Today’s Private-home Design and the Current Metropolitan Living Habits in Brazil

Erica Negreiros de Camargo

University of São Paulo (USP) - Brazil Rua Livi, 23 05448-030 - São Paulo (SP) Brazil Telephone: +55 11 3021-7767 e-mail: erica.camargo@uol.com.br Keywords: apartment, living habits, metropolis, São Paulo, São Paulo Abstract Based on the hypothesis that there should be a close relation between today’s private-home design and the current habits of people living in those homes, this work sets out to investigate the design of the living space of apartments in São Paulo, Brazil. The objective is to analyze how well this design has kept up with changing lifestyles during the last decades of the 20th century, especially shifting family arrangements and the permeation of new technologies in the home. This study intends to contribute to a new assessment of contemporary metropolitan living and is divided into four parts. The first presents an overview of the modernization process of Brazilian industry, from the inception of apartment living in São Paulo to its widespread acceptance. This part also draws a parallel between this process and the user-home relationship, in light of the introduction of the first technological gadgets in everyday home living. The second part shows today’s changing ways of living, brought about both emerging demographic patterns, which have dramatically changed the conventional nuclear family, and the flood of new technologies in the domestic environment. The third part summarizes the findings of an analysis of floor plans of two-bedroom apartments launched in São Paulo during the 1980s and 1990s. It also includes a case study

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of two-bedroom apartments of a São Paulo building, with an examination of their living spaces and the use attributed to them. The fourth part brings some reflections on current ideas on the reconfiguring of the domestic landscape and arrives at two basic conclusions. On the one hand, in light of shifting family patterns and the permeation of technological appliances in the domestic space, it can be said that there is a clear gap between apartments produced in the late 20th century and the new lifestyles embraced by the users of such homes. Scarce new proposals have addressed the multiple facets of today’s metropolitan apartment dwellers. On the other hand, the use given to these apartments can be considered only relatively contemporary, since ingrained traditions are still quite present in the living space and have not been fully replaced by contemporary lifestyles.

Introduction The second half of the 20th century witnessed deep transformations in the urban society, concerning the acquisition of new ways of living. The adoption of modern habits and the transformation of traditional ones have reflected not only in the behavior of the society, in general, but within the spaces in the home in particular. The increasing participation of women in the work force, the accumulation of electrical appliances in the home and the diminishing number of homes counting on full-time sleep-in domestic help are just some of the facts and behavior-shaping trends that directly affected modern domestic life in the home. More recently, as the century came to a close, further changes continued shaping domestic habits, among them the increasing concentration of electronic devices and the presence of computers in the domestic space, and the shifting family arrangements that have been changing the classic conception of nuclear family. As the time spent between developing new technologies and bringing them to the market gradually shortened, living spaces managed to swiftly incorporate automation and computerization advances. Little over two decades ago the computer was considered a large piece of equipment for the exclusive use of big corporations. Today, found in most middle-class homes, it has gone beyond being a work tool to become a channel for reference and leisure, integrating computing and multimedia functions, enabling long distance communication through internet connections. At the same time, in the social context, changes in the size and structure of the Brazilian family have given rise to numerous exceptions to the classical nuclear family model – father, mother and children – which is still dominant in statistical terms. Within the living space, traditional social patterns between family members have now begun to cohabit with new ways of family organization. Today it has become difficult to define the head of household. Is it the member who earns the most, the best educated or the most senior?

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Therefore, we see changes taking place on two fronts. The widespread use of electronic appliances, especially the growing presence of new media within the home, points to changes in daily household habits. And shifting family patterns are reshaping ingrained customs. The analysis of these two trends – which are metropolitan in nature – has spawned at the turn of the century a worldwide debate about the need to expand the scope of planning for living space, in accordance with the new relations between users and their respective living spaces currently available on the property market. International proposals advocating flexible living space arrangements or the possibility to permanently change the internal layout of the home have been considered a new trend that epitomizes the transient nature of modern home living. In Brazil rare are the academic studies that deal with the need to review spatial conventions concerning the design of contemporary living space, although the tendency to overestimate the impact of the new technologies on Brazilian metropolitan lifestyles has been acknowledged1. Outside the academic environment, reflections on new possibilities of organizing urban domestic space, in the light of a growing diversity in contemporary lifestyles, are rarely taken into consideration by the Brazilian real-estate investment industry. This study focuses on apartments coming onto the market in the Metropolitan Area of São Paulo (MASP) in the eighties and nineties. Its aim is to explore the relationship between the design of living spaces of these apartments and the changes in the metropolitan domestic habits – shifting family arrangements and the permeation of new technologies in the domestic space – that occurred mainly in the last decades of the 20th century. Apartments were chosen over other types of dwellings because of their relatively standardized design, which this researcher considered a suitable parameter for the analysis of the relationship between the design and the possible uses given to the home space. An especially remarkable aspect is the discovery that extremely uniform dwellings, for example, apartments of a same building, can house such diverse lifestyles. Once any of these apartments is occupied by its inhabitants, that geometrically measurable object, consisting of surfaces, curves, masses and voids, suddenly acquires inexpressible characteristics and incorporates new odors, lights, sounds, textures, words and gestures. Within the realms of apartment property development in São Paulo, this study is specifically devoted to two-bedroom apartments, for the simple reason that it is the model which houses perhaps the greatest diversity of family arrangements. Traditionally, two-bedroom apartments were the first home young middle-class couples aspired for. With the declining purchasing power this particular social stratum has endured since 1980, the classical two-bedroom model has been subject to marketing strategies aimed at broadening its base of target buyers, both in terms of family types and purchasing power.

1 Center for the Study of Housing and Living Habits (NOMADS) and Mathematical and Computer Sciences Institute – São Paulo University.

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The nineties witnessed a rise in the supply of apartments targeted at people living alone. These could be, among others, singles who just left their parents’ home, divorcees who needed a second bedroom for occasional visits of their children, college students from out of town, high-income individuals who traded their large homes for smaller, more practical, apartments, with less demand for domestic servants.

Chart 1 – Units launched between 1985 and 1999, according to type – GSPMA (in thousands)

A second reason for having chosen two-bedroom apartments in this study is that they accounted for the largest share of apartments launched in the Greater São Paulo Metropolitan Area (GSPMA) in the eighties and nineties.

