to the capacity of anagentto recognize forces ofsocializationand alter their place in thesocial structure. A low level of reflexivity would result in an individual shaped largely by their environment (or 'society'). A high level of social reflexibity would be defined by an individual shapingtheir ownnorms, tastes, politics, and desires. The researcher will not be mutually attached to the former employers. The researcher will be guided by ethical considerations. 3.2Research designResearch design refers to a plan and structure of the study used to obtain evidence to answer research questions. It is used to structure the research, to show how all of the major parts of the research project work together to try to address the central research questions. Guy et al (1987:92) defines a research design as a plan of procedures for data collection and analysis that are undertaken to evaluate a particular theoretical perspective. He further states that the research design involves the process of planning what procedures to follow and how data will be collected. In this case the purpose of the research is to find out whether the media have the power to manipulate public agendas such the indigenization policy .3.3 Unit of AnalysisBabbie (1992) defines unit of analysis as the individual, the collectivity, the object, the event being studied and about which data are being collected. The unit of analysis is the major entity that you are analyzing in the study. Samples of specific articles will be taken from the ZimIndthat covered various issues about the indigenization policy from. . January 2010 up to June 2012 Articles, commentaries and letters to the editor that dealt with issues to do with the indigenization policy were looked at closely using content analysis.3.4 Research Universe/populationResearch universe constitutes all people or target audience who are prospects for a specific product, service or message. Zwitters (2006) opines that the research universe refers to the whole group in whom the researcher is interested in. He further points out that it is from this group that the researcher then has to proceed to select a representative sample since studying the whole group may be impossible. This study focuses on editors and journalists from Zimbabwe Independent (esp. those who once covered Indigenization Policy) to get their perspectives on the motivation behind their representation of the Indigenization Policy during the period under study from . January 2010 up to June 2012.It will also select two politicians form Zanu Pf and MDC T.3.4.1Target populationGhauriet al, (1995) says the target population is the actual population to which the researcher would really like to generalize .Wegner (2005:62) states that in research, population parameters comprise of all the possible observation of the random variables under study. Wallen (1996:54) is of the view that population includes all individuals whom the researcher is interested in obtaining information and making inferences on. In this research the target population consists of MDC-T spokesperson Douglas Mwonzora in Harare and Zanu Pf politburo members which include The Minister of Indeginisation Saviour Kwasukuwere and Patrick Chinamasa and reporters and editors who cover at the indiginisation policy in the Zimbabwean Independent.3.5 Sources of dataData sources refer to the origins of data used in the study. This research used mainly primary data and a sizeable amount of secondary data.3.5.1 Primary dataAaker, Johar, Gita and Sengupta (1995:77) states that primary data are collected especially to address a specific research objective. Haralambos and Holborn (1995:828) alludethat, primary sources of information consist of the data collected by researchers themselves during the course of their work, raw data from respondents, first-hand information, information collected by conducting interviews and questionnaires. Primary data can also be viewed as the original data obtained from the study and collected by the researcher solely for the research in question. I conducted interviews to source data during the research. Primary data is not summarized and contains all the data relevant for the study since it is sought specifically for the current study. However it is time consuming and expensive to gather the data.

3.5.2 Secondary dataSecondary data used comprised of newspaper articles from The Zimbabwean Independent that were written on indigenisation .The secondary data was also obtained from the internet on issues to do with indigenisation. In this research I also had to rely on secondary sources because they are some of the cheapest and easiest means of access to information. 3.6.1Qualitative research The study used qualitative research me