The European Youth Parliament October, 2012

Topic Preparation Kit

The 2nd Selection Conference of EYP KosovoPrishtina, Kosovo

18-21 October 2012

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I. DELEGATES’ PREPARATION KIT

a.Committee Topics

For your information you will find a list of all 6 Committee Topics. Always be aware of the work of the other Committees, since everybody will participate in the final discussions of the General Assembly.

b.Committee Topic Preparation

Overviews: The overviews are written by the Committee chairpersons to serve asbackground material. They aim to identify the key issues at stake while synthesising the topic area. The objective is naturally to keep these overviews as balanced as possible, yet they may not receive unanimous consent. It should be noted that the EYP strongly en-courages independent thinking so feel free to disagree!

Keywords: The non-exhaustive list of keywords intends to facilitate searching forinformation, may it be documents, news items or articles, through different types of search engines, news websites and encyclopedias.

Research Links: As regards the suggestions for research links, the list is by no meansexhaustive. Rather than citing individual links, we have preferred indicating links to websites where several relevant documents and articles can be found. Please note that the EYP is not responsible for the contents on various websites; the texts reflect the opinions of their authors only.

We wish you successful preparation and interesting reading!

Jon Vrushi Franziska Maier

President Vice-President

Nota Bene: Throughout this document, when we mention Kosovo or the abbreviation (KS), we refer to Kosovo as a territory defined by the Council of the European Union in the Council Joint Action 2008/124/CFSP for the purposes of establishing the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX Ko-sovo).

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II. COMMITTEE TOPICS

• LIBE 1 – Committee on Civil Liberties Justice and Home Affairs 1

How can the EU tackle the rising tide of Islamophobia and facilitate the integration of Muslim immigrants in European communities, while safeguarding both social cohesion and the freedom of expression?

Chaired by: João Diogo Quartliho (PT)

• AFET – Committee on Foreign Affairs

Following a deteriorating political situation in Belarus and the recent corrupt parliamen-tary elections, what further actions can the EU take to bring about change and democracy within ‘Europe’s last dictatorship’? Should a new strategy be based on tougher sanctions or on diplomatic and economic incentives?

Chaired by: Henri Panduku (AL)

• AFCO 2 – Committee on Constitutional Affairs 2

With ongoing ethnic frictions in the Western Balkans, Kosovo’s incomplete recognition and Serbia’s requests for its division, which approach should the EU take towards its enlarge-ment to this region? Should the current accession processes be put on hold until further state consolidation in Kosovo and conflict resolution in the region are achieved, or can all these three processes be accomplished at the same time?

Chaired by: Franziska Maier (DE) and Egzon Gashi (KS)

• AFCO 1 – Committee on Constitutional Affairs 1

In light of the recent State of the Union speech by the European Commission president, Jose Manuel Barroso, and his calls for the EU to become a Federation of European Nations, how can the European Union achieve further integration while striking a balance between national sovereignty and democracy on a European level?

Chaired by: Julian Kuci (AL) and Jon Vrushi (AL/UK)

• ITRE – Committee on Industry, Research and Energy

The Lisbon Agenda aims for the EU to be “the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world capable of sustainable economic growth”. With that in mind, how should the EU encourage potential Member States in the Western Balkans and their private sectors to operate in an environmentally sustainable way while maintaining a healthy rate of economic growth?

Chaired by: Julie Huissoud (CH)

• DROI – Committee on Human Rights

In a continent where multiculturalism and tolerance are highly praised, the Roma people still face discrimination and human rights violations. What measures can the EU recom-mend to its Member States and neighbouring countries to best empower the Roma people and protect their rights?

Chaired by: Adrian Clarke (IE) and Ardi Shatri (KS)

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III. COMMITTEE TOPIC PREPARTION

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Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs - LIBE

Overview written by João Diogo Quartilho (PT)

The first decade of the 21st century wasn’t friendly to Muslims living in the west. Attacks on the Twin Towers by Al-Qaeda and later in London and Madrid contributed to a culture of suspicion surrounding Islamic culture. As security measures increased in airports, govern-ment buildings and public events, politicians justified these inconveniences through the use of anti-Islamic rhetoric. Concurrently, Muslim communities in Europe have become more and more saturated due to their ghetto framework. Public leaders such as David Cameron and Angela Merkel have stated that elements of multiculturalist policy have failed to suc-cessfully encourage integration especially when it comes to Muslim minorities.

