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Three great figures of the French intervention in Mexico as portrayed in the Mexican novel (1863-1867) Item Type text; Thesis-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Johnson, Ada Miriam, 1915- Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 09/03/2021 21:19:53 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/553601

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Page 1: Three great figures of the French intervention in Mexico as ......Three Great Figures of the French Intervention in Mexico as Portrayed in the Mexican Novel (1863-1867) by Ada M. Johnson

Three great figures of the French intervention inMexico as portrayed in the Mexican novel (1863-1867)

Item Type text; Thesis-Reproduction (electronic)

Authors Johnson, Ada Miriam, 1915-

Publisher The University of Arizona.

Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this materialis made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona.Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such aspublic display or performance) of protected items is prohibitedexcept with permission of the author.

Download date 09/03/2021 21:19:53

Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/553601

Page 2: Three great figures of the French intervention in Mexico as ......Three Great Figures of the French Intervention in Mexico as Portrayed in the Mexican Novel (1863-1867) by Ada M. Johnson

Three Great Figures of the French Intervention in Mexico as Portrayed in the Mexican Novel (1863-1867)

by

Ada M. Johnson

A Thesis

submitted to the faculty of the

Department of Spaniahy’1./jin partial fulfillment-^of

the requirements "for~the degree of

Master of Arts

in the Graduate College University of Arizona

1942

Approved:, MDirector of Thesis "ptte Z

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Table of Contents

Chapter

I

II

IntroductionThe History of the Mexican Empire Three Great Figures of the Mexican Empire:

Page13

A . Car lota 30B. Maximilian 44C. Juarez 65

Historical Accuracy of these Charactersas Presented in Fiction 72

NotesBibliography

7595

i. 1 i 17 :>

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1

Introduction.

The purpose of this thesis is to present the three peo­ple of most importance in the French Intervention in Mexico

■ ' • -• - ; V. V , ; - V t ; . - ; ' .

as they are characterized in the Mexican novel: The ArchdukeFerdinand Maximilian of Austria, who became the Emperor ofMexico; Carlota, his wife, the Empress, daughter of King Leopold I of Belgium; and Benito Pablo Juarez,' the President of the Mexican'-Republici;

In order that these characters might be understood morefully, it was necessary to include a short history of the events leading up to "the establishment of the Mexican Empire, and of the Empire itself. This information: was,,taken fromseveral excellent historics;-of the period:-: Porti.'s: Maximilian and Charlotte of Mexico .(Translated from the German by Cath­erine Alison Phillips) ; Harding, The Phantom Crown; Keratry, The Rise and Fall of the Emperor Maximilian; and Martin, Maximilian in Mexico.

The three principal characters of the French Interven­tion have not been exhaustively treated in the Mexican novel* El Cerro de las Campanas, by Juan Antonio Mateos, treats most fully of Maximilian and Carlota. Though of the Repub-." lican army and thoroughly imbued with republican principles, Mateos, in his novel, treats the Emperor and Empress with

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kindliness and sympathy. His novel is largely accurate his­torically, and frequently he quotes documents in substantia­tion of the facts presented.

Another novel which attempts a characterization of these rulers is Nobles y Plebeyos, by Alfonso M. Maldonado. Though he does not consider them as fully as Mateos, he says in his introduction:

The historical content is entirely exact: I have tried to paint the characters of the persons who fig­ure in it as they were at that time, and the conclu­sions l make are the results of a careful examination and conscientious study of the epoch and the events I relate, of which I was an eye-witness.*

Juarez figures somewhat in a few novels of the period, although not prominently. Among these novels are the fol­lowing: Altimirano, El Zarco; Mateos, El Cerro de las Cam- panas, El Sol de Mayo; Sanchez Mirmol, Antln plrez; Zayas Enriquez, El Teniente de los Gavilanes; and Maldonado, No­bles y Plebeyos. . -

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I, The History of the Mexican Empire,

From the beginning, the third Mexican Empire^ was doomed to failure. Based as it was on misunderstanding, misconcep­tions, ignorance, and false promises, it had little chance of survival, regardless of the excellent intentions of the

Emperor Maximilian and the Empress Garlota, From the start, there were too many odds against them: the antipathy-'of the

United States toward monarchy in'the Western Hemisphere; the implacable determination of the Indian Benito Juarez to pre­serve the Republic; the inability of Napoleon III to fulfill the promises he made for their support; and the blindness of Their Majesties to the true state of affairs.

As early as 1840 the idea of a monarchy as a solution for Mexico's political ills was advanced by Sehor Don Jose Maria Gutierrez de Estrada. His idea was to set up a mon­archy under a European prince of royal blood, and he warned the Mexican people that if another twenty years of anarchy were to pass, the flag of the United States would float over Mexico's National Palace. This suggestion roused the wrath

and apprenhension of both parties, Conservative and Liberal,

Each saw in it a threat to its existence and hopes of suprem­

acy. ; Gutierrez was threatened in person and in property and was forced to leave the country. As he had married a Vien­

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nese woman during his years in Europe as Mexican Minister in Vienna, he resolved to return to Europe, where he was later to exercise great influence, on the history of his native land.

Events in Mexico continued in their, usual way: hopeless disorder. Santa Ana's^ forces were defeated by the United States in 1848, and Mexico was forced to give up approximate­ly one-half of her territory (California, Northern Arizona,New Mexico, Colorado) to the United- States. Later Santa Ana again came to power and ruled as an autocrat, with the title of "Most Serene Highness*1. By 1854 he had become unpopular again, as a result of his selling what is how the southern part of Arizona to the United States by the Gadsden Purchase of 1853, and identifying himself too much with the clerical and reactionary party. He then recalled Gutierrez de Estra­da's plan, and wrote to him-to find out the opinion of the European powers in regard"to setting up a monarchy in Mexico. Santa Ana. thought of the monarch as a mere figure-head, be­hind whom he himself would continue to run the government. However, revolution broke but in 1854, and Santa Ana was forced to leave Mexico for the; Island of St. Thomas in the Antilles, from which place he carried bn his intrigues. -

Santa Ana's victorious rival, Alvarez, was forced togive up his power to General Ignacio Comonfort,: who in turn ;was overthrown because of his policy of secularizing Churchproperty: that which was held in mortmain was to be sold,

*and the proceeds given back to the clergy. He was succeeded

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by the President of the Supreme Court and Vice-President of the Republic, Benito Juarez.

Meanwhile, after Comonfort's fall, the priests and con­servatives in Mexico City had elected, Zuloaga to the presi­dency. Juarez, the leader of the radicals, was driven from one place to another, finally establishing himself in Ver® Cruz. The United States was on the side of Juirez, recog­nizing him as the rightful president, which was necessary for the success of any Mexican executive.

Zuloaga began to meet opposition and, in 1857, he had to resign, while General Miguel MiramSn, the leader of the campaign against Juarez, was elevated to the presidency. Juarez, being established on the coast, could support him­self by customs revenue, while MiramSn was constantly press­ed for money. Thus, in February of 1859, he signed a con­tract with a Swiss banking house, Jecker, Torre and Company, for a loan of 3,750,000 gold francs, in return for which the Mexican government was to give the bank bonds to the value of not less than 75,000,000 francs,, to be redeemed at fixed intervals. In November, 1860, Miram6n had,no money left to pay and equip his troops, so.he caused the house of an Eng­lish financial agent to be broken open, and he took there­

from 5600,000, which had been deposited there by the Mexican

government to cover the claims of English investors in Mexi­can state loans.

In December of 1860 MiramSn was defeated by the JUaris-

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tas and was forced to leave Mexico. Juarez took over the government in the capital. He intended to ignore the opin­ions of anyone else, and to setf up an order as best suited himself. By the "Laws of Reform" he nationalized all Church property, abolished privileges of the clergy, established freedom of religious worship, and suppressed all monasteries and convents. Spain, France, and Great Britain presented him with claims of various kinds, and then the Jecker bonds were presented for payment. Juarez declared a moratorium on all debts contracted by previous Mexican governments with foreign states, displaying utter lack of consideration in dealing with European powers, which he thought were too far away to do him much harm. He had carried his 1 arbitrary meth­ods too far, however, and the European powers were not long in taking action against him.

During all these years, Gutierrez had not been sitting idly in his Roman palace. He was one of that class of Mexi­can refugees in Europe which was so thoroughly imbued with party principles and politics that he could not continue idly enjoying the life of European society. Since 1842 he had been trying to interest various European states in his idea of a Mexican monarchy, principally Austria. He talked, he wrote letters many pages in length, and did his best to interest the Austrian Chancellor Prince Metternich in his scheme. Among other things with which he sought to attract his attention were the statements that Mexico herself de­

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sired a monarchy (which was stretching the truth, as the Monarchist Party in Mexico was comparatively small); that if Mexico had a more stable government, better trade relations could be established with her. He emphasized the menace of the United States, which he believed had designs of extend­ing its power down, through Central America. He also stated that Europe needed to strengthen her influence in the West­ern Hemisphere in order to check the United States’ "lust for power and domination". Metternich listened to Gutiirrez de Estrada and read his letter, then shelved the matter as more pressing affairs demanded his attention.

In 1854 Santa Ana appointed Gutierrez de Estrada offi­cial representative of the Mexican government to approach European governments in regard to a monarchy in Mexico. GutiSrrez now had what he needed to carry on: official cre­dentials. Up to this.time he had been received merely as a man of distinction. His efforts redoubled. He chose as an assistant Don Josd Manuel Hidalgo y Esnaurrizar, the son of a noble Spanish family, whose father had been a colonel un­der Iturbide. The young Hidalgo had been sent to London as Secretary of the Legation. Though the government had chang­ed in Mexico and was now hostile to them, these two monarch­ists continued their negotiations secretly until they were broken off by the Crimean War in 1854.

One day in 1857, near Bayonne, Josi Hidalgo met the Em­press Eugenie, whom he had known years before in Spain, and

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grasped the opportunity of pouring into the ears of the Em­press the story of the wretched conditions in Mexico, and of how splendid it would be to set up a monarchy there, thus saving the Latin race and Catholicism in the Western Hemi­sphere. The Empress was impressed by the young man's elo­quence, and she saw in the scheme an opportunity of obtain­ing more glory for Napoleon, as well as commercial advan­tages . Eugenie took an immediate and active interest in the matter. She mentioned her conversation with Hidalgo to Na­poleon, and she saw to it that Hidalgo was invited to the Cha­teau of Compiegne, where they were staying at the time. Na­poleon spent a half-hour discussing the affair with Hidalgo, letting drop a hint that he had been considering the matter seriously.

Various factors had made Napoleon and Eugenie more than willing to listen to Hidalgo. There was the spectre of the "Colossus of the North", which Napoleon hated and feared, be­cause it resented him for having overthrown the French repub­lic and established a monarchy. Then there was Eugenie's pride in her Spanish blood, in the men of her race who had once so gloriously conquered Mexico and ruled it for three hundred years, only to lose it again. Here was a chance for the Latin race again to assert its supremacy in the west.

Eugenie and Napoleon had an interview with Monsignor Pelagic Antonio Labastida y Davalos, the unfortunate Arch­bishop who had been expelled from Mexico by the decree of

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Juarez. His description of his treatment and that of the Mexican monks and nuns, and their loss of property and money, made Napoleon determined to do something about the situation. Some harmless European prince, who would not be too demand­ing, and who would be willing to further the aims of France, would be necessary.

About this time the American Civil War broke out, di­verting the attention of the United States, and thus making

intervention easier. A conference was called at London be­tween the three powers who had most to gain by intervention

and a logical pretext for it.

Spain was insulted because her minister had been dis­patched back home. England wished compensation for the moneys which the desperate Miramon had snatched from a strong box protected by the Queen's seal. And France had quickly nationalized the Swiss Messieurs decker in order to safeguard the interests of their depositors. All three countries were inspired with the kindliest feelings toward Mexico, but each needed a small poultice of petrol, silver-ore, coast-line, or cotton to heal a particular wound. Each was, fur­thermore,- prejudiced against mail-order methods and preferred to come across the seas to do her own pick­ing.

By the beginning of 1862 the three navies were in Vera Cruz on the Mexican gulf coast. There it became known that France had used the debt collection merely as a pretext, and

that she intended to set up an empire in Mexico for the glo­

ry of Napoleon, and that Mexican royalists in Paris were al­

ready negotiating with a possible candidate for the new

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throne. In disgust, the Spanish and English withdrew from Vera Cruz, leaving the French to carry on alone. The army marched toward the capital, and on the fifth of May were defeated at Puebla by Juarez's forces. On May 8th the French attacked again under Marshal Bazaine, conquered the Mexicans after a long and terrible siege, and marched on to Mexico City. Juarez fled to the north with his generals. The French army was greeted with great display by the Conserva­tive Party, and there was great rejoicing in Paris.

The Mexican Conservatives formed a junta of thirty-five members, who in turn created a body known as the regency, to exist until a monarch had been chosen. The leader of the regency was Juan Nepomuceno Almonte.

After much consideration ( and several refusals of the honor) it was decided by Hidalgo, Eugenie, and Napoleon to offer the crown to the brother of Emperor Franz Joseph of Austria, the Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian, who was then re­siding in his palace at Miramar near Trieste.

Various Austrian statesmen opined that the scheme was dangerous. As Ritter von Hulsemann (the Austrian Minister at Washington) said,

It would be unpardonable for the name and person of the Archduke, our Emperor's brother, to become en­tangled in this dangerous affair, and exposed to its inevitable failure. And moreover, it is unthinkable that the fate of his serene Highness, our Prince, should depend entirely upon the good or ill will of a randomly picked French bodyguard.5

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Nevertheless, Gutilrrez de Estrada went to Franz Joseph, who was surprisingly cordial, seeing in the plan a way of re­storing some of the lost Hapsburg power. Gutilrrez then went to Maximilian and Carlota at Miramar.

The stage seemed to have been set by a strategic and invisible scenarist, for at no time in their lives could the Archduke and his wife have been more susceptible to the blandishments of flattery and the call of adventure. Due to their isolation they had lost track of world affairs to such a degree that it was impossible for them to distinguish between pleas­ant fantasy and more painful truth. The rosy binocu­lars through which Estrada bade them look at the beckoning overseas empire captured their imagination. Like fascinated children they listened while their gesticulating guest talked endlessly on.

Maximilian, who was attracted by the proposition, never­theless asked certain guarantees: personal safety, the sup­port of the naval power of England and Spain, and some sort

t

of document expressing the desire of a representative major­ity of the Mexican nation.

Gutierrez told this to Napoleon and EugSnie, who refused financial and military aid. This naturally disappointed the Archduke and his wife, as they had already begun to make plans for the enterprise. Carlota wrote of the whole matter to her father, King Leopold of Belgium, who advised them not to undertake it under any circumstances without a binding

document regarding money and the length of time the French forces would remain in Mexico, this latter clause to prevent Napoleon from withdrawing his forces to exonerate himself if

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things should by chance go wrong.After some months of argument with the French government,

an agreement was arrived at. Maximilian was to go to Mexico on a vessel supplied by Franz Joseph, accompanied by a French gunboat. Financial guarantees were to be extracted from Mex­ico herself, as the entire expedition was being undertaken for Mexico’s own good.

As to the document expressing the will of the majority of the Mexican people, General Forey drew up a proclamation of the Empire, couched in the terms of an invitation to Max­imilian to accept the throne, which was signed by two hun­dred persons, as a representative majority of the MexicansJ A commission of eight members was to visit Maximilian at Mi­ramar to offer him the crown.

At this point Napoleon sent a memorandum setting forth the conditions under which France planned to secure Maximil­ian’s throne in Mexico. The military clauses seemed satis­fying:

Article 1. Those French troops which are at pres­ent in Mexico will be reduced as soon as possible to a corps of twenty-five thousand men, including the Foreign Legion. This corps will remain in Mexico for the purpose of guarding the interests which motivated intervention and shall be subject to the following regulations.

Article 2. All French troops shall evacuate Mexi­co gradually and at such intervals as will permit His Majesty, the Emperor

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of Mexico, to organize the forces necessary for their replacement.