0

20

40

60

80

100

1985-1989 1990-1994 1995-1999

1bedrm. or less 2bedrm. 3bedrm. Others

Source: Embraesp

Part I: Modernization and apartment housing in the city of São Paulo From 1920 until the 1980s, the Brazilian industrial sector saw one of its most intense modernization periods ever. During this period, in special from 1920 to 1970, the city of São Paulo became the hub for this fast-paced industrialization and urbanization process. The housing needs of a rising urban population could no longer be satisfied by traditional houses, and this demand was increasingly met by high-rise apartment buildings, a process which this paper will call “verticalization” of housing. With strictly compartmentalized internal layout, the idea behind those first apartments was to offer their users – the expanding middle class of that time2 – a whole set of aspects that reproduced the detached bourgeois houses these families appreciated. As late as the 1940s, the Modern3 style was mainly limited to the façade of these buildings and had practically not reached the apartments within, whose layout held on to long-standing traditions and elements. As of 1950s, the American notion of an utilitarian home gradually gained acceptance. The “American way of life”, and all the products that came with it, were advertised in all media and what at first had been considered superfluous became indispensable, both regarding habits and homes. The notion of domestic comfort and domestic work – usually performed by the housewife – underwent deep changes. 2 This was a new social and economical stratum, consisting mainly of professionals in the service industry and who aspired to climb socially. As of the 1930s, this stratum created and modernized a new consumer market and stepped up housing demand. 3 This included visible reinforced-concrete structures, unadorned façades, a combination of volumes, wide gaps sealed with brise-soleil or glass.

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By the 1960s “modernity” had gained widespread acceptance and apartment living was brought up to date to cope with the changes in the families’ everyday lives. Kitchens, for instance, came ready to accommodate the new gadgets that flooded the market. The still commodious area housing servants’ quarters, laundry and other services was well delimited – much to the liking of the emerging middle class. As vertical housing reached norm status, domestic spaces became standardized. The different home environments were personalized by their users, following “modern” trends usually dictated by the mass media. The generous common areas of earlier apartments gave way to balconies and large aluminum-molding window panes. This Modern formal characteristic, designed for European weather of mild summers and gray winters, was introduced in Brazil, where it came up against blistering local conditions. The sweeping view intended by the original designers of these large windows was impaired by heavy drapes and air-conditioning, the latter considered by Veríssimo and Bittar (1999: pg. 43) an apparent technological victory over the tropical climate. While these grand stylistic changes were taking place in their homes, the Brazilian middle-class families were occupied gazing at the world outside through their television sets. In the mid 1970s the balcony shrank into mere projecting decoration element in the buildings’ façades and a small appendix to the living room. Apartment dwellers now not only slept in their bedrooms, but also watched television, listened to music, received guests, and so on. This trend of overlapping functions became increasingly apparent in the following decades, as apartment areas shrank more and more. Bathrooms gained status as areas where bodies could be worshiped and properly taken care of. In the kitchens, a flood of new gadgets, in the form of microwave ovens and upright freezers encouraged the consumption of frozen food and eased domestic work, which was still being performed mostly by women. Following the economic boom of the 1970s in Brazil, associated to the notion of a “modern” economy, the reality of a harsh recession closed the decade. The middle class, now with less disposable income, tried to hold on to the comfortable life it had grown used to. Neighborhoods that traditionally were sought by the middle class became saturated, leading to higher prices and pushing this impoverished stratum to other regions further away. This gave rise to real-estate speculation that would last for the next decades and that had an adverse aspect – mass-produced apartments. Economic restrictions led this type of architecture to ignore, more and more, the actual needs or the quality of life of people that lived in its products. The following decades saw increasingly smaller housing units minimally equipped. Whereas in the 80s average floor areas of one, two and three-bedroom apartments built in the MASP had, respectively, 60m2, 95 m2 and 140 m2, by the end of the 90s, this had been reduced to 33m2, 55.8m2 and 81m2, respectively4.

4 Source: Brazil Architects Institute and Datafolha, 25/Dec/1994.

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In the second half of the 90s, the economy experienced an upswing, inflation was tamed and the real-estate market surged again, pushing up sales of apartments aimed at the middle class. Yet this overly optimistic scenario would be cooled down at the end of this decade, as consumers felt increasingly gloomy about their economic future.

Part II: Life styles changes at the end of the 20th century Side by side with economic aspects, reviewed in the previous part, society underwent deep transformation in life styles during the last decades of the 20th century. These changes are analyzed here from the perspective of both the flood of new technologies in the domestic environment as well as the emerging demographic patterns, which have dramatically changed the conventional nuclear family. These aspects are intimately related to everyday activities ranging from the easing of domestic activities to the shifting patterns of sociability among members of the family group. 1) Changes in domestic groups The family has changed. In the last few decades, not unlike what has been witnessed in other metropolises around the globe, people in São Paulo have been inclined to live by themselves or in family arrangements that are quite different from the traditional nuclear family comprised of a man, the head of the household, a woman, the household manager, and children. Traditionally, to this family model we associate a severely compartmented housing unit, which had strict sectors: the prestige areas – the living and dining rooms; private areas – the bedrooms; and exclusion spaces – kitchen, bathrooms and servant quarters (Pasternak: 1997, p. 243). Now new family arrangements emerge, such as people living alone, families with a single parent, childless couples, couples sharing their home with children from a previous marriage, and so on. There is also a more up to date version of the traditional nuclear family – statistically predominant still – in which we see some changes: the patriarchal control has diminished and individual independence of the other members has increased. The 2000 Demographic Census5 confirms two trends in the organization of the Brazilian family: a reduction in the size of this family and a rise in single-parent families. To these trends, we can add other recent changes, such as a falling fertility rate, an aging population, a growing share of women in the workplace, sexual freedom, increasingly fragile bonds of marriage, and an exacerbated individualism. a) Falling fertility rate and aging population From 1950 to 1990 Brazil’s fertility rate diminished 44%. Ignoring the differences in the various regions, we see that from 1991 to 1999 the average number of children per mother fell 20%. Brazilian population, traditionally young, has changed as of the 80s, when 5 The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics – IBGE.