Allotting blame for terrorist activity and wider socio-demographic problems to an entire cultural group can be justified by an ethnocentric philosophical view. The contemporary legal philosopher Paul Cliteur affirmed that the Islamic civilization is inferior compared to the contemporary western Rule of Law and human rights. He clearly states that accepting multiculturalism is incompatible with cultural relativism. On the one hand this viewpoint allows expression of disagreement towards cultures that normalise infanticide, torture, slav-ery, oppression of women, homophobia, racism, anti-Semitism, etc. However, elements of this paradigm are problematic as they permit the justification of massacres ordered by bru-tal dictators such as Stalin or Pol Pot.1 Some would argue that multiculturalism allows the creation of ghettos and communities that do not obey the state law or have no respect for the national habits. There are examples of the sharia law (the moral and religious code of Islam) being used to judge Muslim communities residing within the European Union; the Daily mail claims there are at least 85 Sharia courts in Britain alone2. However, the sharia law is, to say the least, not compatible with what the West considers to be basic human rights, for ex-ample, gender equality. Finally, critics add that individuals born in these communities have means to achieve social networking to establish their lives outside of these ghettos.

The problems of Islamophobia boil down to what cultural and social projects Europeans re-ally want to see implemented – nonetheless, we always should take economic and political impacts into account. Pursuing multiculturalist policies can present very real challenges; in France for example, North Africans from a second generation of immigrants suffer prejudice in

1 CLITEUR, Paul, De filosofie van mensenrechten, 19992 Britain has 85 sharia courts: The astonishing spread of the Islamic justice behind closed doorshttp://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1196165/Britain-85-sharia-courts-The-astonishing-spread-Islamic-justice-closed-doors.html

How can the EU tackle the rising tide of Islamophobia and facilitate the inte-gration of Muslim immigrants in European communities, while safeguarding both social cohesion and freedom of expression?

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companies and public institutes, even though they are French citizens3.

Additionally, the current economic crisis intensifies the anti-immigration rhetoric blaming Muslims for “stealing European jobs”, increasing friction between urban communities.

But what does an opposing policy offer? Muslim communities such as the large numbers of Turks who have emigrated to Germany or the Argelian in France are the backbone of res-taurants, small shops or local commerce. Not only do they fill urban roles but their average birth rate is superior to the average of non-Muslims families: “Today, the Muslim birth rate in Europe is three times higher than the non-Muslim one. If current trends continue, the Muslim population of Europe will nearly double by 2015, while the non-Muslim population will shrink by 3.5 percent”4. The European population would decrease, reducing consumer spending, therefore risking the contraction of the European economy.

Current economic and demographic data suggest that some middle ground between multi-culturalism and anti-immigration can be the basis for a new policy towards Islam and other immigrant minorities. Such middle ground has been suggested. British and Dutch cabinets have studied the possibility of integrating sharia law within their legal systems but these have met with skepticism.

While many questions remain unanswered, Europe must take a close look at its relation with Islam in order to avoid future discrimination and internal conflict.

KEY QUESTIONS

· Should we demand Muslims to fully integrate within European society?

· Is there any single approach that would tackle Islamophobia as whole?

· Can we reinvent the multicultural society?

· What problems does the current economic climate present when challenging Islamo-phobia?

Keywords: Islam, sharia law, immigration, multiculturalism, anti-immigration, islamopho-bia, Sharia court, discrimination

3 BERSON, Clémence, Private vs. Public Sector : Discrimination against Second-Generation Immigrants in France - http://ideas.repec.org/p/mse/cesdoc/09059.html4 Europe’s Muslim Street http://www.brookings.edu/research/opinions/2003/03/middleeast-taspinar

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Links:

Official Sources:

European Union Fundamental Rights Agency (previously called European Monitoring Center for Racism and Xenophobia): http://fra.europa.eu/en

Islamophobia after the 9/11 by the FRA: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra_uploads/199-Synthesis-report_en.pdf

Discrimination and Islamophobia by the FRA: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra_uploads/156-Manifestations_EN.pdf

Academic Sources:

Paper on Immigration during Austerity: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/pubs/TCM-inte-gration.pdf