Article 3. The Foreign Legion in the service of France, and comprising eight thou­sand men, shall nevertheless contin­ue service in Mexico for another six years, even after all other French forces have been recalled....7

Maximilian neglected to read carefully the clauses re­lating to finances, of which the portent was more ominous.By its terms Mexico must pay all the expenses of the expe­dition’s back expenditures (270,000,000 francs); the ex­penses of the French packet boats which stopped at Vera Cruz every two months with mail and provisions for the troops (400,000 francs per voyage); after July, 1864, the date when the Legion should be left in complete command, Mexico was to pay each French soldier annually for maintenance a sum of 1,000 francs. There were other stipulations, such as the "surplus-of-the war” expenses, estimated at 25,000,000 pesos, and indemnities to be paid to French subjects living in Mexico for the wrongs suffered by them, to say nothing of the liquidation of the decker loan of 3,000,000 francs. Maxi­milian was to have a salary of 125,000 pesos monthly, and Carlota 16,666 monthly. The Archduke was very much pleased with this last bit, so much so that he hardly noticed the preceding figures. Nothing was said in the agreement about the support of Britain and Spain nor about the military com­mand.

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Various warnings were uttered in different quarters, but care was taken that the Archduke should hear none of them. His own secretary removed from his mail any reports that were unfavorable and discouraging concerning Mexico, for his own promotion depended on the success of the ven­ture.

A body-guard was recruited from the Austrian and Bel­gian armies at the instigation of Franz Joseph, as Napoleon had done nothing about Maximilian's request for a guarantee of personal safety. A sum of 200,000 gulden was to be laid aside from the Hapsburg coffers for Maximilian in case the huge salary promised should not arrive. Next, Maximilian was requested to renounce for himself and his heirs any right to the Austrian throne. At first Maximilian refused to sign the document, known as the Hapsburg Family Pact, but after explanations by Franz Joseph, reproaches from Napoleon, and cajolings from Carlota, he finally brought himself to sign it.

At the convention of Miramar were representatives from Austria, Belgium, France, and the Mexican Commission. There Maximilian and Carlota took the oath of allegiance, and the necessary documents were signed.

From the foregoing summary of the events leading up to the establishment of the Empire, it can readily be seen.that Maximilian was only the tool of Napoleon's ambition. Napo­leon himself at this time was in good faith with Maximilian

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and intended to support him. Napoleon, however, knew too little of either Mexican affairs or those of the United States. Among all European rulers who supported the enter­prise. there was that same utter lack of understanding of Amer­ican affairs and psychology. The advice of those Europeans who, as diplomats, knew the American situation and advised against intervention, was ignored. All were misled by the Mexican tfmigrSs in Europe, such men as Gutierrez de Estrada and Josl Hidalgo, men who had nothing to lose and much to gain if by any chance the Empire were to succeed. The care they took to prevent any adverse information from reaching the monarchs was in itself an indication that all was not well. The dark side of affairs was avoided in discussion or was glossed over with oratory if any embarrassing questions were asked.

Maximilian had no way of knowing he was being foisted upon a country whose people did net want him. The actual state of affairs was assiduously hidden from him, and his re­quests of Napoleon for security were either ignored or the answers were couched in obscure terms difficult of interpre­tation, as Napoleon did not want to commit himself too far, Kith such a beginning the future of the Empire did not look bright as we see it now, but at the time it seemed like a glorious scheme to all who took part in it, and its estab­lishment was hailed with delight.

With high hopes Maximilian and Carlota started on their

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venture in the New World. Both of them continued to see everything in the rosiest light. Kaximilan'e own high- mindedhess and idealism, free from any hypocrisy, made him sure that his mission in life was to lead an oppressed peo­ple to happiness. Three blunders which might endanger the Empire had been committed up to the time that the Emperor left Europe: departure from the prudent conditions origi­nally laid down; the assumption of too great financial obli­gations; and the failure to come to a definite understanding with the Church, as to how far it would uphold Maximilian1s sovereignty in Mexico, and as to a settlement concerning its confiscated property. Another ominous circumstance was the adoption by the United States House of Representatives of a resolution declaring the United states unalterably opposed to the setting up of a monarchy in the former Republic to the south. Accordingly the United States Minister to Mexico was recalled, and the ship on which he sailed passed that of Maximilian and Carlota off the coast of Cuba*

The first important internal problem to be settled was that of the Church in Mexico. Anxious to get this done, Max­imilian several times wrote to the Pope, asking that a nun­cio be appointed. After considerable delay, Monsignor Meglia was sent as nuncio to Mexico, where he presented the Pope's demands, an unequivocal outline, asking annulment of the Re­form Laws of Juarez; establishment of Catholicism in Mexico to the exclusion of all other creeds; entire freedom of the

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clergy in the exercise of their ecclesiastical functions; the restoration of convents and monastic orders; the placing of both public and private instructions under clerical author­ity; and removal of all restrictions which kept the Church dependent upon the State,

To Maximilian, imbued with progressive and liberal ide­as, this was too much. He presented a counter-proposal to the nuncio under nine heads, most of which were opposed to those of the Pope. He intended to grant freedom of worship to all creeds, and he had no intention of restoring those lands of the clergy which had been nationalized by Juirez. Furthermore, he proposed a concordat by which the State would grant salaries to the clergy.

After several exchanges of notes, when neither party would give way to the other, Carlota herself went to remon­strate with the nuncio, but with no success. When further parley produced no results, Maximilian passed an edict for­bidding papal bulls to be published in Mexico without Impe­rial sanction.

This trouble with the Church alienated many of Maxi­milian’s supporters, as they feared a rift with the Papacy. The clergy, too, were dangerous — how dangerous Maximilian did not guess. He began to have an inkling of it when the innocent-appearing AbbS Alleau was arrested one evening and was brought to the Emperor’s presence. On examination of the holy man’s person, a complete outline for a scheme of

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propaganda against the Empire was found, as well as a bit of personal libel against the Emperor. This latter consisted of a story that while in the Austrian Navy the Archduke Fer­dinand Maximilian had caught a disease from a woman in a Brazilian bagnio, which, though cured, prevented him from having children. This incident made him realize how far the rift with the Church had gone.

The military situation, too, was a perplexing one. No agreement had been arrived at as to the command. As Maxi- milian had no love for things military, for the time being he left the artillery to Marshal Bazaine. Juarista bands, in the usual manner, kept springing up in different sections of the country, keeping Bazaine and other French generals busily going from one place to another. However, they marv* aged to get and keep under French control an area in the cen­tral part of Mexico about equal to the size of France. At this point Bazaine decided to marry a young Mexican girl, and as a wedding gift Maximilian gave him one of the finest Mexican palaces. This expensive gift, as well as the tre­mendous expenses of Bazaine1s extensive campaign, cost the Empire a great deal, both in prestige and money. Maximil­ian’s lavishness with the State's money was held against him.

This all leads up to the financial situation — a third problem. One evening Maximilian had an astounding interview with the Imperial purser, Kuhacsevich. He discovered that not one sou of the huge salary promised him had been paid.

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Believing that the money was in the hands of the purser, he had spent tremendous suras, The purser, on the other hand, thought that Maximilian had the money, and had paid for ev­erything out of the 200,000 gulden advanced by Maximilian's family. This terrific error brought about a review of the expenses of the Mexican government, including expenses of the war, back expenses of the French government in promoting the Empire, the renovation of the National Palace and Cha- pultepec, receptions, salaries of military officials and soldiers, and the Jecker loan. Accordingly a new regime of economy was begun. Expenses of the Imperial household were cut to a minimum, and Maximilian himself decided to:direct military operations, to cut the expenses of Bazaine, known as "The Spender".

Throughout all of these misfortunes and moments of anx­iety, Carlota and Maximilian continued to give glowing ac­counts of their life in Mexico, so that their sponsors in Europe would have no inkling that all was not as it should be. In a new bid for popularity, and to show their sincer­ity, they celebrated Church festivals to the letter, such as the annual Washing of Beggar's Feet. Politically, something had to be done about the Empire's:lack of financial re­sources. But with all these good intentions, Maximilian was powerless, for external troubles as well began to haunt him.

For a long time Maximilian had been wanting to come to an agreement with the United States. Lincoln recognized

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JuSrez as the leader of the Mexican Republic, and the Empire had never been acknowledged. While occupied with the Civil War, the Northern Republic had no time for affairs to the south, but with its victorious finish for the northern states, attention was fixed on France’s Empire in Mexico. Lincoln's assassination was a cruel blow to the hopes of Juarez, as he could not know what sort of man would take his place. With the end of the war, then, the United States was rising to power under Andrew Johnson, who continued to re­gard Juarez as president of Mexico. Also in JuSrez'• favor were filibusters, restless Yankees who, searching for fur­ther adventure, drifted to the border to join Juirez’s gue- rrilleros. With these men Juarez could launch a new cam­paign. United States citizens with an eye to business were smuggling arms and ammunitions across the border to the Jua- ristas. Two societies had been formed in various localities in the United States to support: the Defenders of the Monroe Doctrine, and the Mexican Patriots. Maximilian, who had little or no knowledge of these things, and no money to com­bat them if he did, was powerless.

The fighting methods of the Juaristas, too, were begin­ning to weary the French soldiers; guerrilla warfare they were unused to, and knew not how to cope with it. Bazaine eventually established his headquarters at San Luis Potosf, and from there he sent to the Emperor Napoleon a discourag­ing report.

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Meanwhile Napoleon was having his own troubles. The. American Minister to France wanted an explanation of w hy there were French troops in Mexico. Napoleon explained that, it was a mere matter of collecting some debts, and the sol­diers were there for the protection of the French interests. As for Maximilian, the United States could consult Austria# After the Minister's departure, Napoleon sent a.message to Bazaine to evacuate Mexico as quickly as possible, not let­ting Maximilian know of the plan until it was too late to do anything about it.

Bazaine began to call in his troops, at the same time urging recruiting of native troops. As up to this time he had been opposed to this, Maximilian grew suspicious. The Marshal's action gave credence to the rumor that France would give no more financial support for the army in Mexico, Both Maximilian and Carlota wrote energetic protests to,Na­poleon and Eugenie, urging the sending of more troops rather than the withdrawal of those already there. The French mon­arc hs were touched by the urgency of their pleas, and agreed to postpone the evacuation until spring. Napoleon was still determined to get himself free of Mexico, for he was criti­cized both at home and abroad for the way things were going. The French people were tired of subscribing.to loans osten­sibly for Mexico, for they saw their money go to enrich the bankers of France rather than to Mexico. The,Belgians sus­pected Bazaine of sacrificing Belgian soldiers in Mexico

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rather than sending French soldiers to fight, and they blam­ed Napoleon for this, criticizing him openly in the press. More than anything else at this time Napoleon wanted to with­draw from the Mexican venture. .

Foreseeing that force would have to be used.in gather­ing of native troops, Bazaine advised conscription, but Max­imilian knew that he would never be forgiven such severity. Juarez could do it because he was a Mexican, whereas he, Maximilian, was still a foreigner. He refused to sign the decree of conscription.

A certain Jesuit, Father Augustus Fischer, who sought new honors for himself, attached himself to the unsuspecting Emperor. It was at his suggestion that little Agustin Itur-

bide8 was adopted as the heir to the throne. Also through him, Maximilian hoped to make a second attempt to make a concordat with Rome, as only in this way could he win the clerical party in Mexico to his side. Accordingly, Father Fischer was sent to Europe with another proposal, containing much the same matter as the first, but stated more diplomat­ically.

At this time, things became blacker for Mexico. With the death of the Belgian king, Leopold I, Carlota’s father, Maximilian lost one of the staunchest supporters of his Em­pire. Leopold had been always interested in the Mexican venture and had done much to help in its establishment. Le­opold II, Carlota's brother, however, was much more inter-

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ested in Africa, and turned his back upon Mexico, closing the Mexican recruiting office in Brussels.

Bazaine was finally allowed to issue his edict, known as the "Black Decree", which brought the death penalty upon all who opposed the Empire. Maximilian signed this much a- gainst his will, but certain clauses relating to amnesty finally won him over. After the passing of this decree, such atrocities were performed in its name that many persons heretofore indifferent turned definitely from the Empire to Juarez.

Early in 1865 came the end of Juarez’s presidential term. Under the constitution, General Ortega, the head of the Supreme Court, would become President until a new elec­tion should take place. Juirez, however, was not yet ready to give up his position, and for awhile there was great dis­sension in the republican forces, as both Juarez and Ortega had their followers. Finally Juarez won out, and the repub­licans were once again united against the Empire.

In the spring Bazaine began definitely to withdraw the French troops. Father Fischer had been ejected from the Vatican without success in his attempt to reach an agreement. Belgium refused aid. The United States was hostile. Maxi­milian stood alone, with only a few Austrian soldiers to de­fend his position. He was urged to abdicate, and saw this as the only thing to do. But Carlota, who would never give up, urged him to stay on and see it through, appealing to

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his Hapsburg pride and honor. So Maximilian decided to stay by his sinking ship.

Carlota herself would go to Europe to demand help, and she left in July of 1865. Napoleon and EugSnie were much embarrassed by the appearance of the woman they had so great­ly wronged. Upon her arrival:in Paris, Carlota was slighted — no one met her, and she was forced to go to a small hotel instead of having a -palace placed at her disposal, as was the usual procedure with visiting royalty. She was granted an audience with Napoleon, EugSnie, and the Council. She made her demands but accomplished nothing, except to make Napoleon and Eugenie extremely uncomfortable. Carlota de­manded a second interview, storming her way into Napoleon’s presence, but still she could get nothing but refusals. A few days later a representative was sent from Napoleon, bear­ing a letter in which the Mexican venture was definitely a- bandoned, but Carlota refused to receive it, saying that she would accept refusal only from the Emperor in person. Na­poleon himself then came to see her, giving her France’s un­conditional refusal to do any more for Mexico. -

It was during this sojourn in Paris that the first . signs of Carlota’s later insanity were manifested. While in Napoleon's palace, she was offered a glass of orange juice, was suddenly seized with the idea that someone was trying to poison her, and refused it. Her report to Maximilian of her lack of success in Paris was an irrational piece of writing,

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in which she referred to Napoleon as "He", representing him as a monster symbolical of the Four Horsemen of the Apoca­lypse, War, Famine, Pestilence, and Death.

Carlota was determined to go directly to the Pope for help, but her physician managed to persuade her to rest a while at Miramar before continuing, as he saw the state of her nerves and knew they would break under the strain if she continued. While she rested at Miramar, Napoleon informed Maximilian by letter that no more men nor money would be forthcoming from..France.

After several days• rest at Miramar, Carlotta and her entourage went on to Rome. The Pope, like Napoleon, evident­ly did not want to face Carlota, for he sent Cardinal Viacom© Antonelli to inform her that the concordat could not be sign­ed. This did not satisfy Carlota; she went to the Vatican, and was granted an audience. The pope was surrounded by ad­visers, but when he heard that she was going to make no de­mand except that he remonstrate with Napoleon, he decided that he could grant her a private audience. This small kind­ness completely unbalanced poor Carlota's mind. Her perse­cution mania overcame her, and she was taken to her hotel, where she refused to eat or drink, afraid of being poisoned. The next day she went again to the Vatican, demanded en­trance , and found the Pope at his breakfast. She would not leave again; she was determined to remain in the Vatican, as once outside her life was in danger every minute. She

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stayed, and this is probably the only time in history that a woman has remained in the Vatican over night.

The Pope must have felt guilty, seeing the state of Carlota's mind, and he signed the concordat; but it was too late. Though she had accomplished what she had set out to do, she now could do nothing about it, as her reason was conn pletely gone. .Eventually Carlota was removed to Miramar, which she did not recognize, and later to Laeken, her child­hood home. At the age of twenty-seven she was pronounced incurably insane.