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women increasingly resorted to feminine contraception6. Regarding average age, if in 1991 we split the Brazilian population into two even blocks, the dividing age would have been 21.7 years. By the end of the 90s, this age had inched up to 24.2 years. b) Types of union The formal binding of couples through legal marriage is still the most predominant form of union from the statistical perspective. Yet the form that grew the most in Brazil in the last decades was the consensual union, in which no religious or legal contract is signed. Many couples have only informal unions, avoid children and many individuals remain single throughout their lives. Brazilian society today exerts less pressure for young people to have a formal marriage than it did 20 years ago. On the other hand, people which statisticians call “young adults” not only have been postponing their wedding ties, but also their departure from the parent’s home, until such time they reach full financial independence. c) Single-parent families Divorce has risen dramatically in Brazil in the last few decades. Family groups of the type “mother with children” or “father with children” accounted for 15.6% of all families in 1990, a figure that rose 9% in twenty years7. This was especially meaningful for women who gained more professional skills and consequently became less financially dependent on their marriages, and were able to support, fully or in part, expenses arising from their household and children. Women head of household, in special in single-parent families, increased in number and were no longer associated to the poorer layers of society. As early as the 80s, 31% of these family groups were headed by women in the higher-income bracket. (Pasternak, ibid, p.243). d) People living alone The growing number of people living alone in the world’s main urban centers found its way to Brazil, too. São Paulo heads the ranking of people living by themselves: in 2000 one person out of every 30 lived alone8. In the 90s this group of people was joined by more and more women aged 30 to 70, which formed what is called the pyramid of feminine loneliness, based on the observation that after 30 years of age, the probability of women remaining without some kind of conjugal union rises with age.

6 The source for all data in this paragraph is the demographic census of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics – IBGE. 7 The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics – IBGE. 8 The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics – IBGE, 2000 Census.

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2) Technology within the home Along with a growing diversity of family arrangements, another aspect that changed Brazilian domestic habits and lifestyles in the cities was the increasing presence of technology within the home. a) The accumulation of electric and electronic gadgets in the urban Brazilian home: concentration of activities and changing family habits In a study of living standards within Brazil, Santos and Silveira (2001: p. 226-228) find that material conditions today considered ubiquitous in Brazilian homes were not so common 10 or 20 years earlier. In the 70s, only 10.9% of urban dwellings in the Southeast region of the country – the richest and that where São Paulo lies – had a television set. In this same region, a refrigerator could be found in only 46.3% of the urban residences at that time, whereas in 1995 no less than 90.8% of the homes had this appliance. During the 80s, the growing presence of microwave ovens and freezers changed domestic chores and the way people had their meals. In the 90s, washing machines and fixed telephone lines found their way to most homes. Between 1975 and 1996 the number of telephone calls increased an astonishing 22 times9. Following monetary stability, reached after the mid-90s, the rising purchasing power of the Brazilian population brought a state of consumer euphoria, which reflected within the homes10. The middle class promptly brought to its home the latest electronic gadgets, renewing the yearning for social ascension. This period witnessed rising sales of television sets, VCRs, stereo systems, cordless telephones, answering machines, fax machines, PCs, printers, and so on. Kitchens featured microwave ovens, dishwashers, electric coffee machines, and the like. Cable television subscriptions climbed from 250 thousand in 1991 to 2.53 million in 1997. In this same period the population also discovered the internet, and users soared from 30 thousand in 1992 – mostly in the academic and scientific circles – to 1.31 million in 199811. Rybczynski (1996, p. 225) associates the current notion of domestic physical comfort to the consumable mass product. With the changes in the spatial aspects of everyday life, new functions gradually overlapped those traditionally associated to each area of the home. Professional contacts, personal meetings, shopping and even travel no longer required specific physical spaces and assumed binary form, through the computer. Not unlike what happened to the inhabitants of metropolises in Europe and in the USA at the end of the 80s, urban Brazilians tended to center their activities in the home, in search of intimacy and safety, which had been diluted by the stressful urban life. The habit of cocooning, which Popcorn12 defines as the need to protect oneself from the harsh and unpredictable reality of 9 Santos and Silveira (ibid, p. 226-228) compiled the data found in this paragraph. 10 According to the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics – IBGE, two years after the government implemented the Real Plan in 1994, the average salary paid in Brazil rose 27%. 11 Data from Santos and Silveira (ibid, p. 226-228). 12 Faith Popcorn is an influential consumer-trends consultant.

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the outside world, mirrors the growing transfer of work and leisure from outside to inside the home. By centralizing activities within the realm of their dwellings, people had stayed home longer. b) The consumption of new technologies and individualism In the last few years media has been increasingly consumed within the homes. This is particularly true for internet-based communication. These habits had encouraged family members to become increasingly individualized. With the possibility of creating individual virtual environments, a person’s physical isolation in a room of the home can mean a window to the world. Castells (1999, p. 392) points out that the individualistic model prevails in contemporary family groups. The new “electronic home” and portable communication devices better allow each member of the domestic group to individually organize his or her time and space. Television is a surrogate babysitter that allows adults to go on with their domestic chores at the same time that they “tend” their children; the microwave oven makes it possible to heat individual precooked meals, which are consequently eaten not at the dinner table, but watching television – according to the time each individual has available. Thus, in spite of people remaining home longer, the individualization of domestic chores has changed family sociability patterns. Personal contact has given way to indirect forms of personal communication. Fernandez-Armesto13 (2002) makes a correlation between the loss of the habit of having family meals at set times and places, as a ritual of socialization of the domestic group, and the destabilization of the family model. In his opinion, the microwave oven is an example of “social erosion”. Considering the convenience and ease of heating up a ready meal, without having to check with other family members, mealtimes fell at the mercy of individuals’ intense routines and overloaded work schedules. Two surveys14 among young urban Brazilians found that the “object of desire” of 81% of the teenagers interviewed was “a room of my own”, one that they would not have to share with their brothers or sisters and that could allow them to spend as least time as possible with their family. Their next goal would be to fill their room with all kinds of electronic gadgets. VCRs was on top of this wish list for 74% of these teenagers. Next in preference came a television set, a PC and a CD player. c) Work-at-home The lack of need for physical proximity to relay data and information in real time has enabled professional contacts to take place from one’s home. This issue has been 13 Felipe Fernandez-Armesto is a professorial fellow at Queen Mary College, University of London and a scholar on food history. 14 Survey a) interviewed 943 teens aged 14 to 18, in seven capitals and nine other cities in Brazil. Coordinated by Tânia Zagury, professor at the Education College at the Rio de Janeiro Federal University: (Zagury, 1996). Survey b) interviewed 600 teens aged 12 to 18, in public and private schools of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. Conducted by InterScience, an information and opinion survey company.