Paul Cliteur insight over Multiculturalism and Islam: http://www.signandsight.com/fea-tures/1174.html

Multiculturalism legitimacy: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/multiculturalism/

Media Coverage:

European Commission Home Affairs Office: http://ec.europa.eu/dgs/home-affairs/what-we-do/policies/immigration/index_en.htm

Documented cases of Islamophobia: http://www.islamophobia-watch.com/

Article critical about Islamic satires: http://www.presseurop.eu/en/content/article/2777631-infantile-satire-no-longer-informs

Bias of Media when treating Islam: http://en.avaaz.org/783/muslim-rage-protests-news-week-salafists

Switzerland and Islam: http://www.fpif.org/articles/europes_islamophobia

Recommended Videos:

Sharia Courts and Gender Inequality: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i2VkIu8TL_I

Investigating Islamophobia: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9Cx5REd1yQA

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Committee on Foreign Affairs - AFET

Overview written by Henri Panduku (AL)

“A free election depends on people being free to speak, organize and run for office, and we didn’t see that in this campaign.”1 After the parliamentary elections in Belarus this September, where the opposition gained no seat, independent observers, politicians and organisations all speak of an unchanged situation of non-democracy in the country. The last presidential elections in 2010, were followed by violence towards the protesters and candidates of the opposition, who had gathered in Minsk to object the results of the rigged election and the regime itself. Over 600 protesters, including 7 opposition candidates, were detained. It should be noted that the authoritarian regime in Belarus has always been of in-terest to the EU. The EU has committed to safeguarding democracy especially on the Euro-pean continent, and is interested in maintaining stability on its Eastern borders and hopes to benefit from good relations with Belarus through an increase of economic and political power.

Repressive actions of the Belarusian government have often been condemned by the West-ern community, including the EU, which imposed a travel ban and froze the bank accounts of president Alexander Lukashenko and 157 individuals close to his regime from 2002 on-wards2. Shortly after, the US announced similar measures. The EU also increased its sup-port for Belarusian civil society from 4m Euros to 15.6m Euros. The EU’s first sanctions on the Belarusian regime were applied in 1996, after Lukashenko took over the presidency and abolished the democratic regime, creating what is now known as Europe’s only legal dictatorship. However, the sanctions only widened the gap between Belarus and the West and brought Belarus closer to Russia’s sphere of influence.

It is impossible to discuss EU-BY relations without considering Russia’s influence. Lukash-enko is well known for his ‘balancing act’ between the western world and Russia, playing the two against each other yet never fully joining either side. The United States of America plays a significant role – as does the EU, providing financial support for the Belarusian op-position and encouraging regime change.

The travel ban for Lukashenko had already been put in place in 2002, but it was suspended in 2008 as the EU took a softer approach and called for open dialogue with the Belarusian regime. Unfortunately, this strategy of the EU – just as those strategies preceding it - has proven to be ineffective, as the Belarusian regime remains undemocratic and shows no willingness to change.

1 Matteo Mecacci, leader of the observer mission of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe to the parliamentary elections in Belarus 2012 in http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/09/24/belarus-elections-2012-parliament_n_1908928.html2 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-17941637

Following a deteriorating political situation in Belarus and the recent corrupt parliamentary elections, what further actions can the EU take to bring about change and democracy within ‘Europe’s last dictatorship’? Should a new strat-egy be based on tougher sanctions or on diplomatic and economic incentives?

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Since 1999, the EU has adopted a ‘two-track’ policy towards Belarus, criticising the regime but supporting the opposition and the civil society. It has placed an offer to gradually re-sume dialogue if Belarus takes steps towards democratisation. However, the soft strategy has also failed to deliver.

In diplomacy, the approaches the EU has taken towards Belarus can be explained through the carrot and stick approach which considers punishments on the one hand and rewards on the other in order to generate actions by another state.3 While the idea of a carrot-and-stick approach is valid, it can also be argued that the incentives the EU proposes are not good enough and fail to meet the Belarusian regime’s wishes. Simultaneously, the ‘stick’ loses its effect as the EU too frequently switches over from strict criticism and isolation to proposals of dialogue and cooperation.

When discussing EU’s future relationship with Belarus, it is important to assess past strat-egies critically to see which measures were effective and which did not bring the desired outcome. It is also important to keep in mind the role of external players, such as Russia, the US or the Ukraine, and consider the importance of personalities, such as Alexander Lu-kashenko and Vladimir Putin.