Meanwhile the end was approaching for Maximilian. Ba- zaine and most of the French troops were gone by March of 1867. a few French soldiers remained, out of loyalty to Maximilian. The United States turned to the problem of e- victing him, but did not know exactly how to proceed. Now that the French were gone, they could not evoke the grounds of "conquest on the American continent", and Maximilian had been elected by a monarchist party in Mexico, and had not forced himself upon the country. Then.the mother of the Mex­ican Crown Prince, Alice de Iturbide, who was an American, presented her story to Washington and demanded that something be done to restore her son, who had been "stolen" from her. The United States demanded that Maximilian do something about it, and he returned the child to Alice de Iturbide without a word.

By this time Maximilian had just heard of the illness of

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Carlota, and he determined to go to her without delay. Fa­ther Fischer tried to keep him in Mexico, but Maximilian for once had made up his mind. His effects, personal and governmental, were packed, and he started for Vera Cruz, whence he would embark for Europe. On his arrival in Oriza­ba, he was met with a tremendous reception and ovation, ar­ranged by the ambitious Fischer. His honor and pride appeal­ed to, Maximilian decided to remain in Mexico, and he return­ed to the capital. , • ..

There he took stock of the situation. The Empire was without finances, so the royal silverware was traded for cash. The military situation was not much better. Maximi­lian's Mexican forces consisted.of the "four M's", a# his four Mexican generals were called. These were Miguel.MiramSn, Leonardo Marquez, Ramfin Mlndez, and Tomas Mejia, and their men. Of the Europeans, Maximilian could count on the fol­lowing: Colonel Prince von KlevenhSller;and his hussars; Lieutenant-Colonel Baron Hammerstein and his infantry corps; Count Edmund Wyckenburg, at the head of the Austrian Mounted Police; and a few detachments of French soldiers who remain­ed. Altogether. Maximilian*s army consisted of about sixteen thousand men, while that of JuSrez counted sixty'thousand and was always increasing. ; The Empire was in control of on­ly four areas: Mexico City, Puebla, Vera Cruz, and QuerStaro.

In view of this situation, Maximilian proposed a truce, the leadership of the government to be decided by a vote;

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but Juarez refused, as for him the situation could be solved only by blood. Maximilian must be wiped out once and for all.

Thus Maximilian was left no choice. He proceeded to Queretaro with his European troops, and there was besieged for two months by the republican army. Finally, through the treachery of Don Miguel Lfipez, Maximilian and his followers were betrayed into the hands of the Juaristas. After sever­al weeks of imprisonment, Maximilian, Mejfa, and MiramSn were tried by a court martial and condemned to death. Dur­ing this time, many influential persons of most of the coun­tries of Europe, and the United States as well, interceded for Maximilian, but Juarez was not to be deterred from his purpose. The "Cousin of Europe" must die, removing all trace of the Empire of Mexico forever.

Maximilian and his two generals were executed on June 19th, 1867, on the Hill of the Bells, just outside of Quere­taro.

As for Carlota, she lived on for sixty years, until 1927, in the Belgian castle of Bouchout. Though she had mo­ments of apparent mental clarity, she was never truly sane again, and until the end she referred to herself as "Empress of Mexico" and to Maximilian as "Sovereign of the Earth".

From the foregoing sketch of historical events, it can be seen that Maximilian and Carlota were but the dupes of Napoleon and Euglnie in an attempt to make France more glo­

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rious. Maximilian and Carlota were entirely in good faith, but were deserted in their hour of need. They did not real­ize until too late that no empire could last in the New World. The true state of affairs was kept from them; they were constantly deceived by Bazaine, who was the tool of Na­poleon and a Frenchman at heart. Maximilian was imbued with good ideas of liberal government, and under ideal circum­stances probably would have been a good ruler. But every­thing was against them from the start, and the Emperor and Empress of Mexico were martyrs to the cause of European im­perialism.

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II. Three Great Figures of the Mexican Empire.

. A. Carlota

Mateos has painted an admirable portrait of Carlota in El Cerro de la Campanas. The daughter of a mere king, Car- Iota aspired to be an empress, and having achieved this, her ambition and pride drove her to insanity. Mateos emphasizes her good points, and takes great pains to make his readers know her nobility, generosity, and loyalty.

Carlota was a Belgian princess, the daughter of King Leopold I. She was happily married to Maximilian of Austria when but seventeen, but even at that age she realized the value of marrying into the imperial family of Hapsburg. It always hurt her pride that her husband had been sent by the Emperor Franz Joseph to rule over the minor province of Lom­bardy , whence they had been driven by the French forces. It was necessary to move to their summer palace of Miramar on the shores of the Adriatic. It was a beautiful, but not very exciting, life for the ambitious Carlota. Thus, when Maximilian was asked to accept the throne of Mexico, Carlota was. anxious to grasp the opportunity of raising her own sta­tus among the royalty of the world.

In the novel, we see her first discussing with Maximil­ian this great opportunity that had come to them.

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Tall, elegant, majestic, the beautiful Carlota Amalia had an interesting face, showing deep sympa­thy. Her blue eyes flashed domination, yet at times were somber and sad.....she was well educated and intelligent. Noble in behavior, delicate in expres­sion, she was versed in the refined ways of the courts, and was reputed to be a notability among European women.®

These first descriptions of Carlota give us an idea of what to expect from her later.

That she was extremely tactful is shown in her treat­ment of the commission which had arrived, from Mexico to of­fer them the throne. Before they arrived, she had familiar­ized herself with the background of each member of the dep­utation. On their arrival, "she spoke to each member of the commission in his own language, touching on the points most flattering to each one, or on his interests, with admirable tact and discretion".^0

That this appealed to the people with whom she came in contact is shown by the words of one of the commission:"This admirable Carlota, the guardian angel of our Emperor, is so truly modest and beautiful that she reigns already in her majesty without pride, attracting by her simplicity in expressing herself, always with discretion and amiability,"H

Carlota had the capacity for decisive action that her husband lacked. Where he vacillated, she acted. Without her encouragement he might never have accepted the Mexican throne, but her enthusiasm lit in him a spark of the passion to rule that she had. She spoke always with a certain tone

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of exaltation which Mateos attributes to a form of fanati­cism. It is in this tone that she led Maximilian to accept the throne of Mexico;

The world is hanging on your lips; fate comes to seek you out in your palace; the family of Hapsburghas never had a coward.... Between this humiliationof the present and the revolutionary events of Ameri­ca, there can be no vacillation. I will sell my jew­els like Isabel the Catholic for this enterprise; your name will live; let us struggle with this desti­ny whose shadows begin to cloud our horizon.^2

Even when an emissary of Juarez came to the palace of

Miramar to warn Maximilian of the real condition of the Mex­ico that did not want them, Carlota was not to be deterred. Her ambition raised itself above the forebodings that she at

first felt at his words. To Maximilian she said;

Your hand will sign the acceptance of the throne. There you will find the pedestal of your throne or the scaffold of predestination...>I have heard the oratory of Juarez’s emissary, and I have trembled be­fore it; his influence has lasted an instant only.Look (pointing to the map of Mexico), the French have conquered to this point, and in this very hour perhaps have arrived at the shores of the Bravo River, des­troying the Republic.13

In her enthusiasm she went on, more and more in the tone of a fanatic;

Mexicol Across the Atlantic is a virgin nation, beautiful, full of great treasure. Fable...illusion ...anything is possible in that enchanted soilt Yes, Mexicol wre shall go, but we shall go for always. Y/e shall break the chains which bind us to Europe, and shall lay the first stone of the second Empire; the Old Lorld accompanies us in our expedition; Maximil­ian of Austria, you are Emperorl3-4

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Even at this early stage of the imperial venture, Ma­teos gives us a foretaste of the madness to come, standing before a map of Mexico, Carlota spoke out loud to herself:

Our ship will cross the Atlantic, following the route traced by Columbus. What matter tempest.and hurricane? The nineteenth century before the tomb of the fourteenth; The Pacific; It bathes the shores of the new Empire; This thirty-third parallel — it marks the boundary of the country of Washington;....

In recalling the power of the United States at this time, Carlota's face clouded, and she bit her lips in agitation.

A curse on that Capitol, the pedestal of the re­public of the North American continent; Even here can be heard the disputes of its advisers, the civil war lays waste the soil of Jackson. Two terrible giants fight for existence in a duel to the death. The Em­pire; The crown; What a thrilling dream; From the throne, dominating the two greatest seas in the world ....One of my estates is larger than all of France.... France; My grandfather, Louis XVi;....the guillotine; ....the revolution;....the Republic;....Marie Antoi­nette ;....the Marseillaise;....

Even these memories did not deter her from the realization of her ambition:

...Only weak souls cede to the reverses of revo­lution. ... one has to die, but better in a pool of blood....the flag of France is bathed in it already ....the (Mexican) people will bless the hand that stops the wounds.... its statesmen are miserable crea­tures who have trejnbled in our presence, dazzled by the light of our greatness;,...

Thinking of Napoleon III, her lips curled in a sardonic smile of disdain.

The future is ours, the desires of that country

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will be pierced by the bayonets of Napoleon III.... BonaparteJ usurper of the throne of my ancestors! Adventurer.* You trust in the alliance with the proud daughter of the dynasty of Orleans....later, when I am Empress, I shall avenge a half-centuryof wrongs.15

One by, one, Carlota addressed herself to the portraits in the gallery, speaking in a terrible tone. She accused Franz Joseph of having humiliated Maximilian, and vowed ven­geance. She addressed the portraits of Marie Antoinette and her brother, the Duke of Brabante, working herself into a frenzy. Maximilian, hearing her scream in the gallery, ap­peared just in time to see her falling into "horrible con­vulsions" and senseless. "He cried out,'Madness*, and his eyes filled with tears"16# as if he had seen this before.

From this we must draw the conclusion that these attacks were nothing new to Carlota.

Carlota had much common sense and intelligent, cool rea­son, qualities inherited from her father, Leopold. These qualities she used to the fullest when she and Maximilian started on their venture of government in the New World. According to Mateos,

Carlota was under the influence of a brain full of burning Images and of rapid conceptions. Her in­telligence was as clear as sunlight, and she under­stood any matter whatever by its simple telling. She presided over councils with admirable tact. She was the most able councillor of Maximilian.17

Maldonado gives her small space in his "work, Nobles £

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Plebgyos, but he too emphasizes her intelligence and ability: Carlota was "proud, intelligent, and energetic; she was the soul of the Empire, because she dominated completely the weak, vacillating, and apathetic Maximilian".18 .

She was capable of great tenderness in her associations with Maximilian, whom she loved dearly. When he was dis­couraged, blaming himself for having brought her sorrow and unhappiness, she encouraged him with such words as these:"I have accepted before God and men your future; you will . hear no word of reproach from my lips in vicissitude; I shall be always your companion, your friend, your wifej"19

After a time in their new home, in Mexico, Carlota's character showed a change. She was beginning to lose her optimistic view of affairs as the net began to draw more closely around them. She became more and more thoughtful, pale, somber, and unhappy, affected by bad dreams, sensing in them a presentiment of what was to come. The strain be­gan to show in both her features and disposition. Mateos relates an incident to show this. After little Agustfn Itur- bide had been adopted as Crown Prince, his mother came to Carlota asking that her son be returned, or at least that she be permitted to see him. Carlota, driven to distraction by the mother's hysterical pleading, answered, "I can do nothing for you. Return to your country. Your son will someday oc­cupy the throne of his grandfather." Under the mother's pleas, Carlota's control broke. She pulled the bell cord so

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savagely that it came off. She cried to the servant who en­tered, "Take this woman awayJ She has lost her sensesJ The woman was dragged away. Mateos excuses even this harsh treatment on the ground that Carlota had never been a mother, and thus could not understand the mother’s feelings nor her sad situation.

After this encounter, Carlota fled to Maximilian. One of her fits of irrationality came over her, and she swore that "they" wanted to kill her, that "that woman" had threat­ened to kill her.21 Comforted and reassured by Maximilian's sympathy, the fit of insanity passed, and Carlota told him rationally of the incident, which had made her suffer deeply. She was depressed also by the death of those republicans who had been executed under the famous "Black Decree". She told Maximilian that she must leave for awhile to recover her spirits, saying, "This palace is fatal to me".22 of the

deaths of the republicans, she said, "I know that their bloodwas necessary to assure our Empire and our own existence, but

23those scaffolds are sinister to me J"Remorse was beginning to overcome her for her part in

this venture.. She was silent and oppressed before the hor­rible memories of blood for the sake of European poli­tics. When she decided to go to Yucatan, Maximilian brought out another facet of her character, saying, "There is some­thing inflexible about you that I cannot dominate. Adversi­ty overwhelms me. You yourself place me in a difficult sit-

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nation which I can scarcely face. Your going will discour­age the defenders of the Empire."^4

This shows how greatly Maximilian depended on her strength of character to help him face adversity and hold the Empire together.

Carlota returned from Yucatan to find things going bad­ly with the Empire. Maximilian was completely discouraged, but always Carlota upheld him, encouraged him, presenting always a solution for their difficulties. Her tendency to grasp at straws became more evident, but for the moment it served to encourage her husband. She urged him not to let Europe know how bad their situation was. When Napoleon sent his emissary, Baron Saillard, to talk over the situation, Carlota insisted on listening to the interview behind the curtains. Her pride made her rebellious:

It is necessary that you listen calmly to what­ever the French envoy may have to tell you. In no way reveal the situation in which we find ourselves. Show him that we have faith in the establishment of the Empire, trusting in the will of the people.... Courage

Maximilian was toying with the idea of abdication, but Carlota would not hear of such degradation:

Fifteen years of peace and the future is ours... Maximilian, the scaffold of an Emperor is worth more PA than the obscure life of the brother of Franz Joseph^6

Then came the news that Napoleon wanted to withdraw his

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French soldiers. As usual, Garlota was the confident one, hoping against hope that someone.would come to their aid:

We still have elements with which to fight; ten thousand men recruited in Austria will serve to help our government. For the first time in his life, Franz Joseph will reach out a protecting hand.27

At this point, Mateos gives her the credit for. holding the Empire together. Carlota's intelligence was the soul of the situation; once extinguished, it would leave all in darkness”.28 :

Her hatred for and distrust of;Napoleon, and her wish to justify herself and Maximilian are seen in this speech:

Fernando, we are avenged.: The money for the.ex­pedition has been raised in France, the speculators there are the ones who have lost; Mexico has not lost a florin; we shall suspend payments once his armies have abandoned the country.29

The republican armies were gaining steadily, and again Maximilian suggested abdication. The very idea was repug­nant to Garlota. She could not face its consequences.

We shall stick until the last moment of the Em­pire....Yes, this is frightful torment; to face it we must be as if made of iron; we must shun vacilla­tion; we must not turn from danger. France has bro­ken definitely with our Empire; we are alone — 'per­haps this rupture favors us, for France is hated and cursed everywhere. The,Mexican people do not repel us. I have great hopes for the future.30

That Garlota understood the republicans' feelings to­ward them is shown in her suggestion to Maximilian that they

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change their politics to those the republicans could under­stand, that they learn from the republicans, as long as she and Maximilian could not hope to conquer their hatred for imperial institutions. He who had been trying so long to rule liberally should strengthen his government by setting himself up as a dictator, Carlota said to him:

There is nothing to do but throw yourself into the arms of the men who have raised us to the throne. Let us summon the traditional party — what does it matter now if we turn back. Napoleon makes his pro­gressive influence felt in all matters except poli­tics. What nation of the Old World can boast of hav­ing liberal and democratic institutions? England herself has an iron hand on her people, smothering constantly threatening revolution, building scaffolds for the Fenians. Johnson has suffocated radical feelings with the veto, and in the Senate has destroy­ed the torch lit by American youth in the CapitolJ Yes, Fernando, all great powers dominate their people: Juarez himself has had to depart from constitutional principles, setting himself up as a dictator to main­tain peace and war. l

Then came a note from the United States, saying that any intervention in Mexican affairs by.Austria or France would be considered an act of war. This plunged both Maxi­milian and Carlota into deep despair, but Carlota was the first to .rationalize:

The United States have humiliated both Franz Jo­seph and Napoleon, as they rely on a recognized right, that of non-intervention*. This pretext itself pro­tects us, for the Union has said that it will not in­tervene in domestic affairs of Mexico. The question is reduced to raising an army.32

However, it soon became evident that an army could not

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be raised. There was no money to"pay the soldiers. Carlo- ta's quick mind seized upon the idea of going to Europe her­self to confront Napoleon and demand that he delay the de­parture of the soldiers from lexico. Inflexible in the face of Maximilian’s attempt to dissuade her, Carlota made pre­parations for her journey. In her pride, she preferred death to the ridicule that would be heaped upon a dethroned king. She loved Maximilian greatly, and would do anything she could to keep him from the humiliation of abdication, even to leaving him in order to talk to Napoleon. She would not admit even to herself the hoplessness of their situa­tion.