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considered a contemporary social and economic shift, which implies not only in changing professional relations but also alterations in the use of the home, as well as the interrelations happening between the users of this space. Based on his personal experience of having implemented a new way to manage his own company, Semler15 (1998) espouses the idea that flexible workplace and working-hour arrangements break down the “obsolete notion” of an organization being a place for socialization. In his opinion, the advent of fax, e-mail, cell phones and internet allows individuals to work anywhere and anytime. Whether by replacing the traditional office workspace by the employee’s home, as proposed by Semler, or by individuals simply performing some extra work at home to earn some money, the fact is that more and more has communication technology allowed work traditionally carried out in offices to be performed in one’s home.

Part III: The “two-bedroom” apartment in the city of São Paulo in the 80s and 90s. This part presents the analysis of two-bedroom apartments launched in São Paulo during the 80s and 90s. It is divided into two parts: 1) brings the results of an evolving study of 75 floor plans, paying notice to the architectural layout and the importance attributed to the different areas within; and 2) is a case study of a two-bedroom apartment building in São Paulo, with an examination of their living spaces and the used attributed to them. The bridge between these two items is built by analyzing the habits of the different users inhabiting this two-bedroom building erected in the 80s. 1) The two-bedroom apartment – an evolving study of plants: 1980 to 1999 a) The gathering of samples To prepare this study, 75 samples of apartments launched in the city of São Paulo from 1980 to 1999 were selected. To avoid any significant discrepancies among the values of the samples, apartments with more than 100m2 of floor area were not considered, because only 2.5% of all apartments surveyed had this characteristic. In order to gain a perspective of the changes in the apartments’ floor areas, a database was prepared by dividing the plans into sub-spaces, namely: a) living area16, b) bedrooms, c) servant’s quarter17, d) kitchen, e) laundry/service area, f), g) bathrooms, h) two-way room18, i) balconies, and j) halls. For the sake of convenience and because of space constrains, the plan drawings are not shown in this paper19. The they key figures of this table are shown in Annex 1. 15 Ricardo Semler owns Semco, a Brazilian manufacturing industry with a novel approach to management. He is celebrated as a role model of a Chief Executive who breaks all the traditional rules and succeeds, massively. (www. BBC World Service.com ) 16 The living area consists of a living room and a dining room 17 The servant’s quarters consists of a bedroom and a bathroom 18 The two-way room has two doors and is placed so as it can be used either from the private bedroom area or from the laundry area. 19 They are available in Camargo (2003, p.64; 107-181)

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Table 1 brings variations of the average value of the total floor area and of the apartments’ sub-space floor areas, computed for four-year periods, from 1980 to 1999. Table 1 – Average total floor area and sub-space floor area, 1980 to 1999, in m2.

Sub-spaces’ floor area – average

Period Total floor

area - average

living area

bed- rooms

servant’s quarter

two-way room

kitchen laundry/ service

area bath

-rooms

balconies halls

1980-1984 67.92 19.21 10.63 2.93 7.46 8.55 3.73 4.01 1.84 4.63 1985-1989 63.77 18.40 10.20 1.37 6.27 7.80 3.27 3.81 2.17 3.98 1990-1994 61.86 17.32 10.11 0.66 5.16 6.97 3.31 3.93 2.46 3.9

1995-1999 58.37 15.60 10.14 0.68 6.80 6.80 3.13 3.38 2.41 4.34 Variation

1980/1999 (%)

-14.06

-18.79

-4.61

-76.79

-8.85

-20.47

-16.08

-15.71

+0.31

-6.26

b) Some considerations on the quantitative changes of the sub-spaces • Social sector – living room, dining room and balcony It should be pointed out that none of the sample apartments had separate living and dining rooms. For the sake of convenience, in this study these living-dining rooms will be called simply living area. In the survey of the spaces, the balcony was included in the social sector because it has been used as a resource to “extend” the living area and offset the continuous reduction of the apartments’ floor area (Table 1). In the sample apartments, the balconies accounted for 30% of the living area, on average, and were present in 70% of the apartments. The data from Annex 1 and Table 1 allow us to conclude that shrinking living areas are offset by the expanding are used by balconies in relation to the whole living area, which in a way helps the social sector keep its share of the apartment’s overall floor area (see Charts 2, 3 and 4). Chart 2 – Percentage of the total floor area used up by the living area

Chart 3 – Percentage of the total floor area used up by the balcony

Chart 4 – Percentage of the total floor area used up by the living area and balcony

20

25

30

35

40

45

1980

1981

1983

1988

1990

1993

1996

1998

012345678

1980

1981

1983

1988

1990

1993

1996

1998

20

25

30

35

40

45

1980

1982

1985

1988

1992

1994

1997

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• Bedrooms Among the sample apartments, the sub-space comprising the bedrooms was that which lost the least space from 1980 to 1999. If we compare the variation of the total floor areas of the sample apartments and the variation of the floor area of their bedrooms, we find that the first decreased more than the second (Table 1). That is, the fact that the overall size of the apartments shrank did not mean that their bedrooms shrank in the same proportion. Even so, bedrooms have undergone optimization measures, particularly in the 80s, when wardrobes gave way to build-in closets, and after this time came with their specific area in the original architectural plan. • Servant’s quarters A decreasingly important space, the servant’s quarters, comprising a bedroom and a bathroom, was the sub-space that shrank the most, in percentage terms, within the total floor area of the apartment (Table 1). Even in the early 80s, the servant’s quarters had already been cut down considerable in size; more recently many two-bedroom apartments have completely eliminated it. Two reasons lie behind this. The first is the reduction of the total floor area of the apartments and the second is the fact that in recent times most middle-class families have not been able to bear the cost of a live-in maid. With increasing frequency, starting in the 80s, in many apartments, the servant’s bedroom became what is called the two-way room.

Figure 2 – Detail of a sample plan (not in scale)

This flexible arrangement allows users to employ this area according to their needs: placed between the laundry/service area and the bedroom area it can be used either way, as an additional bedroom or as a servant’s room, home office, storage space, etc. (see Figure 2).

• Kitchen The reduction in the kitchens’ floor area (Table 1) combined with the growing presence of kitchen appliances, designed to make life more convenient, have resulted in an area that is mainly functional and possessing optimal storage. The sample apartments show us that from the early 80s kitchens gave up a square design and adopted a rectangular one.

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Figure 1 – Detail of a sample plan (not in scale) In a space-optimization measure, kitchens have in effect become aisles on whose sides we see cabinets and counters attached to the wall (see Figure 1).