The Committee on Foreign Affairs must also take into account the history of EU-BY rela-tionship, the key stakeholders and Belarusian political, social and economic conditions. Delegates should seek in-depth knowledge in the area, and concern themselves with not merely overthrowing the Belarusian dictator, but creating conditions for a smooth regime transformation for all layers of the Belarusian society.

Keywords: Parliamentary elections Belarus, Alexander Lukashenko, EU-BY relations, Rus-sia’s influence, stick and carrot approach

Links:

Briefly about the EU and its decision-making:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OCUF5t1kRlI

The new structure of the EU in brief, pay attention to the different competences, see where foreign affairs fit in: http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/institutional_affairs/treaties/lisbon_treaty/ai0020_en.htm

Committee on Foreign Affairs in the EP:

http://www.europarl.europa.eu/activities/committees/homeCom.do?language=EN&body=AFET

Recent news

Belarus responds to Western sanctions:

3 http://www.everydaycitizen.com/2009/04/carrots_sticks_not_just_for_as.html

http://www.allheadlinenews.com/briefs/articles/90041650?Belarus%20gears%20up%20for%20tit-for-tat%20sanctions%20against%20EU%2C%20U.S.

A rally to take place in Minsk on March 25:

http://www.charter97.org/en/news/2011/3/22/36996/

http://www.charter97.org/en/news/2011/3/20/36917/

EP resolution on Belarus, January 20:

http://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/belarus/press_corner/all_news/news/2011/20110121_en.htm

Western media reports/comment/analysis

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/feb/09/belarus-lukashenko-turning-point

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-12170286

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Tk9wU_lMF6w

http://blog.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2011/03/02/belarus_arms_dealer_to_the_worlds_pariahs

Belarusian news digests

http://democraticbelarus.eu/

http://belarusdigest.com/

Interesting analysis

http://www.belinstitute.eu/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=847%3Anone&catid=11%3Apolitics&Itemid=28&lang=en

Amnesty International report on Belarus: http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/EUR49/003/2011/en/0d876db1-5cfb-423b-ac4f-a9a516f5d203/eur490032011en.pdf

Human Rights Watch report on Belarus: http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2011/03/14/shattering-hopes-0

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Committee on Constitutional Affairs 2 - AFCO 2

Overview written by Egzon Gashi (KS) and Franziska Maier (DE)

A bridge, once built to connect, now divides. This is how many people nowadays de-scribe Kosovo-Serb relations. For many years, Albanians and Serbs fought for what they call their ‘holy land’. Kosovo, a part of former Yugoslavia and a former Autonomous Prov-ince of Serbia,1 was the arena of the Kosovo War and remains the revolving point for many of the controversial issues in the Western Balkans. While the European Union (EU) has committed to granting the states of the Western Balkans membership, ethnic conflicts and incomplete statehood continue to make the region unstable.

The current situation stems from a long history of ethnic conflict in the Western Balkans. After the break-up of Yugoslavia, borders had to be reshaped. Conflicts over territories last erupted violently in 1998 when the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA)2 attacked the Serbian Military force in the region. The war between the KLA and the Serbian Military Force last-ed until the 24 March 1999, when NATO3 intervened by bombing Serbian military bases, thereby ended the crimes of ethnic cleansing that had been committed by Serbian forces.4 After the end of the armed conflict, political disagreement continued to shape the situation in the Western Balkans.

From 2000 until February 2008, the United Nations formed the United Nation Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) to act as Kosovo’s Government, until the Republic of Kosovo declared its independence on 17 February 2008. The following days were crucially important for the future of the whole Western Balkans. As the Republic of Kosovo began issuing its own IDs and passports, Serbian authorities, which still took Kosovo to be part of their country, closed their borders and shut down all relations with Kosovo. After a Serbian request for a ruling of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the latter gave the advisory opinion that Kosovo’s declaration of independence did not violate general international law because in-ternational law contains no ‘prohibition on declarations of independence’5. The European Union arranged for an open dialogue but brought about only few agreements on regional cooperation, freedom of movement between the countries and the rule of law.6

The EU declared in 2003 at its Thessaloniki Summit that “the future of the Balkans is