Her last official act took place on the occasion of Maximilian's birthday. As he was indisposed, Carlota took his place to receive the homage of.the multitude. She made her public appearance, looking more beautiful than ever be­fore, but the Mexican populace, knowing nothing of the ova­tions due royalty on a public appearance, failed to applaud her entrance. Majestic, proud, but angered by the failure of the crowd to give her the recognition due her, Carlota received nobly the good wishes of the Mexican spokesman, but when alone again, wept bitterly in anger and disappointment. She was thinking also of her coming departure from Mexico, for the proud Carlota begged forgiveness of her ladles-in­waiting for any hurt she might have caused them unthinkingly.

Carlota finished her packing, and left her husband for

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Europe — sorrowfully, for she felt that she would never see Mexico or Maximilian again. "Misfortune dominated her great soul, her courageous spirit. Proud and suffering, she cross­ed the hot sands of Mexico on that road which was to take her to the end of her wanderings."^3

It was a bitter blow to Carlota that when she arrived in Paris the usual palace at the disposal of visiting royalty was not accorded her. instead she was forced to go to a small hotel. Napoleon had heard of her arrival, and as he was somewhat embarrassed, guessing the reason of her com­ing, he determined not to see her. But Carlota also was de­termined, and she had what Napoleon lacked — courage. She intended to see Napoleon alone, not surrounded by his minis­ters. "Napoleon felt humble before.that sublime and gener­ous soul....that exceptional woman who persisted so in theface of adversity."34

V/hen Carlota finally gained her interview with Napoleon alone, she was direct in presenting her demands. She said what she thought, to the point of tactlessness and disre­spect. To everything she asked, Napoleon answered with eva­sions. She was shrewd enough to see through his words and schemes. She begged his assistance in every way, and to ev­erything he refused. He suggested finally that their only hope was to leave Mexico. Carlota's answer, as always, was, "We shall face any eventuality before ceding our land to ourenemies."35

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Finally he explained his situation to her, and set forth the reasons why he could do nothing for her. She was able to see his point of view. She even sympathized with him, and then departed without having accomplished anything.

From Paris Carlota journeyed to Italy, the Pope being

her last, desperate hope. In Rome her brother, the Count of

Flanders, met her. To him she confided how much she missed her father Leopold after his death: "In the supreme moments of my life, he gave me wise advice; his words were always t r u e . S h e thought of her inheritance of five million pesos, but this hope was dashed too, as her brother informed her that she was to have it only on the condition that it be not used to sustain the Mexican Empire, and that Maximilian was to have no part of it. This blow was too much for Car- lot's strained nerves. A fit of insanity overcame her, and

she burst out, "I am desperate, my family robs me, the Mexi­cans wish to assassinate me, my servants try to poison me, all conspire against me."^? She called a curse oh her bro­

ther for hot helping her. She was seized with a violent attack of insanity and spent the night in delirium.

The next morning she started for the Vatican. Accord­ing to Mateos, Carlota was a Lutheran, but she had sacri­ficed even her religious belief to her ambition, "an enemy of the Catholic clergy to the death, she paid the price of the sacrifice, attending the ceremonies of the Church, when her soul was enveloped in the clouds of Lutheran dogma."38

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Carlota, granted an audience with the Pope, greeted him

ceremoniously, but she neglected to kiss the ring of St. Pe­ter. She showed directness in her interview with him too, announcing her wishes immediately without hesitation. In telling him about conditions in Mexico, she practically in­sulted him, "speaking with that exaltation of a fanatic who judges another sect."^ When the Pope happened to mention the "lapses" of Calvin and Luther, Carlota feeling her re­ligion insulted, defended it passionately:

Martin Luther was a man of abnegation, the true . apostle of Christ, the disciple of truth and faith, the wise reformer who rebelled against the corruption of Catholicism: Luther banished images from the churches, and raised in their places the one and only symbol of Redemption.41

The Pope trembled at these words of heresy uttered in

the Vatican itself. Carlota was seized by a fit, and the Pope treated her kindly, restoring her somewhat. She kiss­ed his hand and left, discouraged at this failure. An hour later she returned, pale, fuming, trembling, uncertain of step -- her reason lost forever. Her temperament admitted no error, and her nerves gave way completely under the strain.

Mateos sums up her character thus;

Trouble came to Carlota in the supreme hours of her life, in her youth. Young, beautiful, praise­worthy, heaped with flattery and riches, she was the most precious jewel of the court of Belgium. Drag­ged along by ambition -- the only shadow spread over

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her soul — she married the Archduke of Austria, with the hope of being Empress, in case that Franz Joseph died without an heir....Carlota had terrible impulses in which her woman's heart was ground under her foot. Irascible and proud, her birth and education raised her above the level of her sex. She possessed in high degree that affectation of the court, in which was sacrificed even religious belief. 1

B. Maximilian

In El Cerro de las Campanas Mateos presents a fairly true historical picture of the Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian von Hapsburg, the brother of Franz Joseph II. The proud son of a proud dynasty, Maximilian dreamed always of wielding the power of which he believed himself capable, and resented being always pushed into obscurity by his brother, the Em­peror, who thought he had designs on the Hungarian throne and wanted him out of the way. Mateos considers him as a dreamer, a man of noble sentiments, high-minded and generous, but unable to face the reality of the situation, helpless be­fore the hand of fate, a martyr to the cause of European im­perialism.

At the time that Maximilian was first informed that he had been chosen to head the Mexican Empire, he was:

...a tall, arrogant,young man of thirty-three years. His thin blond hair was parted above a noble brow. His clear blue eyes had a somewhat cold, fixed look. His nose was straight, turned up a bit at the end. His long beard was parted, forming two points which reached to his chest, and under his somewhat spares moustache his teeth were prominent because of the protrusion of the lower Jaw. ^

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Maximilian had excellent control over his emotions, es­pecially in the presence of others. Mateos attributes this to the "serene coldness" of the Teutonic race. When he re­ceived the news of his having been chosen Emperor, "he re­mained impassible.,..He showed no symptoms revealing satis­faction or pride...he did not lose the serene coldness of his race,"^

The speech that Maximilian made to the commission from Mexico shows that he had considered the situation carefully

and wanted to be assured on various points before accepting definitely, showing caution. W'e quote the speech as render­ed by Mateos:

Senores, I am deeply grateful for the vote of the Mexican Assembly on July 6th, the results of which you are charged to communicate to me.

It is flattering to our house that your compatriots have turned to the family of Charles V as soon as the word "monarchy" was uttered.

As noble as this enterprise may be, intending as it does to assure the independence and liberty of Mex­ico under stable and free institutions, I cannot but recognize, in accordance with His Majesty the Emperor of the French, whose glorious initiative has made pos­sible the regeneration of our beautiful fatherland, that the monarchy could not .be reestablished there on a legitimate and perfectly solid base until the whole nation, expressing its will freely, might wish to rat­ify the vote of the capital.

Thus, I must await the result of the votes of your country in general before I can accept this throne which is offered to me.

On the-other hand, considering the sacred duties of a sovereign, it is necessary that I ask, in favor of the Empire which is to be reconstructed, certain indispensable guarantees to guard against the dangers which would menace its integrity and independence.

In case that these guarantees for a safe future

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are granted, and that the election of the Mexican people as a whole should fall to me, with the consent of the august head of my family, and trusting in the help of God, I shall be willing to accept the crown.

If Providence should call me to the noble civil­izing mission delegated in this crown, I declare to you, seffores, my firm resolution to follow the bril­liant example of my brother, the Emperor, in opening the path of progress to the country, by means of a constitutional regime, based on order and morality, and as soon as that vast territory can be pacified, of sealing with my oath the fundamental pact with that nation. :

Only thus could be inaugurated a new and truly national government, in which the various parties, forgetting their old disagreements, would work to­gether to give Mexico the eminent place which it seems destined to hold among peoples, under a govern­ment which has as a basic principle equality with .justice.

Inform your countrymen of these requests I have just made with all frankness, and bring into action the necessary means to consult the nation itself in' regard to the government which is to be given to it.44

This speech shows Maximilian to be tactful, flattering the Mexicans just enough. He is direct and justifiable in his demands, and his progressive ideas of government find expression.

That Maximilian considered this occasion to be impor­tant, in spite of his apparent lack of enthusiasm, is indi­cated by the fact that he ordered one of the court artists to paint the scene, that it might be preserved in the inter­ests of history.

Maximilian had considered the whole situation as care­fully as possible, as he indicated in the private conference with the Mexican envoys:

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I have noted very carefully this monarchic move­ment which is at work in your country. Through of­ficial notices which the French Emperor has sent me and the details in English and Spanish papers, I have been able to follow its progress carefully.Here is a letter from Mexico in which are stated ex­actly the points decided by the vote of the Notables. You well know that they represent but one-fourth of the Mexican people. However much I may be convinced that the French army will soon free the remaining provinces from the pressure, and that then you assure me that the majority will sanction the vote of July 12th, I owe to myself, as well as to the nation to which I shall consecrate the rest of my life, not to take the reins of government as long as civil war is raging in Mexico. When you can tell me that the ma­jority of the people is in my favor, I shall be ready to leave in less than twenty-four hours.

Consider me a soldier ready to answer the call, of Providence; but in order that I way recognize in an infallible manner the hand of God in the mission to which I have just been called, I must insist tpat the national will be manifested in terms leaving no.^ legitimate doubt on the spontaneity of my election.4®

Maximilian was being careful. As much as he was at­tracted to the idea of heading the Mexican Monarchy, he want­ed to be sure of the safety of his wife and himself. Maxi­milian always considered every, side of the question, but his choice was not always wise. It was usually what he himself wanted to do, or what he was advised to do, rather than what he knew he should do.

The commission'was happily surprised at the exact rea­soning of Maximilian, and they considered him within his rights in every respect. Their first impression of Maximil­ian and Carlota was a good one} they considered them very democratic in spite of their royal blood: "They treat us as equals, they consider us their countrymen. They lodge us

L

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like nobility and entertain us in their coaches and boats asif we were princes."46

Another of the commission called attention to the "tal­ent of the Archduke, his excellent comprehension....How he wishes to be informed of everything, and how jovial he is without losing dignity and firmnessj"*?

But in spite of his interest, as the idea took on more reality, Maximilian had a feeling of depression. He was not a strong-minded man, and "it seemed to him that those men who surrounded him were spirits of Fate, who were forcing his bark toward the dark and troubled sea of misfortune" While entertaining his guests at Miramar, for the first time Maximilian heard the song which never failed to give him a sense of depression:

Massimilano, Non te fidare

Torna al castello Di Miramare. .Quel trono fracido Di Montezuma .E nappo gallico Colmo di spuma.II "Timeo Danaos"Chi non ricorda?Gotta tu clamide Trovo la corda. 9

[Maximilian, look out. Go back to the castle of Miramar. That rotten throne of Montezuma is a Gallic cup full of foam. Who doesn’t recall the "Timeo Da­naos/'? Under your (royal) mantle I find the cord (torture, anxiety, suspense)3

This song was to follow him from the shores of the Adriatie

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to his adopted land across the seas.Before he had yet decided to accept the throne of Mexi­

co, Maximilian received a representative of Juarez, who had come to warn him. Thinking that he should hear every side of the question, he insisted that the man say all he had come to say. When he foretold fairly accurately what would happen to the Mexican Empire, Maximilian was greatly dis­turbed, and he realized the truth of what was said. Think­ing of Carlota, he suddenly made up his mind not to go, say­ing to her, "I shall not accept this throne where your life will be compromised. I don' t have the courage to expose you, the only person I love, to danger."50

Carlota, however, would not let his consideration of her stand in the way of her ambition. She argued with him, reiterating the advantages to be gained from his acceptance. Maximilian, however, was not yet convinced, and what is more, showed superstition and his belief in Fate: "This throne which is offered me is a scaffold covered with royal purple. You are of the family of Orleans, and I am afraid that does not augur well."51

He was not worried about his own fate: "What I fear is to make bitter the last days of King Leopold through hisdaughter."52

Maximilian knew that the safe thing to do was to reject the throne, but let.himself be overruled by Carlota, and besides, the gleam of royal purple attracted him more than

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he would admit. He was affected by "the magic voice of that woman, and the traditions of Mexico exalted his imagination. Driven by destiny, he came to a decision in the struggle be­tween heart and m i n d . H e succumbed to the beauties, of the picture she painted, and he decided to go.

When Maximilian entered Mexico, he was greeted by a great crowd, which is attributed by Maldonado in Nobles % Plebeyos to the curiosity of the people to see what royalty

was really like, rather than out of loyalty to him. Then ' Maldonado adds:

Perhaps the indifferent multitude.would have ac­cepted the Empire and would have sustained it, if it had found in Maximilian the talent, energy, and the gifts of a good ruler; but the public understood very soon, with that marvelous intuition that character­izes it, that that man who was presented to it as a savior, that descendant of a race of kings of whom there has been so much praise, was more common and more inept than many of our former rulers. 54

At the time that Maximilian entered Mexico City to take "over the reins of government, the power of the French army in Mexico was at its height. The remains of Juarez's army was taking refuge in the mountains. • The apparent peace de­

ceived everyone for awhile; that is, everyone but. Maximilian.

He was seeing the reality of the situation already beginning

to close in on him, "and "he fought desperately in the face of near adversity"

Maximilian went to Cuernavaca for a rest, says Mateos, and there entered upon a harmless love affair with the young

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and innocent sister of Pablo Martinez, hero of the republi­can army. To Maximilian this love was a relief from the rigors of his life as a statesman, and he was happier with Guadalupe than he had ever been. But to his discredit, he was not entirely honest with her. She did not know that he was the Emperor, believing him to be only a captain in the Austrian array, and in the personal service of Maximilian.She expected that he would marry her as soon as he was able. Maximilian evidently preferred to let things drift, not dar­ing to tell her the truth about himself. This taking advan­tage of an innocent girl so selfishly does not seem consis­tent with the usual nobility of his actions. While he was with Guadalupe one evening, he heard again the Italian song which seemed to pursue him. As usual, it depressed him. Superstition suddenly overcame him. To him Guadalupe became an apparition, representing the fate which followed him, es­pecially when she was telling him of the probable fate ofthe Emperor. Maximilian agreed with her that the fall of: 'the Emperor would come. "But", he added, foretelling his own end, "the Hapshurgs have .never had a coward.. Maximilian will appear on the scaffold with less emotion than he showed that April 10th when he received the crown of Mexico at Mi­ramar." 56

Close upon his words there came news by messenger that Guadalupe's brother had been taken prisoner by the French.In his great love for. Guadalupe, Maximilian promised to

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"speak to the Emperor" and have Pablo freed, although he knew that he was one of the republican leaders most to be feared,57

Some time later Bazaine presented to Maximilian a copy of the "Black Decree" of death for the republicans captured, Maximilian studied it carefully. The increasing seriousness of his situation alarmed him. "He was a leaf blown by the breath of Europe."58 Bazaine then told Maximilian that the French army had been ordered to withdraw. As always, in the presence of another, in his pride, Maximilian”reeeived the shocking news calmly".59 Though he did not wish to sign the decree, under moral pressure from his council, and knowing not what else to do, Maximilian signed the infamous decree.