• Bathroom Because of the reduction in the main bathroom’s area (Table 1), mainly after the second half of the 80s, this part of the home was extremely rationalized. To place all necessary fixtures – shower box, toilet, wash basin and bidet – in this minute space has become a veritable challenge. Some of the solutions found by architects has been the replacement of the bidet for a toilet-coupled douche and cabinet built-in wash basins. On the other hand towards the late 80s some two-bedroom apartments gained the convenience of a second bathroom, usually a part of the master bedroom, a feature that had already been present in larger apartments. At this time also buildings companies started to offer these second bathrooms as an additional selling point. The counterpoint was that, in light of the space and price restrictions, these bathrooms jeopardized the users’ comfort. Their size many times was below the minimum dimensions required by city legislation20 (see Table 2 and Figure 3). Table 2 – Minimum dimensions of bathrooms, according to the City of São Paulo Building Code. Fixture Minimum dimensions Width (in meters) Floor area (in meters) Toilet 0.80 1.00 Wash basin 0.80 0.64 Shower box 0.80 0.64 Toilet, wash basin and shower box 0.80 2.00 Figure 3 – Example of the conflict between a bathroom in a sample apartment and the minimum dimensions set by the City of São Paulo Building Code (not in scale).

20 City of São Paulo Building Code.

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• Halls The areas taken up by halls in the sample apartments tended to diminish in size, but again in a proportion that did not match that of the overall floor area (Table 1). This means that the percentage of the apartment floor area used by halls increased along the twenty years analyzed. Rationalization measures adopted in three and four-bedroom apartments, such as eliminating long and wide halls, could not be applied to two-bedroom ones, because these already had minimum hall areas, as verified by this study. c) A continuing model Although it was found that the proportion of the overall floor area taken up by the different sub-spaces varied during the observed period, the analysis of the plans of the sample apartments showed that they had rather inflexible floor plans. As illustrated in Figure 4, the layout of these two-bedroom apartments changed very little from 1980 to 1990. Figure 4 – Examples of two-bedroom apartments launched in São Paulo during the 1980s and 1990s (not in scale): a lingering model.

Nov/1980 Nov/1985 Nov/1990 Nov/1995

2) Case study: the relation between the model and the use of the apartment This section brings the results of the analyses of the use given to 14 two-bedroom apartments in a building launched in 1982. Two basic ideas are examined. The first is the domestic habits of these users, and the second is the relation between these habits and the unchanging compartmentalized reality of these apartments.

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a) The area of the apartments

Figure 5 – case study: representative plan (not in scale)

The layout of the apartments in this building matches that of other two-bedroom units of the period studied (see Figure 5). The 80.32m2 floor plan is divided into living/dining room, kitchen, two bedrooms, bathroom, two-way room, servant’s quarter, laundry/service area, balcony, and halls.

Table 3 – The area of the rooms

Room Living/dining room

Kitchen

Bedroom 1

Bedroom 2

Bathroom

Two-way room

Servant’s bathroom

Laundry/ service area

Balcony

Halls

Area (m2)

22.10

9.20

11.90

12.50

4.50

5.00

1.95

6.45

2.50

4.22 b) User groups and the use attributed to the domestic space Tables 4 and 5 bring the data gathered on the residents of each apartment surveyed. Table 4 – Survey of apartment residents Apart. Residents Marital

status Ages Professions Servants Pets LEGEND

1 C ☺ Divorced 43 15

Writer Student

Full-time 1 dog E Man alone

2 C ☺ Divorced 32 4

Teacher Student

Full-time (sleep-in) - C Woman alone

3

C C Single 24, 23 Students Part-time - EC Couple no children

4 EC ☺

Married 42 34 4

Engineer Pharmacist Student

Full-time - EC ☺

Couple with child*

5 EC Married 33 27

Manager Broker

Part-time - C☺ Woman with child*

6 E Single 25 Physician Part-time - E E Man with roommate 7 EC Married 38

35 Manager Dentist

Part-time - C C Woman with roommate

8 EC Married 40 37

Professor Teacher

Part-time 1 dog

9 C Single 42 Physician Part-time -

* No family group had more than one child.

10 C Divorced 38 Judge Part-time 1 dog 11 EC

☺ Married 35

32 3

System analyst Housewife Student

Full-time (sleep-in) 1 hamster

12 C Divorced 52 Property broker Part-time - 13 E E Single 23, 24 Students Part-time - 14

C Widow 70 Housewife Part-time 1 cat

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Table 5 – Survey of appliances and electronic devices in the apartments* Apart. dish-

washer freezer

micro-wave

oven washing machine

dryer TV set

VCR DVD stereo system

tel. set

answering machine

PC printer

1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 3 1 1 1 1 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 6 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 7 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 8 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 9 1 1 3 1 1 2 1 10 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 1 11 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 12 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 13 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 14

1 1 2 1 1 * Each of the apartments visited had one stove and one refrigerator, so they are not present in the above table.

• Using the living room Unanimously and regardless of the type of family group, the living room is “spruced up” for all to see. This room is in charge of causing a good impression to visitors and must reflect the social and economic status of the residents, as well as the whole domestic organization found in the apartment. Stylish furniture, fine fabrics and ostentatious ornaments define the environment specially designed for social relations. To preserve their new condition, many times we find couches, chairs and rugs protected by bed sheets or plastic covers, even if this means that residents cannot use them. Everything must be in perfect order to receive the incidental visitor. This use, more of a pretext than the true function of these objects, which have the role of conveying social importance and ostentation, is related to what Moles (1994: p. 10) calls the “kitsch”. In Mole’s vision, the kitsch is more than a mere object or an adjective, it is a relation held by people with their objects. Therefore, if the apartment centers the relation – “that values snobbishness” – of the individual with his or her objects, the living room, more than any other area of the apartment, is the place where this style most readily springs to our eyes. Yet when these residents talk about their everyday habits, they suggest a trend that goes against the keeping of long-standing traditions related to the social area of the apartment, whether associated to receiving visitors or gathering with the family in the living room. When these people are asked how much time they spend in their living rooms every week, the answer is one hour, on average. The excuses given to this amazingly short time range widely. Those who spend most of their day outside the home mentioned their hectic life; others say that they have more important tasks in other parts of the home; some speak of the differing interests and schedules held by the members of the family group; others still argue that they prefer individual leisure activities – habitually in the bedrooms and usually associated to electronic media.