1 The Serbian take on Kosovo and Metohija http://www.kosovo.net/histkim.html 2 Also known in Albanian as ‘Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës’ (UÇK)3 UN Security Council Resolution 1244 http://www.unmikonline.org/Documents/Res1244ENG.pdf 4 Demilitarisation by the NATO after Kosovo war http://www.nato.int/kosovo/docu/a990620a.htm5 Legality of Kosovo’s independence http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-107305736 EU Agreements between Kosovo and Serbia http://www.eu-un.europa.eu/articles/en/article_11181_en.htm

With ongoing ethnic frictions in the Western Balkans, Kosovo’s incom-plete recognition and Serbia’s requests for its division, which approach should the EU take towards its enlargement to this region? Should the current accession processes be put on hold until further state consolida-tion in Kosovo and conflict resolution in the region are achieved, or can all these three processes be accomplished at the same time?

within in the European Union”, thereby committing to open up accession processes with these countries.7 Currently, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (since 2005), Montenegro (since 2010) and Serbia (since 2012) have begun negotiations with the EU as candidate countries, while a possible candidate status for Albania, Bosnia and Herze-govina and Kosovo has just been discussed in the EU’s Committee on Foreign Affairs this week.

In 1999, the EU decided to use country-specific Stabilisation and Association Agree-ments as a pre-stage for the accession processes of the countries of the region.8 This leaves the EU dealing with each country separately instead of taking a regional approach to the Western Balkans. One could argue that both the focus on individual countries and the en-couragement of competition for EU membership amongst countries stands in the way of conflict resolution. Only in September this year, Serbian Prime Minister Ivica Dačić stated that the division of Kosovo between the North and South of the country would be a neces-sary condition for Serbia to recognise Kosovo’s independence.9 The consequence of such a step could be a Balkan-wide domino effect with minorities possibly requesting partition in Bosnia and Herzegovina10, Macedonia11, Serbia12, and other parts of Balkan. This failuer to recognise of national authorities suggests incomplete sovereignty in many countries of the Western Balkan and makes the step towards EU integration seem rushed. Further, it remains an open question whether EU integration is democratically legitimate within these young states as they are generally in a situation of contested statehood, for example through the lack of a constitution in Bosnia and Herzegovina or the lack of recognition of Kosovo.13 EU criteria would then directly influence the building of basic national institu-tions and designs of governance.

On the other hand, with EU accession come hopes of the protection from new fragmenta-tion in the Balkans. Potentially, the EU could also make use of the accession procedure to provide incentives for further conflict resolution, the establishment of minority protection and the building of democratically sound institutions. Additionally, experts have warned that the EU’s so-called “enlargement fatigue”, meaning its unwillingness to welcome new states into the Union, could reduce its credibility in the Western Balkans.14 For Kosovo’s ac-cession specifically, a fundamental unresolved issue remains with five EU Member States not accepting its independence.

Back to basics! Should the EU adjust its conditions for membership for the Western Bal-kans? Should the EU rather keep making separate requirements for all countries until a compromise is reached? Or should the EU rethink its Balkan enlargement strategy and focus instead on capacity building and conflict resolution? Where will the EU stand in the Western Balkans and how will it succeed at supporting a stable Eastern Europe?

Keywords: EU accession Western Balkans, Kosovo, Serbia, past Yugoslavia, ethnic con-flict, Balkan nationalism, UN resolution 1244, Kosovo as a Balkan Stabilization factor,

7 EU and Western Balkans relations http://www.parliament.uk/documents/commons/lib/research/rp2007/rp07-027.pdf 8 Content of the Stabilisation and Association Process http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/enlargement/western_balkans/r18003_en.htm 9 Serbia requests Kosovo division http://daily.tportal.hr/216097/Serbian-PM-Kosovo-s-division-only-possible-solution.html10 A possible split by the Republika Srpska11A possible split by ethnic Albanians living in Macedonia12A possible split by Vojvodina and Ethnic Albanians in the Presheva Valley13Issues with EU enlargement to the Western Balkans http://www.iss.europa.eu/fr/publications/detail-page/article/the-western-balkans-and-the-eu-the-hour-of-europe/ 14 State of accession process of the Western Balkans http://www.osw.waw.pl/en/publikacje/osw-commentary/2010-11-24/western-balkans-deadlock-eu-enlargement-process