A short time later General Arteaga and several other republican generals were executed under this decree. How depressed Maximilian felt at this time is shown in his words on the receipt of the news;

Bloodshed will only precipitate my fall: from the tomb of Arteaga rises more powerfully the revolu­tionary breath, hate increases, and vengeance claims its hour at the next triumph. Now some years have passed, and the bloody shades of Lombardy pass before my eyes like a horrible dream. Agonizing trials greet the Empire, and the salvo of death awakes me in the early hours of the morning...all conspire against mej....Only one flower blooms in the desert of my life: the love of the unfortunate girl to whom I can­not give even my nameJ....What will become of her when she awakes from the deception in which she has lived during the time of our love, when she, so good and virtuous, finds herself a prisoner of the terri­ble irony of destinyl"GO

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This suggests that Maximilian was suffering not only from the rigors of government, but that he was feeling re­morse at having deceived Guadalupe. Then, too, he had a guilty conscience at having to deceive Carlota about this other woman in his life. .

Maximilian had great tenderness for his wife. Her in­creasing number of nervous attacks grieved him greatly. He could calm her when no one else could. Anything he could do to comfort her or make her happy, he did without hesitation. After the upsetting visit of Sefiora Iturbide to Carlota, Maximilian took steps to have Senora Iturbide deported im­mediately. Confessing himself that he was not strong enough to dominate Carlota, he let her go when and where she wished. Helpless before her determination, he let her depart for Yu­catan.

"Pilfering of the public funds, disorder in the admin- istration, inadequacy in the organization of the army, cow­ardice, favoritism, vacillation, unpopularity, were the ele­ments which brought about the fall of the Empire, besides the revolutionary element and the diplomatic difficulties with the outside world."61 With things in this condition, Maximilian awaited Baron Saillard, the newly arrived emis­sary from Napoleon. Hoping against hope, as usual, Maximil­ian did not think Napoleon would abandon him at such a crit­ical time. Being a man of honor himself, he did not believe Napoleon would go back on his word. Sensitive to details,

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the fact that the Baron did not arrive on time meant only one thing to Maximilian, however: that the news from the Em­peror Napoleon would not be favorable to him.

He was right. The news was that the French troops would soon leave the country. To the Baron's words, Maxi­milian "remained impassible",62 and proudly he kept up an appearance of confidence which he did not feel, Saillard then offered to cancel Mexico's debt to France if Maximilian would cede the states of Sonora and Lower California to France. To his credit, Maximilian refused proudly: "I have sworn to keep Mexican territory intact, and I will face any eventuality before I will sell one scrap of land."6& Such strong words, so offensive to the majesty of Napoleon, were not expected from the lips of Maximilian, and Baron Saillard departed in anger.

Completely discouraged by the Baron's words, Maximilian gave way to despair. Carlota tried to comfort him and build up his confidence anew, but with resignation to the fate of the Empire, he answered, "Carlota, I fight without faith; I have exiled the men most hated by the conservative society: Mlrquez...Miramon...Almonte..."64

Even Maximilian's one sancturay, the love of Guadalupe, was to fail him. One evening while he was talking with her, her brother, Pablo Martinez, came, recognizing Maximilian. Confused and shamed, Maximilian pleaded with Guadalupe for forgiveness, but she dismissed him proudly. Desperate, Max-

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imilian left.Sad and crestfallen, overcome by misfortunes of all

kinds, Maximilian received news from Europe that took his last hope from him. Austria could give him no help because of pressure from the United States. "The unhappy Ferdinand Maximilian had not had one hour of peace in all of his ex­istence."65 "Maximilian was not a man of great capacity, but he was intelligent enough to know the terrible situationin which he was."66

He made one last desperate bid to sustain himself. As suggested by Carlota, Maximilian thought that a complete right-about-face of government policies might help. He had long tried to govern liberally and democratically. Now he decided that he must become a dictator, for only thus had other rulers been able to control their countries. So he said, "I wish to be obeyed without restriction."6?

Against Maximilian's wishes, for he did not want to be left alone to his fate, Carlota decided to go to Europe. Maximilian understood better than she the futility of trying to argue with Napoleon, but he could not dissuade her. He warned her that to her pleas Napoleon would "answer with evasions and subterfuges".68 He needed her support now as he had never needed it before.

Carlota spoke prophetic words before her departure for Europe: "Perhaps we shall never see each other on this earth again." To Maximilian this was a prophesy, and "his imagi­

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nation, enveloped in German superstition, was deeply stirred ....That man, crossed always by his unhappy fate, wept.Tears are the last asylum of human anguish;"^ While Car- lota tried to comfort him, they heard again that song, which seemed a symbol of their unhappiness, and "those two unfor­tunate beings clung together, plunged into the abyss of mis­fortune, completely.without hope."

The news of Carlota's madness was a blow to the Mexican

court. "Maximilian remained alone in the world at the mercy of his enemies. Men and fortune abandoned him. He lost his habitual calm, and once on the path of aberration, he could not save himself."7 - Carlota had been the mainstay in his troubles, and without her, he had not the heart to go on.His first thought was to return to Europe. With this in mind, Maximilian started for Orizaba, determined to abdicate. General Castelnau requested an audience with Maximilian, who granted it, for "when a person becomes desperate, he snatch­es at any hope, no matter how feeble."72 "His face showed the greatness of his suffering. He was profoundly sad, full of an intense melancholy."7^

Castelnau told Maximilian that Napoleon thought he

should abdicate. Though Maximilian had been considering this himself, he suddenly saw why Napoleon was so anxious to have him abdicate. This act would save face for France, ex­onerating Napoleon, but Maximilian’s personal and dynastic pride would not let France and its ruler off so easily. He

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changed his mind rapidly, and answered proudly, "General, abdication comes in the terrible instants of revolution; it comes before death, as it did to Louis XVI; I still have powerful elements which can sustain me here."74 Knowing that his choice was abdication or death, Maximilian chose death, "because my dignity comes first...I shall die at my post".75

Then the thought of Carlota made him hesitate. In all the important moments of his life, Maximilian vacillated.The chief defect of his character was his inability to make up his mind. Carlota had always urged him to remain, come what might. "He remained meditative, irresulute, full of conflicting ideas, rocked like a small boat on the waves of

a hurricane."75 Castelnau begged Maximilian to abdicate. This pleading decided Maximilian: "In this affair it is ne­cessary that each suffer for his own part in it....France will pass through the doors of ridicule; I shall pas® through those of death."77 "I shall fight with my destiny ....Tell Napoleon that I accept all the consequences of the situation, that I courageously accept what fate may bring, and I am willing to die if necessary....Tell Napoleon that I shall never abdicate, nor shall I flee....Nor shall I await a shameful restoration like Louis XVIII...."78

Maximilian would not save himself to let France escape certain ridicule from the rest of the world. He would stay with his throne until it was overthrown by revolution, and

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France would have to bear the blame.

It was madness for Maximilian to dream of the re­establishment of the Empire, while the United States was determined to end the monarchy, and while the Mex­icans rose as one man to fight against him. To return to Miramar was to expose himself to ridicule;and con­tempt; to remain in Mexico was to expose himself to death at any minute. The poor Archduke, a man of courage, chose the second extreme, not without a strug­gle to combat the doubts which tormented him.?*

That same day Maximilian called Marquez and Mlra66n to plan the last campaign, and soon he returned to Mexico City.

Maldonado has a very low opinion of. Maximilian’s men­tality, and he says that Maximilian should have abdicated when Napoleon recalled the French army, but:

...he was a man not capable of understanding the re­sults of deeds; he was living, on.illusions, and he always believed he would have time to retire to Eu­rope to live the easy life of a dethroned Emperor and hero of a romantic adventure. When good sense succeeded in taking possession of his weak character, there was always at hand someone who urged him to follow a different path from that urged by prudence. This was the case throughout Maximilian’s reign, and thus can be explained the contradictions into which he fell at every step* 0

One night Maximilian's coach suffered an accident which disabled it before the house in which Guadalupe was living. After a glimpse of her, he left, only to return later. The proud Maximilian humbly confessed to Don Alfonso Rodriguez, the owner of the house, that he had committed an unforgive- able act in hiding his name from Guadalupe, but that now, full of remorse, he must ask for a chance to beg her pardon.

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He was given this chance, and humbly knelt at the feet of the girl he had wronged. When she forgave him, he reminded her of a promise she had once made him: that she would be with him in his last moments. She promised again, to which he answered: "You will be the angel of my agony; I shall be calm, and you will give me strength to confront vicissi­tude."81

"Hurriedly, almost insane, deliriously speaking inco­herent words that revealed the pain in his heart, Maximilian left Guadalupe."82 The fact that Maximilian so lost control of his emotions indicates that this was one of the most ter­rible moments of his existence.

Then he thought.of Carlota, and he became even more re­morseful. "Poor Carlota! You sacrificed yourself for me, and I returned your affection with infidelity. Poor Carlota, I forgot you, and I am a criminal!"83 Recalling her abnega­tion, her great heroism and sacrifice, Maximilian was over­come with remorse. "I must flee from this accursed place...I am afraid!"84

In the face of his dark prospects, Maximilian was vac­illating again, not knowing what course to take. He had reason to hesitate: the frontier had been lost; Juarez had advanced from Chihuahua to Zacatecas; Escobedo was marching toward Central Mexico; Riva Palacio was only eighteen . leagues from the capital; Porfirio Dfaz had won the campaign of Oriente. Maximilian was surrounded, doomed.

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He was "perplexed, frightened, irresolute; he knew he was not safe in the capital, and he marched with the army to the interior, surrounded by his generals. To give himself courage, he himself led a charge against a band of gueril-

o clas".00 He visited his soldiers, helped make preparations, and tried to raise the spirits of the men for their last ef­fort. The campaign opened with the Imperial army situated in the city of Queretaro. There they were besieged for two months. Maximilian and his generals had their headquarters in what had once been a convent. Food was hard to get, and suffering and illness were rife. Maximilian suffered not only for himself, but for his men too. As Guadalupe had once told him: "You were not born to be a soldier: your - heart is not in the battle; the sight of blood horrifies you; death makes you tremble."86 When told of the hunger, ill­ness, and desertion among his troops, Maximilian listened in anguish. He decided to surrender. He sent one of his of­ficers to General Escobedo, saying: "Tell the General that I want nothing more than to return to him the country whose will took me from the quiet of Miramar. Go, Colonel, hide nothing of our situation from him. I wish to fall without dishonoring myself with a lie."87 Escobedo, however, would

not accede to his request.Maximilian had given up. He could no longer bring him­

self to attempt to prolong the misery of his defence, in the face of certain defeat:

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t, The unfortunate man trembled at finding himselfface to face with his destiny. He got up from his bed agitated, and went to the window. Raising tils eyes to heaven, he clasped his hands, and he prayed for his soul. Alone, he saw the distant horizon of his future enveloped in the tempests of tribulation,

ti He asked Heaven’s aid....His hands pressed to hie wildly beating heart, he began to weep, as all un­fortunates weep at the last port of human anguish.He reviewed his life: his happy childhood, the gar­dens of Miramar; the mad, unfortunate Carlota, once so beautiful, crying out in dementia in the silence of the night.88

Suddenly he heard shots and someone running through the corridor. There was the Colonel, frightened, to tell him that the republicans had taken the convent. He urged Maxi­milian to escape. As always in important moments, Maximil­ian hesitated. Yielding to the Colonel’s pleas, Maximilian mounted his horse and fled in the direction of the Hill of the Bells. While he was fleeing, a shot crossed his path. Maximilian turned his horse and went down bravely through the rocks to meet General Escobedo:

He descended from the pedestal of his glory, and Escobedo, representing the Republic, ascended to the peak of his glory. The conquered and the conqueror shook hands; they represented fortune and misfortune; the Empire and the Republic, Maximilian handed over his sword to the republican General.89

After his capture, while awaiting trial, Maximilian had plenty of time to think. Again superstition engulfed him. His belief in predestination and his belief that he was born to be pursued by a malignant fate haunted him. He recalled tnat he had left the capital on the thirteenth of the month;

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that Carlota had sailed from Mexico on the thirteenth of July; and he trembled to think that he was imprisoned in a convent of the same name as that in which were the tombs of the dead Emperors in Vienna, the Convent of the Capuchines.

Mateos does not presume to say definitely how Maximil­ian felt while awaiting his trial and sentence. He merely suggests what might have been passing through his mind in retrospection:

He must have been demoralized. There is some­thing in the human heart which is revealed in the supreme moments of existence. A tomb far from one's land! To think that there is a mother who is going to die in anguish before the bloody remains of her son!....The shadowy images of the victims sacrificed to ambition, the Mexican prisons, the graves of for­eign soldiers who came to support a throne raised on the ruins of an agonizing nation, and in the depths of that terrible picture to see the image of a poor mad woman carrying.the torch of remorse. His last moments must have been frightful.yu

Before appearing to receive his death sentence, Maximil­ian had regained his habitual control, which had deserted him in the first moments of his fall. Now that the end was near, the only thing left to him was to die nobly, and this he resolved to do: to uphold the dignity of his race, "to fall like a Roman gladiator in a noble and artistic pos­ture .91

He was momentarily unnerved when he received a false re­port of Carlota's death. He wept for his unfortunate wife; however, the woeful news seemed to give him more courage to

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endure his last moments. He received his death sentencego"with the apparent calmness of his race".

Maximilian was to die with his generals, MiramSn and Mejia. He was more tranquil than they, believing that he left no one to weep for him. He had only to uphold the dig­nity of his race. Some inner courage and nobility came to uphold him in his last moments, and with a firm hand he wrote some lines to General Escobedo, asking that his body to sent to Europe for burial.K On his way to the Hill of the Bells, where the exseu- tion was to take place, he asked for a handkerchief. Always fastidious, he remained so to his last moment. After divid­ing his gold among the firing squad, he asked them to aim at his heart. He glanced upward and murmured in a melancholy voice, "I always wanted to die on a day as beautiful.as this’,'.93 He covered his face with the handkerchief, "to avoid having his beard catch fire".94 There was a sound of shots, and the third Mexican Empire was ended.

As seen by the incidents related, Mateos has treated Maximilian kindly. He has characterized a noble, proud hu­man being who had had more than his share of suffering. He emphasizes the difference in race between Maximilian and the Mexicans, calling attention to the cold, serene clam of the Anglo-Saxon in contrast to the more emotional Latin. Only in moments of real stress or uncertainty did Maximilian lose control of his emotions. Actually facing catastrophe, an

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inner courage born of necessity arose to sustain him.Maximilian could have saved himself, but his'great

pride made him prefer death to ridicule. He was not of the temperament to endure the latter. He hesitated a long time over whether he should stay by his sinking ship or abdicate. At first Carlota would not give in to the thought of abdi­cation, and after she left, his own pride demanded that he remain.> Mateos shows Maximilian’s dependence on Carlota in his

home, in the administration of his government, in the deci­sions he had to make. Without, her guidance, love, and help, Maximilian was like a ship without a rudder. He loved Car­lota dearly, but she too was a part of his hard life as a ruler,1 and so he turned to Guadalupe as an escape from his everyday life. With her he could find a happiness and peace that he could not find with Carlota. Guadalupe was quiet and calm where Carlota was nervous, excitable, and always disturbed by the difficulties of governing in an alien land.

Mateos evidently does not consider Maximilian an espe­cially intelligent person. Yet he gives him credit for be­ing able to see through Napoleon’s schemes, to see the dan- gar of his situation from the first moment. Mateos concedes that no one could have succeeded where Maximilian failed.The odds against the Empire were too great.

Maximilian, as Mateos indicates, was not cut out for the strife of which he found himself the center. Struggle

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was distateful to him. As a ruler he would have been more of a success in a well-ordered country, where he could have been a patron of the arts and letters he loved so much, and could have ruled liberally and generously as he always dream­ed of doing.

Maldonado has little sympathy for the character of Max­imilian. He never refers to him without stressing his weak­ness of character, showing why he was not suited to govern Mexico. Maximilian’s "fickle character caused him to pass without effort from the most serious matters to those of least importance, such as the arrangements for a ceremony of court, or the color of a livery".95

Though Maximilian was animated by the most generous sentiments, his instability and indecision in crises brought about his downfall. By his death he became greater: in de­feat he conducted himself nobly, realizing that he had been wrong and facing the penalty calmly,

C. Juarez

But for the personality of one man, the Empire of Mexi­co might have lasted much longer. That man was Benito Juarez. The Mexican novelists do not give him much space in their works, but in the few words devoted to him by each, he is usually characterized as the spirit of the Mexican Republic, the man to whom all looked in time of trouble, and in whom all had great faith. He was a man of action, not words.