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The dining room table, found without exception in all living/dining rooms, no longer gathers the family for dinner at the end of the day. Most of the families – and mainly individuals living alone – had their meals in the kitchen or in the bedroom, perhaps watching television or listening to music, at different hours of the day. The dining table, along with the couches, chairs and rugs, remain idle in the living room, waiting for occasional visitors. • Using the balcony Long gone are the times when balconies were personalized, romantic and cozy areas, a place for the afternoon tea, friendly chats and evening courting. The factors that preserved these areas in the today’s tiny middle-class two-bedroom apartments have little to do with romance and a lot more with practicality. Balconies now are not only valuable façade elements – a major selling point for the building companies – but they also act as an expanding element of the reduced living room. When asked if they used their balconies regularly, only 2 residents of the 14 apartments surveyed said that they browsed or lounged in this area with some frequency. Other uses given to balconies are related to the intention of using them as a living room “expander” or even to store some larger objects. In the limited 2.5m2 of this space we found, among other things, plant vases, unused chairs and even a prosaic portable clothesline, basking in the morning sun. • Using the kitchen Differently from what takes place in other rooms of the apartment, where a heap of furniture and objects jeopardizes the use, the kitchen is perhaps the place where we find the best awareness of the reduced size of today’s dwellings. To maximize space, kitchens have become but a narrow – yet functional – aisle on whose sides we find two levels of cabinets and counters. This is possibly the only common language among all apartments investigated, the only room where all users found almost identical solutions to the diminution of their living space. In these kitchens, not only has their minimal space been optimized, but their cabinets and furniture has been standardized and their technological solutions have become so unanimous that these spaces are certainly not the most personalized or unique environments in these homes. This “modern” day-to-day has however not prevented an old aspect from traditional homes to be found in these kitchens: the breakfast room. All that remains today from that room, found some time back in most Brazilian houses, is a small – and again ubiquitous – table, usually fasted on one side to the kitchen wall. Designed for a quick meal, this piece of furniture represents the traditional meaning of “living room” given to the old breakfast room. Veríssimo and Bittar (1999, p. 117-118) mention that traditionally the Brazilian breakfast room was where the father browsed the morning newspaper, in comfortable wear and slippers. In this place, the family’s daily meals were had, amid the noise of silverware, kitchen odors, and where everyday problems were tackled, with every family member

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around the table. Except for families comprising a couple and a child, in most apartments surveyed, it was around this small table, and not at the dining room table, and at improbable times, that people had not only their breakfast or some fast snack, but also their main meals (when not eaten outside the home). • Using the bedrooms If on the one hand it is practically impossible to guess anything about an apartment’s residents – age, domestic habits, interests, etc. – from gazing at their living rooms, if we visit their bedrooms we will have a rather accurate profile. Since the decoration of the living room demands a degree of conventionalism to be acceptable and pleasant to both residents and visitors, in the bedroom all these formalities can be abandoned and the user’s real behavior surfaces. The furniture, the personal objects and the manner in which they are arranged, the colors, electronic appliances and gadgets, and mainly the activities performed in this space are signs of the genuine relation held by the user with his or her living space. Among all rooms visited, the bedrooms had the greatest overlapping of functions. Next to a bed and a chest of drawers we find objects such as television sets, stereo systems, PCs, exercising machines, and even sewing machines. Thus, for a few hours a day, the original purpose of the room gives way to other domestic activities, such as leisure, work or even the gathering with friends, relieving the living room from this task. We therefore can safely say that the bedrooms are the most personalized area of the apartment. • Using the two-way room In analyzing the use given to this small room, it was found that the most frequent use – in half of the apartments – was that of a home office. To fit this purpose, this room was usually equipped with build-in desks and shelves, PCs, printers, fax machines and telephones. Other uses given to this space were that of storage, guest room, clothes-pressing room, and even servant’s room (the original purpose), in 12.5% of the cases. • Using the bathroom

Figure 6 – Possible activities in the bathroom

In line with the more traditional two-bedroom apartments, these here have only one main bathroom, the second reserved for servants’ use. The minimal size of this room show, more than any other, how functions inherent to a space can be jeopardized (see Figure 6).

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• Using the laundry/service area In another overlapping of functions, so common in the small apartments surveyed, the laundry/service area houses functions such as laundry itself (with washing machines, dryers and clotheslines), pantry and storage of cleaning products and utensils. In some laundry/service areas, objects peculiar to each set of users, such as an exercise machine, pet utensils, extend the uses given above and render this area a particular use. c) Considerations regarding the use of the home spaces From the observations made in this case study, it is possible to see how users try to adapt their domestic habits to the minimal and compartmentalized language of two-bedroom apartments. The different groups of users make individual interventions as they see fit and consequently not all apartments are in the same stage of contemporaneity. The actual use of the living space is directly associated to the intrinsic characteristics of each group, such as age, family ties, notions of domesticity, professional activities, and so on. If in a given apartment, the small two-way room is used as a servant’s room, in another it has become a home office. Figures 7 and 8 illustrate this diversity: While in apartment (A) a sewing machine is still used by the resident, a 70-year-old widow, in the apartment shown in apartment (B), we find a fully-equipped study belonging to a 33-year-old medical student. Figures 7 and 8

(A)

(B)

Moreover, we find that new technologies have found their way into the different environments with various degrees of success. This is true not only from one apartment to the next, but also from one room to the other of the same home. While a teenager’s bedroom may be cluttered with the latest technological gadgets, the living room, meticulously decorated by this teenager’s parents, has not signs of any technological equipment (with the possible exception of an answering machine connected to the telephone), and could well be a living room from an apartment from the 1960s. From the user’s perspective, if the teenager’s technologically cluttered bedroom results in overlapping functions, the living room remains empty and idle most of the time.

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This allows us to say that in the process of transforming old and traditional domestic habits, a – rather relative – sense of contemporaneity is identified in the use of the apartments. On the one hand, we see how naturally users absorb and apply functional solutions in their kitchens, or transform their old servant’s room into a state-of-the-art high-technology office space for working at home. On the other hand, we see how just as naturally dreams of time past are reproduced in these people’s living rooms. If the traditional family model is gradually giving way to people living alone or to single-parent families, memories of old domestic habits associated to family activities linger in the “breakfast room” – now placed in the minute kitchen, in the dining room table, or in the couches facing the family television set.