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Kosovo war, European Union enlargement strategy for the Balkans, Enlargement require-ments

Links

Articles

Deadlock in EU enlargement

http://www.osw.waw.pl/en/publikacje/osw-commentary/2010-11-24/western-balkans-dea-dlock-eu-enlargement-process

European Perspectives: Integrating the Western Balkans

http://www.google.de/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=eu%20enlargement%20western%20balkans&source=web&cd=10&ved=0CGsQFjAJ&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.europeanperspectives.si%2Findex.php%3Foption%3Dcom_docman%26task%3Ddoc_download%26gid%3D34&ei=zpR2UPKPJK_S4QS6jICADg&usg=AFQjCNEsy9MQVuLuPDYiB1-1cH1089CtFA

Recent progress on EU candidacy http://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/pressroom/content/20121010IPR53354/html/Re-commendation-to-grant-Albania-EU-candidate-status-subject-to-conditions

General information on status quo of EU enlargement http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/

EU Enlargement - Kosovo http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/countries/detailed-country-information/kosovo/index_en.htm

“World court: Kosovo’s independence was legal” http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/141/15987.pdf

EU Political & economic relations with Kosovo http://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/kosovo/eu_kosovo/political_relations/index_en.htm

Kosovo’s European Future http://europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=SPEECH/12/594&format=HTML&aged=0&language=EN&guiLanguage=en

Media

World Court ruling on Kosovo’s independence http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6Hpd0s3Q-so

The Kosovo-Serbia situation in the Serbs eyes http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9F2jlVw3Kkw

Legal documents and Statistics

United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 http://www.unmikonline.org/Documents/Res1244ENG.pdf

Kosovo Declaration of Independence http://www.assembly-kosova.org/common/docs/Dek_Pav_e.pdf

Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo http://www.kushtetutakosoves.info/repository/docs/Constitution.of.the.Republic.of.Kosovo.pdf

Recognition Information and Statistics http://www.kosovothanksyou.com/statistics/

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Committee on Constitutional Affairs 1 - AFCO 1

In light of the recent state of the union speech by president Barroso and his calls for the EU to become a federation of European nations, how can the Eu-ropean Union achieve further integration while striking a balance between national sovereignty and democracy on a European level?

Overview written by Julian Kuci (AL) and Jon Vrushi (AL/UK)

“Globalisation demands more European unity. More unity demands more integration. More integration demands more democracy − European democracy”1 declared the Presi-dent of the European Commission, José Manuel Barroso in his annual speech on the State of the Union before the European Parliament.

It is clear from the outset that this proposal comes as a result of a need for more economic stability.

As a consequence of the European sovereign debt crisis, the EU has already taken steps to improve the stability of the monetary system in the eurozone. The European Stability Mechanism (ESM) was fully ratified on September 27, 2012 and will enter into force from January 1, 2013 2. The intention of the ESM will be to provide financial assistance to mem-bers of the eurozone in financial difficulties. This marks a big step towards further mon-etary integration in order to fight the financial crisis more efficiently.

All the EU Member States are part of the so-called Economic and Monetary Union of the EU (EMU), which is a term used to express the regulatory policies intended to ensure that the economies of the Member States converge at three different stages3. However, the most important decisions regarding the fiscal affairs, such as those regarding taxes and spend-ing are taken by EU Member States at a national level. The EU itself has limited fiscal power and oversight, such as a budget of many billions of Euros itself as well as the deter-mination of the tariffs on external trade. In response to the European sovereign debt crisis a further step toward fiscal integration was taken by the EU on March 2 this year with the “Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union” 4, commonly known as the European Fiscal Compact. The EU Fiscal Compact requires each ratifying Member State to enact legislation that demands the national government budget to be in balance or in surplus with the treaty’s definition. It is worth mentioning that the UK and the Czech Republic have not ratified this treaty.

In his speech, the president of the EC continued stressing the significance of the comple-tion of the economic, banking and fiscal union based on a political union. He stated that,

1 State of the Union 2012 Address http://europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=SPEECH/12/5962 The European Stability Mechanism – Treaty Establishment of the ESM, Europa, February 2, 2012. http://www.efsf.europa.eu/attachments/esm_entry_into_force.pdf3 The Economic and Monetary Union of the EU – EMU, a Historical Documentation. http://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/emu_history/index_en.htm4 Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union.