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Though he spoke little, he accomplished great things. He wasted no time in getting to the heart of whatever evil he was trying to combat. .; ,Don Benito Pablo Juirez was a full-blooded Indian fromthe state of Oaxaca, in southern Mexico. He received little education up to his fourteenth year. Eventually he received a law degree. After successfully representing the atate of Oaxaca in Congress, he became head of. the Supreme Court, and finally President.of the Republic.

He had the Indian traits of endurance, patience, and courage, traits which were largely responsible for his ulti­mate success. They helped to sustain him through the many years of hardship and bloodshed of the French Intervention.As Sanchez M&rmol says in Anton Perez, "Juirez was the spir­it of the Republic: flesh made bronz, and idea made tena­city" ,96 • ., /

In his novel, El teniente de los gavilanes, Zayas Enri­quez says that during the war of the guerrilleros, "Juarez remained firm, severe, unshakable, like a lighthouse in the midst of a storm".

Mateos adds that:

Bathed in the spirit of the revolution, firm on the corner-stone of right and conscience, serene in the face of political storms,.,.he sustained with a powerful hand the national and conquering standard in the five-year-long bloody struggle.98

The convention of London, the agreement between France,

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England, and Spain to act together to collect their debt#, did not move Juarez. When the French ultimatum was sent to him, he rejected angrily the note o f the plenipotentiary, and relations with France were broken off. He was impassive and self-sufficient, and he did not think Europe was close enough to cause him much trouble.

President Julrez knew that the Treaty of London would decide the near future of Mexico. Even with relations with France broken off, however, says Mateos in El_ Sol de Hayo,"he did not call the nation to arms. He merely placed the standing army on call, and prepared silently for the defence of the nation".99

When the French arrived, he "set to work to arm his people in the face of an anguishing possibility, taxing care to increase and fortify patriotism in the minds of his peo­ple. At the call to arms, the country became an immense en­campment from one end to the other",

Even with the defeat of Juarez's forces at Puebla by the French, after which he fled to the north, the republi- cans did not lose faith in him, for they knew that "no one

, . V . :better than Juarez would know how to appreciate the truth of the situation, or how to prepare for the eventualities of fortune?.101 :

The common people and his own soldiers were even a little superstitious about Juarez. In El Cerro de las Campanaa. one of the characters says: "Don Benito has seven lives like

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a cat: in Guadalajara they were going to shoot him, and he escaped by a miracle". 108

The faith of the Mexicans in him was great: "Juarez is faith, something more than faith, unshakable firmness; he will save the country," says one of the characters in Ant6n Perez.103

Maximilian and Carlota were afraid of Juarez, and with good reason. According to Mateos:

The shadow of Julrez appeared to them like an avenging spectre. They feared that his breath would return like a hurricane and would pass destroying the whole edifice 6 mpirqf raised by treason and the abuse of strength.1^

For awhile the Empire was successful, and Jmirez was driven to the northern confines of the country. He estab­lished himself in El Faso del Norte, which was seen by the Imperialists as the greatest victory of the war:

The greatest proof that Don Benito Juirez was the personification of the Republican party, of the great importance which his presence had on the nation, and that in him was ncarnate the resistance which was opposed to the Empire, was the jubilation with which was greeted the notice that at last he had giv­en up the fight. Don Benito JuSrez was not a famous general, he had never placed himself at the head of his soldiers to combat the enemy, he never fired a gun; and yet his retirement across the border was considered as the definite triumph of the Empire, a thing which has not happened when famous generals and honored public men had emigrated to the United States or had submitted to the Imperial regime.105

Ahile the Empire existed, says Mate os,Jttlrez was

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patiently awaiting his hour of victory. He established his residence in El Paso del Norte. "His serenity and repfse were as great as in his days of power. Misfortunes could not alter that countenance, always calm in the vicissitudes ofpolitics.”106

This calmness is emphasized by all these writers. No­thing, not blood, nor misfortune, nor battle and the sight of death, nor the loss of his friends, could shake this man. "He awaited with serene brow the future when the impressions of the moment having passed, a truce might, be gifen to jus­tice and one might be permitted to hear the voice of reason which is above all human passions.”107 Another evidence of this calmness is recorded by Mateos, in El Sol de Mayo.After the death of General Zaragoza, "came the serene and majestic spirit of Juarez, that man of rock in the face of political vicissitudes, that man so colossal in revolu­tion” .108 He had shown himself "somberly serene”! ^ in four

funeral ceremonies: those of Valle, Degollado, Ocampo, and Zaragoza, the most loved of his ministers and friends, kill­ed by the daggers of reaction. "He went on calmly: under the impenetrable buckler of his serenity, one could scarcely suspect the wounds of his soul."HO

His soldiers loved and trusted him, and knew that they could come to him at any time for help, for he would always listen to them. In El Zarco, Martin Sanchez came to Juarez for help in his project to destroy the bandits who infested

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the south of Mexico and whom the government eotild not d@» . ; : stroy. Martin Sanchez found Julrez "cold, impassive^ M | , attentive....While he talked, Juarez listened with hie usual calm, but which he interrupted at times with signs of indig- nation".111 When Martin Sanchez had finished, Juarez ex­claimed: "That is a scandal, and it must come to an end.* what do you desire in order to help the Government?"11^ Mar­tin made his demands, and Juirez granted them immediately.He was not the type of man to make idle promisee.

During the rise and decay of the Empire, Juirez had been forced to move from place to place. Finally his day of triumph came, and Maximilian and his generals were made his prisoners. For many men it would have been hard to deal with these prisoners, especially Maximilian, who represented a royal house of Europe, and whose death might mean reprisal from his European relatives. It was not difficult for Jua­rez; he was strong enough to decide what was to be dene and to carry it out. "His position was determined; during his long wanderings he had seen unfold page by page the bloody story of the Empire; he had met the orphans and widows of the patriots; he had seen the torn-up fields, the ruined towns, the wounded men....The pardon of Maximilian would cause the civil war to continue."11 it was necessary to destroy the Empire forever. Maximilian must suffer for the sins of others.

Juarez had the courage to accept before the world the

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responsibility for Maximilian's execution, that the Republic of Mexico might once again rise strong and free of foreign domination. To all pleas he was adamant and Maximilian was executed. Once again Juarez was the leader of a free country.

All the novels of this period show Juarez to be an en­ergetic man, "Who never for a moment stopped considering him­self President of the Republic, who without ceasing gave or­ders that were carried out by his officers in arms, who kept alive the fire of patriotism and enthusiasm among the Repub­licans".H4-

All these novels portray him as a little man in a black frock-coat, who quietly upheld the courage of the Mexicans in their darkest moments, who never lost faith in the inher­ent courage of the Mexico he understood thoroughly. Strong­ly imbued with a sense of right, he waited patiently for the vengeance he had sworn over the tombs of his beloved friends and compatriots. His tenacity held him to his course, and in the end, as he always knew he would, he won.

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III. Historical Accuracy of these Characters asPresented in Fiction.

For the most part, as far as can be judged from his­tories concerning the period, the characters of Maximilian, Carlota, and Juarez have been faithfully portrayed in these novels. There are a few points of difference, however, that must be brought out.

Juan Mateos states emphatically that Carlota was a Luth­eran, and emphasizes her ambitious quality by stating that she even cast aside her religion to realize her ambition of becoming Empress of a Catholic country. In fact, Carlota was a devout Catholic of the Catholic house of Coburg, and she was zealous in her attempts to restore Catholicism to Mexico as the State religion and to bring about an agreement between the Pope and the Mexicans.

Mateos attributes to Maximilian a slight degree of in­fidelity to Carlota. It has been impossible to find any facts to support this in any of the authorities on the his­tory of. the period. On the other hand, Bertita Harding, who has done intensive research am'ong the archives of this per­iod of Mexican history, indicates that Maximilian remained absolutely faithful to his wife. Perhaps the novelist in­troduced these incidents to heighten the interest of his,

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stories, but as far as we have been able to discover, there is no reliable basis for the introduction of these episodes.

From the beginning of the novel, El Cerro de las Cam- panas, Mateos pictures Carlota as subject to periodic lapses into insanity. History pictures her as always somewhat high-strung, nervous, enthusiastic, over-ambitious, but never to the point of insanity, until she is overcome by her delusions of persecution while seeking aid from Napoleon and the Pope on her mission early in 1867. Her insanity was not in fact such a gradual process as Mateos would have us be­lieve. It came on her suddenly, when she had exhausted her strength and resources and saw no help for the waning Em­pire. No doubt she had had a tendency toward insanity, but her mental derangement did not become apparent until 1667.

The novelists of the period idealize Ju&rez: he can do no wrong. He is considered the savior of the Mexicans, per­severing, stoical, noncommital. One historian, Francisco Bulnes, criticizes him, in his work entitled 51 verdadero Ju&rez l_a verdad sobre la intervencl6n £ _el imperio. Per­sonally he was opposed not so much to Juirez, the man, as to JuSrez’s ideas, but he suggests that most of Jufirez’s actions were the result of the thought of his aide, Degollad®. Bul­nes is inclined to give all the credit to Degollado as the inspiration which motivated JuSrez's actions. Juarez, he thinks, was not as brilliant as Degollado.

These few points represent the main ideas which differ

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in history and fiction. On the whole, Hate os has been ac­curate in his interpretation of Maximilian, Carlota, and Juarez. Maximilian was in truth a weak and vacillating sov­ereign, well-meaning and charming as a man. Carlota was the woman who was responsible for the maintenance of the Empire even for four short years. But for her ambition and insis­tence, Maximilian would never have gone to Mexico, or once there, he would have abdicated and left Mexico to work out its problems alone. Where Maximilian was weak, Carlota was strong; where,he wavered, she was firm. Neither of them was a coward; in each of them dynastic pride was strong. Each persisted in the face of adversity too strong to be overcome. Pursuing their dreams of a golden empire, Carlota sacrificed her reason and Maximilian his life, both with courageous spirit .

Juarez, the man responsible for their fall, saw no other way to preserve Mexico for the Mexicans except through the death of Maximilian. JuSrez believed that, if Maximilian were permitted to live, he would constitute a constant threat to Mexico's independence. Ju&rez alone had the courage to put an end to that threat, and it is to him that Mexico owes gratitude for restoring independence from foreign domi­nation.

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Notes.

1. Maldonado, Alfonso, M., Nobles v Plebevos. Introduction,pp.I,II.

Su parte historica es enteramente exacts: he procurado pintar los caracteres de las personas que en ella intervlenen, con el colorido propio de las gentes de entonces, y las apreciaciones que hago son hljas de un detenido ex&men y un estudio concienzudo de la epoca y de los acontecImlentos que relate, de los que ful testigo presencial.

2. The first Mexican Empire was that of the Aztecs; the sec­ond was that of the Emperor Agustin I (iturbide).

3. Antonio Lopez de Santa Ana figured prominently in Mexicanpolitics during the thirty years following the fall of Iturbide, He became President, or dictator, six times, and the remainder of the-time he dictated the policies of the incumbent.

4. Harding, Bertita, The Phantom Crown, p.81.5• Ld._ib., p,88,6 . Id.ib., p.90.7. Id.^b., pp.96ff.8 . Augustin de Iturbide,. grandson of Emperor Augustin I, and

son of don Angel Iturbide and dona Alice Iturbide, an American woman.

9. Mateos , Juan A ., J21 Cerro de las Campanas, Tomo I, p.282:

La bellisima Carlota Amalia tiene una fisonomia in- teresante, una simpatia profunda, alta, esbelta, ma- jestuosa, unos ojos garzos de donde se desprenden

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miradas dominantes, a #veces sombgiaa y doloridaa.... es toda inteligencia e inatruccion....Galante en eu trato, delicada en sus expresiones, conoce el len- guaje definado de las cortes, y es reputada entre el bello sexo europeo como una notabilldad.

10. Mateos, Juan A., op.cit.r Tomo I, p.283:Carlota le hablaba a cada uno en su lenguaje,

tocandole los puntos mas lisonjeros para su amor propio o para sus intereses, y todo con un tacto y una discrecion admirables.

11. _Id._ib., p.284:...La admirable Carlota, seguramente es el angel custudio de nuestro emperador, es verdaderaaente modesta, hermosa, ya reina antes de serlo por su majestad sin soberbia, y atrae por su sencilleg en el^modo de expresarse, sierapre con disereeion (sic.) y amabilidad.

12. Id.ib., p.304:

...el mundo esta pendiente de tue labios, la suerte viene a buscarte al recinto de tu palacio, la fa- milia de Hapsburgo no ha dado nuyca un cobards...* entre este presents df humillacion y los eventos revolucionarios de America, no hay que vacilar. Yo empehare mis alhajas como Isabel la Gatolica para esta empresa, tu nombre quedara ileso, luchemos con el destino cuyas sombras comienzan a cehir nuestro horizonte.

13. Id.ib., p.305:

, Tu raano. . irmara la aceptacion del trono, alia encontraras el pedestal de tu trono, 6 el ca- dalso de la predestinacion....%o he escuchado la voz fatidica del enviado de Juarez, y me he eetre- mecido; su influencia ha durado por un so^o Instan­te: mira, ahadio sehalando la carta geog^afic^; las bayonetas francesas lo arrqjan hasta aqui, y a es- tas horaszllegara tal vez a ^as orillas del Bravo; un paso mas, y su qonstitucion misaa lo separa de la silla de la republics.

14. Id.ib., p.306:

ziMexico!...mas alia del Atlantic© exists una nacion virgen, hermosa, llena de inoensos tesoros;

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la fabulal la i l u s i o n . .todo se realiza en ese suelo encantado; si, Mexico! partiresaos, pero parti- remos para siempre./ Desataremos los eslabones de la cadena que nos ata a la Europa, colocaremos la pri- mera piedra del segundo#imperio; el raundo viejo nos acompaiia en la expedicion; Maximiliano de Austria, ya eres emperador1

15. Id.ib., pp.391 ff.21 Atlant^co...el,vapor lo atraviesa por el

trazo de Cristobal Colon; &que importan las tempes- tades ni los huracanes?....21 siglo^XIX delante de la turaba del siglo XIVI...E1 Pacificol oafia su- miso las playas del#nuevo imperiol...Esta linea que se prolongs al traves del grade treinta y tres$.,1a patria de Washington!....21 Capitolio! ahi esta e} pedestal de la Republics del Continents...maldicionl • • • •

Llega hasta aqui el ruido de sus monitores, la guerra civil destroza el suelo de Jackson... .Dots gi- gantes terribles libran su existencia en un duelo a muertel 121 imperiol iLa coronal iEnsuefio delicioao! Desde el trono, dominando los dos mares que cihen al raundo.... I La Francial....mi abuelo, IDios m|o!.... Luig XVI....ila guillotinal....ila revolucioni....la Republical....iMaria Antonieta!....ila Marsellesal

...%a almas debiles oeden a los embates de la revolution...as necesario morir, pero en un lago df sangre hirviente...la bandera £e la Francia ya esta empapada...ese pueblo bendecira la mano que restaho sus heridas...sus hombres de Estado son unos mise- rables que han temblado en nuestra presencia des- lumbrados an%e el fuego fatuo de nuestra gragdezal

Aparecio en#sus labios una sonrisa sardonica de profundo desden.

/ — El porvenir es nuestro los votos de aquelpais se clavaran en las bayonetas de Napoleon III... 1 Bonaparte! usurpador del trono de mis mayores, iaventurero! tu crees en lia alianza de la hija or- gullosa de la rama de Orleans ....mas tarde....cuan- do sea emperatiz, te cobrare medio'siglo de repre- salias!

16. Mateos, op.cit.. p.294:horribles convulciones (sic.)

— I La locurat grito Maximilian, y sus ojos se llenaron de lagrimas.

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17. Mateos, op.cit.. Tomo III, pp.38 ff;La emperatriz Carlot* estaba bajo la influeneia

de un cerebro lleno de iraagenes ardientes y de eon- cepciones rapidaa como la exhalacion.