Part IV: Rethinking the living area: concluding remarks If living areas in São Paulo apartments underwent rationalization procedures in order to adapt to the Brazilian economic reality of the 80s and the 90s, on the other hand conceptual measures did not extend to the meaningful contemplation of another reality also in full transition during the same period: domestic metropolitan habits. Marked by the repetition of the same and already reduced three-sectioned plan – reception, private and work areas – the production of two-bedroom apartments in the city of São Paulo has remained relatively unchanged in terms of new proposals for living areas. This imbalance is manifested in the repetitive layout of apartments, the design of which still goes back to the set ways of the middle class, when a traditional family used to get together in the living room to watch television, and whose children would only leave home to start another traditional family. If the changes in social characteristics of the traditional Brazilian family model are not supposed to, according to Durham (1982), be directly interpreted as an alteration in cultural patterns, these changes, on the other hand, point to a malleable solution to different issues. Then there is the question of a demand for housing, the size and layout of which point to the need for new characteristics of family arrangements. A possible break-up in the family, for example, may lead to the formation of two other groups which differ from the original, requiring new spatial arrangements for housing. Should there be children involved, whichever of the original couple ends up living alone would need space to accommodate them. If changes in family patterns alter deep-rooted traditional customs, it is equally true that the increasing presence of technology in the home raises questions regarding the need to adapt, or even to re-conceptualize the (traditional) living space model inspired by the new dynamic arising from this process. As seen above, the perennial layout of the apartments investigated has experienced, during the period in question, modifications of a hierarchical order – some sectors grew in importance in relation to others. Yet this evolution has turned out to be too slight and inadequate, when what’s at stake is squaring the project with the great changes that have taken place in domestic habits.

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The metropolitan social and cultural influences, which lead to both changes in ways of living and ways in which living space is utilized, are instrumental in shaping current thinking in terms of internal design where urban housing is concerned. Could, on the one hand, the multiplication of small rooms, as suggested by Rybczynski (1996, p. 227), meet the need for a multi-purpose space within the modern home? On the other hand, the idea that no living space should remain unused has led architects to defend the flexible utilization of domestic space through design which focuses on the alternation or overlapping of functions within living spaces. In this particular case, the concept of a “flexible house” would address the constant changes in living requirements, both on a day-to-day as well as long-term basis. However, the viable application of such criteria – whether in the case of flexible utilization or other – as part of re-thinking the contemporary home, should be in line with expectations regarding the comfort and domesticity of potential inhabitants. A feature of the apartments surveyed, the static division is a tangible characteristic of the traditional and severe layout found in the homes of the old bourgeoisie of São Paulo. This partitioning concept had been adopted by the “Brazilian white collars”21 as early as the beginning of the twentieth century, as a standard model to be emulated. A defining characteristic which we have already considered, i.e., the harking back to tradition, is intrinsic to the memory of domestic comfort among the São Paulo middle classes and should therefore, play a significant role in the process of re-conceptualizing the domestic space of its apartments. Despite the urgent need to redesign living space where the apartments of São Paulo are concerned – a need which might also apply to other metropolises – it does not appear to be an immediate solution to the task of squaring typological issues focusing on the balance between new ways of living and concepts particular to the framework of potential inhabitants. All of this leads to the conclusion that to set the criteria for this rethinking, we must go beyond an exercise in architecture, and understand the underlying social issues involving user-living space relations. Even if the analysis brought forward in this study – of shifting family arrangements and technology in the home – does not provide in itself the sole basis for understanding, it can provide a parameter – among many – at a time when the domestic environment leaves behind traditional functions, such as a gathering place for the family, and undertakes new ones, such as a place for leisure or work of the dwellers of these homes. Considering that the essential condition of the “product” housing is a feeling at well-being in the home, the reflections brought in this study should direct our eyes to how well the building industry is committed to fitting the living spaces of apartments currently produced to the current metropolitan lifestyles.

21 This expression refers to the book by C. Wright Mills (1968), which crystallized and codified the new American middle class. The corresponding economic stratum in Brazil, the new Brazilian middle class, found solid economic foundations in the middle of the 20th century.

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Annex 1 Floor area (FA) and sub-spaces of the sample apartments (m2).

apart. year (FA)

living area

plant balcony balcony bedrooms

servant’s quarter

2-way room kitchen

laundry/ service area bathrooms lavatory halls

1 1980 68.00 18.59 0.00 3.48 21.58 2.13 0.00 8.91 5.09 3.16 0 4.17 2 1980 54.00 20.16 0.00 0 17.77 1.97 0.00 6.60 2.57 3.48 0 2.19 3 1980 58.00 13.62 0.00 0 21.35 1.89 0.00 10.64 3.44 4.05 0 6.92 4 1981 68.00 19.60 0.00 2.51 23.56 5.58 0.00 8.75 4.60 5.69 0 5.92 5 1981 82.80 23.67 0.00 0 27.23 2.4 9.15 11.39 5.93 5.63 0 7.39 6 1981 83.00 19.86 0.00 0 23.19 5.89 0.00 6.84 5.04 4.72 0 7.39 7 1981 76.21 18.96 0.00 1.75 17.79 2 4.68 8.15 4.30 4.28 0 3.28 8 1981 63.22 14.71 0.00 2.43 15.68 1.72 3.62 6.70 4.08 2.98 0 1.44 9 1981 67.00 14.68 0.00 0 19.97 5.27 0.00 7.32 3.66 3.33 0 3.81