Su inteligencia era clara gomo la luz del sol, y comprendia cualquier negocio a su simple enuncia- cion.

Carlota de Austria presidfa algunos cogsejgs con un tacto admirable. Era el consejero mas habil de Maximiliano.

18. Maldonado, Alfonso M.f- Nobles y Plebeyos. p.318:Marla Carlota Amalia, esposa de Maximiliano,

era hija de Leopoldo primero, Rey de Belgica.... altiva, inteligente y energica; fue el alipu del Im- perio, porque dominaba completamente al debil, vo­luble, y apatico Maximiliano.

19. Mateos, op.cit.. Tomo I, p.306: -Yo he aceptado ante Dios y ante los hombres tu

porvenir; de mis labios no esperea un/reproche en los mementos de una vicisitud; yo sere siempre tu compaiiera, tu amiga, tu esposa!

20. Mateos, op.cit.. Tomo II, p.227:

— Na< a puedo £acer por vos, partid a vuestra patria...el ocupara mas tarde el trono de su abuelo el emperador.

— iEsta mujer esta local...y tiro £an fuerte- mente de la campanilla que la desprendio del tele- grafo....--Llevad a esa mujer, ha perdido el jui-c i o. # #.

21. Id-lb., p.229:

— Me asesinan! amparame!....Esa mujer me ame- naza con la muerte.

22. Jd.jUb., p.231:

....este palacio me es fatal!23. %d._ib., p.231:

9...yo.se que su sangre es necesario para asegu- rarzel imperio y nuestro propia existencia; pero esos patibulos me son siniestrosl

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24. Id.ib., pp.231 ff;— Hay en tu voluntad algo Inflexible que yq no

puedo dominar. ^as eontrarie^ades me rodean, tu misma me lanzas a ana sitaacion dificil que yo po, puedo afrontat....Tu sallda del pais desalentara a los defensores del imperio.

25. Id.JLb., p.241; .--2s necesario que ,escuches con calma cuadto

(sic.) el enviado^francos pueda decirte; nada que revele la situacion en que nos encontramos; raani- fiesta la fe acendrada que poseemos sobre el es- tablecimiento del imperio, fiado en la voluntad del pueblo...Valor!.

26. Mateos, op.cit., Tomo: I, p.305:-- Qunice .afios df paz, y el porvenlr es maes­

tro....Maximiliano, mas vale el cadalso de un fm- perador, que la vida oscura del hermano de Jose IIJ

27. Mateos, op.cit.T Tomo II, p.247:— Aim tenemos elementos para combat^r: diez

mil hombres reclutados en Austria, serviran de apoyo a nuestro gobierno. For la primera vez en su vida, Jose II te tiende una mano protectors.

28.. Mateos, op.cit.f Tomo II, p.248:, Aquella inteligencia era el alma,de la situa­

cion; una vez extinguida, todo quedara en el case y en las tinieblas.

29. Id.ib.T p.248:--Fernando, estamos vengadoslen la Francia se

han cuotizado los bonos; los especuladores de aquel pais...son los que han fracasado; Mexico no pierde un florin!...nosotros suspenderemos los pages una vez que sus tropas hayan abandonado el territorio.

30. .Id.JLb. , , p.248:-- Nosotros asistiremos al ultimo memento del

imperio....Si, Fernando, la tormenta es |spantosa; para afrontarla es necesario una condicion de hie- rro, huir de to da vac i lac ion y no doblegar la

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frente ante el peligro. La Francia ha roto de- finltivamente eon el imperioj estamos solos, acaso nos favorezca esta ruptura; porque la Fran­cia esta odiada, execrada, maldecida, como en to- das partes. El pueblo mexicano no nos repele, yo tengo esperanzas grandes para el porvenir.

31. Mateos, op.cit.. Tomo III, pp.45 ff:--No hay mas que echarse en brazos de los hom-

bres que nos han ayudado a levantqr el trono: 11a- memos a ese partido de la tijadicion, ique nos im- porta volver atras? Napoleon hace sentir su in- fluencia pro^resista an,todos,los ramos, memos en el de la politica. iQue nacion del viejo Continen- te puede jactarse de liberal y democratica? La misma Inglaterra tiene una manq de hierro sobre sus pueblos, sofocando la revolucion que la amenaza de continue, y tiene alzado un patibulo para los phe- nianos. Johnson eon el veto, ha sofocado la efer- vescencia radical, y en el senado se apaga la tea que enciende la juventud americana fn el Capitoliol Si, Fernando, todos los poderes estan sobre los pueblos: Juarez mismo ha tenidozque adjurar del principle constitucional, erigiendose en dictador para sostener la paz y la guerra.

32. Id.ib., p.49:

, — Los Estados Unidos han humillado a Jose IIy a Napoleon III, porque se apoy^n en un derecho reconocido, el de non-interveneion. Este pretext© puede escudarnos, porque Union ha declar&dg a su vez, que no intervendra en %os asuntos #domesti- cos de Mexico: la cuestion esta reducida a tener un ejercito.

33. _Id.jjb., p.90:Aquella alma grande, aquel esplritu animoso,

dominaba el infortunio: y orgulloso y sufrido, atravesaba las calientes arenas de ese camiqo que la llevaba al punto final de su peregrlnacion.

34. Id. _ib., p. 118:

Napoleon se sentia pequeho delante de aquella alma sublime y generosa.

...aquella mujer excepcional que desafiaba de una manera tan heroica la adversidad.

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35. JEd.jLb. , p.125:— Noso^ros arrostraremos todo antes qua cedar

el terreno a nuestros enemlgds.36. Id.ib., p.139:

.an los momentos supremos de ml exlstencia, su voz era la verdad y sue consejos la aabiduria.

37. Id .jib., p.144:--Estoy desesperada, mi familia me roba, los

mexicanos quleren asesinarme, ml servidumbre trata de envenenarme, todos conspiran contra mi...

38. Jd._lb. , p .40:Enemiga a muerte de guestro clero, le cobraba

el sacrificio de asistir a sus ceremonies, cuando su alma se envolvia en las nieblas del dogma lute- rano.■

39. Id.^b., p.150:0 V * 0

La emperatriz continue con fsa exaltacion propia de un fanatic© que juzga a una secta con- traria.

40. Id.ib.f p.153:

--Martin Lutero era el hombre de la abnegacion, el verdadero apostol de Jesuoristo, el nuncio de la fe y de la verdad, 9I sabio reformador rebelado contra esa corrupcion de^ lujo del catolicismo; Lutero proscribio las imagenes y alzo en I09 tem­ples solo y unico, el simbolo de la Bedencion.

41. Id.JJb., p.39:

Los pesares la,combatlan en las boras supremae de su vida, en esa epoca que se llama juventud....

Joven, hermosa;, llena de aplausos, colmada de incienso y de#riqueza, era la joya mas preciosa de la corte de Belgica.

Arr&strada por la ambicion, unica sombra pro- yectada fatidicamente sobre su alma, se caso con el archiduque de Austria, llevando la esperanza de ser emperatriz, caso que Jose II no tuviese sucesion.

Carlota tenia arranques terribles en que su corazon de mujer quedaba bajo su planta.

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Irascible y orgullosa, su nacimiento y educa- cion la Ifvantaban sobre el nivel de las de su sexo.

Poseia en alto grade esa afectacion de las cortes, en las que se sacrifice hasta la creencia religiose.

42. Mateos, op.cit.. Tomo I, p.275:Maximiliano era un |even de treinta y tres

anos, alto, arrogante; sus cabellos rubios y eeca- sos se dividian sobre una frente despejada; sus ojos de un azul claro, con la mirada fria y algo paralizada, la nariz recta y levantada en su extre- midad,... .la bgrba large, dividida, foreando 40s grupos que caian hasta el pecho, el bigots mas cla­ro aun que la barba, jaba ver la dentadura supe­rior muy pronunciada a causa de lo entrants de la mandlbula inferior.

43. M-lb. , p.277:Maximiliano pfrmaneeio impasible: en vane

aquel grupo...busco en aqaflla mirada un sintoma que revelase la satisfaccionel orgullo.

El archiduque no abazidono la frialdad serena de su raze,

44. _Id._ib. , pp.277-279:--Sehores, dijo el archiduque, estoy vivamente

agradecido al voto emitido #por la asemblea de Nota­bles en Mexico, en su sesion de 6 de julio, y que vosotros estais encargados de oomunicarme.

Lisonjero es para nuestra case que las miradas de vuestros compatriotas se hayan vuelto haoia }a familia de Carlos V, tan luego como se pronuncio la palabra monarquia.

For noble que sea la eippresa de asegurar la in- dependencia y ^ibertad de Mexico, bajo la ejida de instituciones a la par estables y libres, no dejo de reconocer, en perfecto acuerdo con S.M. el empe- rador de los franceses, ouya gloriosa iniciativa ha hecno posible la regeneracion de nuestra hermosa patria, que la monarquia no podia ser alii resta- blecida sobre una base legitima, perfectamente so- lida, a menos que la nacion toda, expresando libre- mente su voluntad, quisiera ratificar el voto de la capital.Asi, pues, del.resultado de los votos de la general- idad del pais, es de lo que#debo hacer depender en primer lugar la aceptacion del trono que me es

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ofrecido.For otra parte, comprendiendo loa sagrados de-

beres de un soberano, precise es que yo pida en fa­vor de% imperio que se trata de reconatruir, las garantias indispensables para ponerlo al ab^igo de los peligros que amenazarian su integridad e inde- pendencia.

En el caso de que seas prendas de un porrenir asegurado fueses obtenidas, y de que la eleccion del noble pueblo mexicano, tomada en su con,)unto re- cayese sobre mi, fuerte con el asentimiento del au­gust o jefe de mi famil^a,y confiando en el apoyo del Todopoderoso estare dispuesto a aceptar la co­rona. ,

Si la Providencia me llamara a la alta mision civilizadora ligada a esa corona os declaro desde ahora, Senores, mi firms resolucion de seguir el saludable ejemplo del emperador mi hermano, abriendo al pais, por medio de un regimen con6$itueional, la ancha via del progreso, basado an el orden y la mo­ral, y de sellar con mi juramento, luego que aquel vasto territorio sea pacificado, el pacto fundamen­tal con la nacion.

Solo asi podria ser inaugurada un politics nueva y verdaderamente nacional; en que los diver- sos partidos, olvi^ando sus antiguos resentimientos, trabavarian en comun para dar a Mexico el lugar eminente que parece estarle destinado entrelos pueblos, bajo el gobierno que tenga por principle hacer preva^ecer la equidad con la .jus tic la.

Tened a bien, senores, dar cuento a vuestros conciudadanos de las determinaciones que acabo de anunciaros con toda franqueza,#y provocar las medi- das necesarias para conaultar a la nacion respecto del gobierno que intents darse.

45. Jjd.ib,., p.280:--He seguido muy atento a% movimiento monar-

quico que se obra en vuestro pais. Por las noti- cias oficiales que S.M. el emperador de los fran- ceses ha tenido a bien comunio#aroe, y por los de- talles contenidos en los periodicos ingleses y espaholes, he estado en aptitud de hacer constar netamente sus progresos. He aqui una carta de Mexico, en que se hallan exactamente indieados los pantos adheridos al voto de los Notables. Bien veis que no comprended siqo la cuarta parte de Me xico. For mas #que yo este conyencido de que el ejercito frances presto librara a las demas provin- cias de la presion ejercida en alias, y de que

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entonces como vosotros me lo asegurais la Inmen^a mayoria cancionara el veto/de 12 de julio, (%ebo a mi mismo como a la nacion a quien consagrare en lo sucesivo mi vida, el no tomar las riendas del go- bierno en tanto que la guerra civil este desolando a Mexico. ,

Anunciadme quq la mayoria esta ya declarada en favor de mi^eleccion, y en memos de veinticuatro horas estare list© para partir. #

Consideradme como cm soldadp decidido a respon­der al llamamiento de la Providencia; mas para que yo reconozca de^una manera infalible el dedo de Dios en la mision que acaba de. tocarme en suerte, debo insistir in que la voluntad nacional se mani- fieste en terminos que no dejan duda a^guna legiti- ma sobre la espontaneidad de mi eleccion.

46. jd._ib., p.884: ■--Nos tratan como a sus Igualeg, nos consideran

como compatriotas, nos alojan como a marqueses y nos pasean en sus coches y buques como a unos principes.

47. _Id._ib., p.284:t . t...el talento del archiduque, que comprension

tan facil,zque desea de instruirse e imponerse de todo, y que jovialidad sin dejar la dignidad, y la firmeza...

48. Id.ib.T p.289:Le pareqla que aqullos hombres que la rodeaban,

eran los espiritus del fatalismo, que impelian la barca hacia el mar inquieto y tenebroso de sus in- fortunios.

49. JEd.JLb., pp.289-290:50. Id ._ib., p.303:

--...no aceptare ese trono en que tu existen- sia se compromen^e, yo te amo y me falta el valor para exponer lo unico que me queda sobre la tierra.

51. Id.ib., p.304:

--...ese,trono que se me ofrece,es un cadalso cubiqrto de purpura. To perteneces a la familia de Orleans, y yo tengo miedo por esa predestinacion de falalismo.

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52. Id.ib., p.305:— ...lo que temo es amargar los poetreroa dias

del rey Leopoldo.... su hija...53. Id.lb.f p.306:

La voz magica de aquella mujer, las iradiclones que guards Europa acerca de los antiguoa domlnios de Moctezuma, exaltaron la imaginacion del arcbidu- que, e impul^ado por las contrarledades de su des-, tino, triunTo de aquella lucha en que lo comprometla su cerebro y su corazon.

54. I.'aldonado, Alfonso M., Nobles y Plebeyosf Tomo II, p.254;

— esa misma multltud indiferente, hub!era tal vez aceptado el Imperio y lo hub1era sostenido, si hubierza encontrado en Maximiliano el talento, la energia y las do^es de un buen gobernante; pero muy pronto comprendio el pueblo, con esa maravillosa intuicion que lo caracteriza, que aquel hombre que se le presentaba como un Salvador, que aquel descen- diente de una raza de/Pr£ncipes, dq quien se hacian tantos elogios, era mas vulgar y mere inepto que muchos de nuestros pasados gbbernantes...

55. Mateos, op.cit., Tomo II, p.136:...pero Maxiipiliano, que vela las cosas tales

como eran, no creia en nada; sin embargo, lucbab% desesperadamente en el mar embravecido de una pro- xima adversidad.

55. Id.ib.T pp.149-150:

...la familia de los yapsburgo no ha dado un cobarde; Msojimiliano. estara sobre el cadalso con menos emocion que el 10 de abril eg su palacio de Miramar, al recibir la corona de Mexico.

57. %d._ib., p.152:

. .zvere es ta noche al emperador ...la vida de Pablo esta salvada...

_Id.jLb., p.210:

Maximiliano era una hoja movida al soplo euro-peo...

58.

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59. Id.ib., p.213:Maximiliano recibio con serenedad el golpe...

60. Id.ib., pp.228-229:, — ... la sangre no tiara mas que preclpltar#ml

caida: de la tumba de Arteaga se ha levantado mas poderoso el aliento revolucionario, los odioszse amontonan y la venganza reclame su hora al proximo triunfo... .Ya han pasado algunos edios y las sombras ensangrentadas de la Lombardia cruzan delante de mis ojos como un sueho horrible!...Saludan al impe- rio los toques de agonia y la salva de la muerte me despierta en las primeras boras de la mahanai... Todo se conjura en contra mial...Solo un flor ha brotado en el desierto de mi vida; el amor de esa pobre criatura a quien no puedo darle ni mi noabre .•..que va a ser de ella cuando se despierte del engaho en que ha vivido durante el tiempo de nues- tros amores, cuando ella tan buena y tan virtuosa se encuentre presa de una ironia terrible del des­tine I

61. Id.ib., p.239:

Despilfarro er> los fondos publicos, desorden en la administracion, insuf^ciencia para la organi- zacion del ejercito, cobardia, favoritismo, vacila- cion, impopularidad, eran ^os elementos que deter- minaban patentementg la caida del imperio, sin cor- tar con la revolucion intestine y las dificultades del exterior en el mundo de la diplomacia.