10 1981 66.14 21.40 0.00 4.33 22.71 2.08 0.00 10.35 3.01 3.38 0 7.2 11 1981 63.30 16.70 1.72 3.71 20.6 6.13 0.00 4.74 1.36 5.47 1.6 4.28 12 1982 87.00 25.40 1.43 1.48 32.19 6.65 0.00 11.78 5.68 8.56 0 4.79 13 1982 72.50 22.74 0.97 3.42 21.6 1.95 0.00 9.66 3.86 4.27 0 4.74 14 1982 63.47 23.11 0.00 0 22.33 1.95 0.00 9.44 4.60 4.04 0 1.17 15 1982 62.24 17.47 0.00 3.9 20.65 0 0.00 8.46 3.17 4.59 0 5.97 16 1982 45.90 12.88 0.00 0 19.84 0 0.00 7.62 1.97 2.41 0 0.8 17 1982 87.30 28.06 1.33 6.2 23.24 5.11 0.00 9.55 3.04 8.39 0 7.08 18 1982 ~65.00 19.90 3.90 0 18.11 0 3.46 5.77 4.01 4.12 0 2.59 19 1982 ~66.00 18.84 0.00 0 18.58 1.19 0.00 10.01 2.54 4.01 0 5.77 20 1983 64.57 19.85 0.00 0 22.65 1.67 0.00 8.75 2.74 4.41 0 4.4 21 1983 72.20 17.65 0.00 4.12 20.22 6.86 0.00 9.31 2.67 4.4 0 5.77 22 1984 47.20 13.55 0.00 0 16.84 0 0.00 6.36 2.14 2.98 0 3.63 23 1985 68.00 16.36 0.00 2.86 21.99 5.71 0.00 7.94 5.19 4.26 0 5.18 24 1985 75.66 23.42 0.00 4.04 20.76 2.11 7.20 10.15 4.87 4.76 0 5.09 25 1986 54.00 18.18 0.00 3.2 21.88 0 0.00 7.98 3.68 3.7 0 3.69 26 1986 70.00 19.30 1.56 4.17 16.97 1.76 0.00 8.12 5.61 3.78 0 5.1 27 1987 49.28 13.88 0.00 0 16.88 1.85 0.00 6.81 2.49 2.48 0 4.7 28 1987 60.96 19.85 0.90 3.8 19.71 0 0.00 4.34 2.36 6.13 0 3.4 29 1987 65.00 15.66 3.71 3.84 19.56 2.01 0.00 8.37 2.26 4.11 0 3.62 30 1987 49.70 15.53 0.00 0 18.33 0 0.00 3.94 0.00 4.49 0 3.18 31 1988 74.64 21.16 0.00 0 21.89 1.9 5.86 10.51 4.25 4.07 0 5.5 32 1988 52.00 11.96 0.69 2.84 19.56 0 0.00 4.82 2.18 6.45 0 3.02 33 1988 74.28 18.64 0.00 3.79 21.61 0 0.00 10.79 4.53 8.05 0 3.12 34 1988 71.00 18.84 0.00 3.22 21.77 1.91 5.74 10.32 2.90 3.95 0 2.86 35 1989 54.79 17.51 0.00 0 19.49 0 0.00 7.24 2.53 2.81 0 3.49 36 1989 86.00 28.63 0.00 3.48 20.33 8.05 0.00 11.68 4.55 7.54 0 1.5 37 1989 55.00 24.15 0.91 3.34 27.34 2.72 0.00 8.72 3.50 3.92 0 6.2 38 1989 64.00 16.80 0.66 1.89 21.3 0 0.00 8.71 4.16 3.89 0 4.53 39 1990 49.46 14.61 0.00 0 17.94 0 0.00 5.96 2.94 3.11 0 4.89 40 1990 71.00 20.75 2.46 2.71 19.53 1.65 5.07 7.57 3.88 3.52 0 4.74 41 1990 57.62 15.89 1.60 0 18.14 0 0.00 5.56 2.81 7.77 0 6.21 42 1990 69.50 19.80 0.00 2.87 24.97 2.85 0.00 8.99 4.14 3.78 0 2.93 43 1991 72.35 14.87 2.08 3.58 20.38 0 0.00 8.98 3.71 8.87 0 4.74 44 1991 53.13 21.29 0.00 0 18.66 0 0.00 5.70 2.08 2.08 0 2.55 45 1992 55.70 17.91 1.08 4.5 18.45 0 0.00 7.10 1.89 5.23 0 2.49 46 1992 69.18 16.62 0.00 2.82 19.94 2.56 0.00 7.67 4.01 6.62 0 5 47 1992 69.62 17.80 0.00 4.46 19.39 0 4.36 7.02 3.57 6.68 0 5.89 48 1992 72.33 15.78 0.00 3.44 21.49 2.55 6.49 7.02 3.94 7.32 0 5.03 49 1993 56.78 14.27 0.00 3.08 24.92 0 0.00 6.37 2.04 2.76 0 4.36 50 1993 68.71 15.50 0.00 3.62 17.8 0 4.44 6.85 4.99 7.22 0 6.38 51 1993 60.45 15.75 0.00 3.05 19.16 0 0.00 6.61 3.30 2.97 2.02 4.42 52 1993 60.20 16.36 1.96 2.56 18.71 1.92 0.00 7.11 2.53 4.9 0 4.06 53 1994 73.20 19.39 0.00 4.38 22.51 2.55 5.46 6.16 3.26 6.99 0 5.07 54 1994 62.79 17.39 0.00 3.02 20.96 0 0.00 6.50 2.45 7.28 0 5.24 55 1994 71.00 19.40 0.71 3.57 21.75 2.28 0.00 8.59 6.22 5.38 0 0.47 56 1994 52.67 14.54 0.00 0 18.68 0 0.00 7.60 3.83 3.55 0 3.49 57 1995 50.53 12.41 0.00 2.15 18.86 0 0.00 7.07 2.51 3.45 0 3.5 58 1995 58.66 18.47 0.00 0 21.11 0 0.00 6.81 4.16 4.05 0 3.87 59 1995 48.20 17.84 0.00 0 18.82 0 0.00 5.63 1.84 3.52 0 1.38 60 1995 65.00 24.17 0.00 0 22.23 0 0.00 6.63 3.16 7.59 0 2.25 61 1996 49.99 14.37 0.00 4.09 16.68 0 0.00 6.67 3.32 3.02 0 3.64 62 1996 45.34 11.88 0.00 1.94 16.84 0 0.00 4.48 2.50 3.09 0 4.35 63 1996 48.03 13.21 0.00 3 17.22 0 0.00 4.96 2.55 2.79 0 3.32 64 1997 69.94 20.30 0.00 1.62 23.13 0 0.00 8.57 2.97 6.22 0 5.5 65 1997 53.10 14.59 0.00 0 22.58 0 0.00 5.52 2.79 3.52 0 3.21 66 1997 55.84 13.00 0.00 1.19 18.76 1.8 0.00 5.54 3.68 3.71 0 7.06 67 1997 71.74 20.81 0.00 2.95 24.32 1.92 0.00 8.97 3.82 4.87 0 3.51 68 1998 84.74 19.37 0.00 5.15 22.2 6.55 0.00 7.90 4.51 6.87 0 6.35

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69 1998 60.00 16.91 0.00 3.81 18.38 0 0.00 4.82 3.16 2.91 0 4.36 70 1998 76.75 19.10 0.74 3.05 24.37 0 6.80 14.09 3.30 8.13 0 3.12 71 1998 58.00 13.31 0.00 3.79 19.51 0 0.00 7.73 3.07 3.19 0 3.89 72 1999 58.11 14.83 0.00 3.38 23.47 0 0.00 5.49 3.42 3.37 0 3.66 73 1999 57.67 16.50 0.16 2.13 21.58 0 0.00 7.42 2.72 3.68 0 3.95 74 1999 43.08 11.84 0.00 0 17.77 0 0.00 4.87 2.57 2.69 0 4.09 75 1999 46.48 13.92 0.00 0 17.37 0 0.00 4.99 2.50 3.26 0 5.03

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