62. Id.ib.f p.246:

Maximiliano permanecio impasible.63. Jd._ib., p.246 :

Senor baron, he jurado conservarzileso el te- rritorio nacional, y estoy dispuesto a todas las eventualidades antes que vender un solo palmo de tierra...

64. Id._ib., p.249;

— Carlota yo lucho sin fe; he expatriado a los/hombres mas odiadqs de la sociedad conservadora a Marquez — , a Miramon..., a Almonte...

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65. Mateos op.cit.. Tomo III, p.40:El infeliz Fernando Maximiliando, no habla

contado en su existencia una bora de tranquilidad.

66. Id.ib., p.41:Maximilian no era hombre de nucha capacidad;

sin embargo, tenia la suficiente para conocer lo terrible de su situacion.

67. Id.ib.. p.45:— ..quiero ser obedecido sin restriccion

alguna.68. Id.ib.f p.49:

--Gontestara con suberterfuges y evasivas.69. Jtd. ib., p.52:

..acaso no .lo volvamos a ver #lpcir juntos sobr§ la tierral... .Maximiliano oreyo oiz; la voz profetica de las Sibilas, y su imaginacion, envuel- ta en la supersticiones alemanas, se estremeoio prof undamente....

Aquel hombre contrariado por 9I vendabal de la desdicha, incline su gabeza y lloro!...

El llanto es el ultimo asilo de las angustias humanasl..•

. 70. _Id.ib. , p.52:

...y aquellos dos seres desgraciados se hun- dieronen el abismo sin fondo del desconsuelo y de la tribulacion!...

71. Jd.jJb. , p.157:

, El infeliz archiduque quedaba solo en el eundo a la merced de sus enemigos.

Los hombres y la fortuna lo abandonaban.Aquel espiritu otras voces tranquilo, perdie

su serenidad habitual, y una vez en la senda del extravio, tenia que perderse.

72. _Id._ib., p. 159:

Cuando el alma ha entrado en la tormenta de la

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desesperacion, acepta una esperanza aunqtte sea le- jana.

73. Id.ib., p.159:El arohlduque manifestaba en su semblante todo

el dolor de sus sufrimientos. #Estaba profundanente triste, cubierto e impreg-

nado de una melancolia intensa.

74. Id.ib., p.163:La abdicacion, seiior general, #se hace en los

instantes terribles de la revolucion, se hace de- lante de la muerte, como Luis XVI; yo poseo todavia element9s.de preponderanda que pueden sostenerme en el solio.

75. Id.lb.T p.162:..porque mi dignidad es lo primero..#.

morire en mi puesto. .76. Id.J b. , p. 166 :

Quedose meditabundo, irresolute, lleno de con- trariedad, agitado como una debil barca entre las olas y el huracan.

77. Id._ib., p.167:— ...en este negocio es naecsar^o que cada uno

sufra la parte que le toca en la catastrofe....La Francia pasa por las puertas del rediculo, yo paao por las de la muerte.

78. Jd._ib. , p.169:--Voy a luchar con mi destine: decidle al ea-

perador...que acepto en todas sus consecuencias la situacion, y #entro en las eventualidades con valor, y dispuesto a morir si esezes mi destine...decidle a #3 .M . que no abdicare jamas, ni huire...ni espera- re una restauracion vergonzosa como Luis XVIII.

79. id.jlb., p.170:

...era una demencia sonar en el establecimiento del impeno, toda vez que los Estados Unidos hablan determinado la muerte de la monarqufa y el pueblo

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mexicano se alzaba como on solo hombre para comba- tirlo.... # ,

Volver a Europa a encerrarse en su Santa Elena de Miramar, era presentarse en el foro del ridiculo y del desprecio. t f

Permaneoer en Mexico, era exponerse a morir, en la demanda. # #

El pobre archiduque, hombre de corazon, opto por el segundo extreme, no sin combatir algunas va- cilaciones que le asaltaban.#.

80. Maldonado, op.cit.. p.437:...pero no era hombre capaz de comprender la

trascendencia de loszhechos, vivia de ilusiones y creyo estar siempre a tiempo de retirarse tranquila- mente para hacer ep Europa la vida facil dq empera- dor destronado y heroe de una aventura roman^ica. Cuando el buen sentido lograba sobreponerse a su in­substantial caracter, siempre tenia cerca de su per­sona alguna otra que lo impulsaba a seguir un ca- mino distinto del que le aconsejaba la prudencia. Este fue el estado constant® de Maximiliano duran­te su reinado,,y asi se explican#las contradic- ciones en que a cada paso incurria...

81. Mateos., op.cit.. Tomo III, p.l95ff;, — ...tu seras#el ange^ de mi agonla; yo es­

tar e tranquilo y tu me daras fuerza para afrontar las vicisitudes.

82. Id._ib. , p.198:Maximiliano se echo fuera de la casa, loco,

delirante, hablando palabras incoherentes que reve- laban el extravfo de su alma.

83. Id.ib.t p.2C0:

--Pobre Carlotal tu sacrificandote por mi, y yo hollando tu cariho con un amor extraviado; pobre Carlotal...yo te olvido y soy un criminal!

84. ., p.200:

, --Yo necesito abandonar esta tierra de maldi- cion...yo tengo miedol

85. Jd.ib., p.272:

Maximiliano estaba perplejo, acobardado irre­solute, no se creia seguro en la capital, y marcho

14'1» b

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con el ejercito al Interior rodeado de sue generar 1es••# ^

Maximilianb para darse valor, cargo personal- mente sobre los guerrilleros.

86. Mateos, op.cit.f Tomo II, p.870:— ...tu no has nacido para la guerra: tu cora-

zon no se ha podido encallecer en los campamentos, la sangre te horroriza, la muerte te causa pavor...

87. Mateos, op.cit.T Tomo IV, p.74:...decidle al general que nada quiero...sino de-

volverles este pais cuya voluntad me saco de% silen- cio de...Miramar....Id, coronel, no le oculteis na­da de nuestra situacion, quiero caer sin deshonrarme con la infamia de una mentirai

88. M._ib., p. 85:Aquel hombre infortunado temblo de hallarse

frente a fronts de su destino., ,Levantose agitado, dirigiendose a la ventana

de la celda.Levanto sus ojos al qielo, enclayijo sus manos

y de su alma se desprendio una plegaria.Solo, como un gaufrago sobre el roto madero de

la perdida nave, vela el el lejano horizonte de su porvenir envuelto en las tempestades de la #tribula- cion....pidiq al cielo misericordia.•.llevo sus.ma­nos al^corazon que se agitaba terriblemente;•..y comenzo a^llorar....

Lloro, como Horan los desgraciados en el ulti­mo puerto de anguftias hqmanas.

Su imaginacion busco los purisimoa horizontes de su p^sada existencia.

Veia el cielo siemgre hermoso de su nihez....Despues, le parecio respirar el ambiente en-

balsamado de las flores encantadas de Miramar.La imagen de aquella mujer desgraciada, de la

pobre loca...lanzando en el silencio de la noche las nerviosas y extridentes (sic) carcajedas de la demencia*

89. Id.ib., p.99:

Maximiliano descendia del pedestal de su gloria y Escobedo representante de la republica, ascendia a’ la cumbre desalojada por la uaurpacion.

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Vencido y vencedor se tendleron la mano.La fortuna y la desgracia se apersonaban*• e • • ,21 imperio y la republlea.Ivlaximiliano desenvaino l & espada que ya le

abrasaba la mano y la entrego al general repub- licano...

90. _Id._ib, p.191:Aquel hombre...debia ©star demoralizado. Hay

algo en el corazon humane que se revela en los me­mentos supremos de la existencia...,1a tumba lejos de la patria! Pensar que hay una madre que va a rao- rir de angustla delante <e los restos ensangrentq- dos de su hijoi...las imagenes sombrias de las vic- t^mas sacrificadas a la ambicion...los cadalsos de Mexico, las tumbas de esos soldados venidos del ex- tranjero para apoyar un trono levantado sobre las ruinas de una nacionalidad agonizante, y en fon- do de ese cuadro terrible ver atravesar la imagen de una pobre loca llevando en la mano la tea som- br£a del ^emordimientol....

Los ultimos instantee...debian ser espantosos!91. Id,lb., p.194:

Queria sostener la dignidad de su raza, queria caer como los gladiadores romanos, en una postura noble y artistica.

92. Id.ib., p.233:Maximiliano recibio aquella nueva (la sentencia

de muertq) con esa aparente frialdad de su raza.93. Id.ib., p.248:

En un dia tan bello como este querfa morir.94. Id.ib., p.248:

...para evitar que al haeerle fuego se le in- cendiara la barba.

95. Maldonado, op.cit.. p.298:

, ... [Maximilianq) a quien su caracter voluble hacia pasar siy esfuerzo del asunto mas serio y trascendental a las mayores futilezas, como el

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92

arreglo de una ceremonia o los colores de uns librea...

96. Sanchez Karroo1, Anton Perez, p.32:Y era Juarez el espiritu: es decir, la carne

hecha bronce, la idea hecha tenacidad...97. Zayas Enriquez, El teniente de los gavilanes, p.88;

Juarez se mantenia firme, severe, incontras- table, como un faro en medio de la tormenta.

98. Mateos, op.cit.f Tomo IV, p.227:Bahado en el espiritu de la revolution, firme

en la piedra angular del derecho y,de la concien- cia, sereno ante las tormentas politicas,...ha sostenido con robusta roano el estandarte nacidnal y vencedor en una lucha sangrienta de cinco afios.

99. Matoes, El Sol de Mayo, p.78:Juarez aun no llamaba con su voz autorizada

a la nacion en torno de sus banderas, #Limitose el presidents, a poner el ejercito en

pie de guerra...y prepare en silencio la defense de la nacion.

100. Sanchez Marmol, op.cit.. p.32:...proveyo a arroar a su pueblo en la medida de

una posibilidad entonces escasa y angustiosa, cui- dando de acrecerla y fortificarla por el avivamiento del patriotismo en la conciencias. El pueblo fue llamado a las armas, y al responder al llamamiento, la Republics se vio convertida de la una a la otra frontera en inmenso campamento,

101. Mateos, El Sol de Mayo, p.242;...ninguno roejor que el sabria apreciar la

situacion y prepararse para las eventualidades de la fortuna.

102. Mateos, El Cerro de las Campanas. Tomo II, p.43:

..Don Benito tiene siete vidas como los gatos: en Guadalajara ya iban a fusilar, y se escape por milagro.

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103. Sanchez Marmol, op.cit.. p.151:Juarez es la fe, algo mas#q£e le fe, la fir-

meza inquebrantable, el salvara a la Patria....104. Mateos, op -cit.. Tomo II, p.85:

La sombra de Juarez se les aparecia oomo un espectro vangador. Temlan que su aliento volviese como el huracan, y pasara derribagdo todo aquel edificio, levantado por la traicion y el abuso de la fuerza.

105. Maldonado, op.cit.r p.422:La mejor prqeba de que Don Benito Juarez ere

la personificacion del pqrtido repubilcano, de la gran importancia que tenia su presencia en la Na- cion y de que en el estaba egcarnada la resistencia que se oponia al Imperio, fue el jubilo con que se recibio la noticia de #que al fin abandonaba la lucha. Don Benito Juarez no era un General afamado, nunca se habia puesto al f^ente de sjus soldados, para batir al enemigo, jamas disparo una arma; y, sin embargo, su retirada al extranjero se conside- raba como el triumfo definitive del Imperio, lo que no habia sucedido cuando Generales de gran presti- gio^y hombres publicos de honrosos antecedent's habian emigrado a los Estados TJnidos o .se habian sornetido al regimen imperial.

106. Mateos, op.cit.. Tomo II, p.160:...conservaba la misma serenidad y reposo que

en los dlas de su poder.La desgracia no habia podido alterar aquel

semblante.107. Mateos, op.cit.. Tomo IV, p.227:

Aguarda con frente serena al porvenir cuando, pasadas las impresiones^del momento se de tregua a

' la justicia y se deje oir la voz de la razon que esta por cima de las pasiones humanaa•

108. Mateos, SI Sol de Mayo, p.315:

...seguia el esplritu siempre sereno y mages- tuoso de Juarez, el hombre-roca para las vicisitu- des politicas, el hombre coloso para }.as revolu- ciones.

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,..sombrfamente sereno.110.Id.ib., p.315:

Juarez caminaba tranquil©: bajo el braquel impenetrable de su serenidad, apenas pubden sospe- charse las herIdas de su alma.

111. Altimirano, El Zarco, p.130:...se encontrq. con on hombre frio, impasible,

per© atento...Martin Sanchez le hizg un inform# detallado, que el President© eqcqcho con su calma ordinaria; per© que interrumpio a veces con sehales de indignacion.

112. Id.ib., p.130:— Eso es un escandal©, y es precise acabar con

ell iQue desea usted para ayudar al Gobierno?

113. Mateos, JEl Cerro de las Campanas. Tomo IV, p.228:La posicion de Juarez estaba determinada; en

su larga peregrinacion, habia visto hoja por hoja de esa higtoria sangrienta del imperio, habia en- contrado a su paso los huerfanos y las viudas de los patriotas, habia visto los campos taladoa, los pueblos vueltos escombros y presendaba el numero de heridos....

El pardon de Maximilian© perpetuaria la guerra civil....

- , - i .114. Maldonado, op.cit.r p.352:

..que ni por un moment© dejaba de conside- rarse corao President© de la Republics, que sin cesar expedia ordenes que eran acatadas por todos los jefes que estaban en armas, mantenia vivo el fuego del patriotism© y el entusiasmo entre los republicanos.•.

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Bibliography.

Novels

Altarairano, Ignacio Manuel, El Zarcor edited by Raymond L.Grismer and Miguel Ruelas, \7. W. Norton and Co., Inc., New York, 1933.

Maldonado, Alfonso M., Nobles y Plebeyos. Mexico, Imp.de V . Agueros, Editor, 1910.

Mateos, Juan Antonio, El Cerro de las CampanasT 4 vols., Mexico, Tipograf£a "Diamante" del Editor, 1902.

Mateos, Juan Antonio, El Sol de Mayo. Novisima edicionadornada de numerosos fotograbados intercalados en el texto, Maucci Hnos., Mexico City, 1st ed., 1868.

Sanchez Marmol, M., Anton PerezT Mexico, Impreso por Fc0zDiaz de Leon, 1903.

Zayas Enriquez, Rafael,de,, El Teniente de los Gavilanes,

New York and London, D. Appleton and Company, 1919. .

History

Bulnes, Francisco, El Verdadero Juarez £ _la Verdad sobre la Intervencion y el Imperlo. Paris, Mexico, La Vda de C. Bouret, 1904.

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Case, Lynn Marshall, French Opinion of the United States and Mexico. 1860-1867. New York, D. Appleton-

Century Co., Inc., 1936.Corti, Egon Caesar, Graf: Maximilian and Charlotte of

Mexico, Translated from the German by Catherine Alison Phillips, 2 vols, Alfred A. Knopf, Inc.,New York, 1928.

Estrada, Genaro, D. Juan Prim % _su Labor Diplomatica enMexico. Mexico, publ. de la Secretaria de Relac. Ext., 1928, Arch. Hist. Dipl. Max., No. 25.

Garcia, Genaro, Juarez: Refutacion a Don Fco Bulnesf Mexico, yda de C . Bouret, 1904.

Harding, Bertita, The Phantom Crown. New York, The Bobbs- Merrill Company, 1934.

Keratry, Emile, The Rise and Fall of the Emperor Maximilian L1Smpereur Comte de: Maximilian: son elevation et sa chute.Leipzig, 1867

Martin, Percy Falcke, Maximilian in Mexico. London, 1914.Zarco, Francisco, Comentarios de Fc0 Zarco sobre la Inter­

vention Francesa, 1861-1863. Prologue by Antonio de la Pena y Reyes, Mexico, Publicaciones de la Secretaria de Relaciones Exteriores, 1929, No,30.

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