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“We cannot try to solve European problems with national solutions”5. The same day, the EC proposed a single supervisory mechanism (SSM) for banks in the euro area. This new single mechanism will transfer ultimate responsibility for specific supervisory tasks to the European Central Bank (ECB). In addition to that, the European Banking Authority has received a recommendation to develop a Single Supervisory Handbook to preserve the integrity of the single market and ensure coherence in banking supervision for all 27 EU countries.6

While the economic situation has resulted in this call for a European Federation, the means for its evolution are mainly political. The idea that Economic Union can’t survive without Political Union has been at the core of the argument put forward by EU critics. This is why the EC has come up with a few, albeit not complete proposals for further political union.

Among other proposals the president of the EC called for a more central role of European Parties. “the political debate is cast all too often as if it were just between national parties. Even in the European elections we do not see the name of the European political parties on the ballot box, we see a national debate between national political parties.” He said, call-ing the European Parties to provide a platform for debate and campaigns on a European level. To enhance the participation of parties, he suggested that the European Political par-ties present their candidates for the position of the president of the European Commission already in 2014. The question is whether these measures would be sufficient, to achieve a desirable level of European democracy?

A key criticism surrounding the ‘democratic deficit’7 – some institutions’ lack of engage-ment with the European electorate – focuses on the complexity of institutions which makes it difficult for the average European citizen to participate. “The democratic deficit is a concept invoked principally in the argument that the European Union and its various bod-ies suffer from a lack of democracy and seem inaccessible to the ordinary citizen because their method of operating is so complex.” The president of the EC promised that his aim is to achieve this further integration without exacerbating the problem by creating further complex institutions. Is this enough, or should the European Union attempt to go as far as simplifying its process of decision making, thus empowering European citizens while in-volving them in the process?

Furthermore, in his call for the formation of a European Democratic Federation of Nation-States, Barroso made it clear that this was not a call for the creation of a European super-state, rather a democratic federation of European nations. A treaty change may well be needed, depending on the scale and strategy of this further integration.

However, treaty change could potentially upset the national sovereignty and certain mem-bers of the EU would not be willing to concede. In the UK the prime minister, Mr Cam-eron, has promised British citizens that any treaty change would have to be ratified with a referendum. Is it truly worth it, taking this risk and bringing about constitutional change,

5 State Of The Union Address: President Barroso Calls For A Federation Of Nation States And Announces Blueprint For Deeper Economic And Monetary Union – European Commission. http://ec.europa.eu/commission_2010-2014/president/news/ar-chives/2012/09/20120912_1_en.htm 6 European Commission Press release http://europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=IP/12/953&format=HTML&aged=0&language=EN&guiLanguage=en7Summaries of EU legislation – Democratic Deficit http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/glossary/democratic_deficit_en.htm

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or can this further integration be achieved within the legal framework of the existing trea-ties? On the other hand, if treaty changes should be necessary, what shape should this treaty take?

In conclusion we leave you with another line from Mr Barroso’s speech: “Proper integra-tion is about taking a fresh look at where is the most appropriate level of action.”

Keyterms: European Democratic Federation of Nation-States, political union, fiscal union, banking union, balanced sovereignty, Democratic Deficit, European integration, European sovereign debt Crisis

Links:

Official Sources:

1-The EU Legislation Summary – Democratic Deficit

http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/glossary/democratic_deficit_en.htm

2- European Stability Mechanism http://www.esm.europa.eu

http://www.european-council.europa.eu/media/582311/05-tesm2.en12.pdf

3- Economic and Monetary Union

http://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/euro/emu/index_en.htm

4- Fiscal Compact Signed

http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/en/ec/128454.pdf

5- Democratic Deficit

http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/glossary/democratic_deficit_en.htm

6- Barroso – State of The Union Speech

http://ec.europa.eu/commission_2010-2014/president/news/archives/2012/09/20120912_1_en.htm

Academic Articles

1- What Kind of Constitution for what kind of Polity?

http://www.consiglio.regione.toscana.it:8085/leggi-e-banche-dati/documentazi-one-ed-elaborati/convenzione-europea/materiale-di-approfondimento/Weiler.pdf#page=50

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Informative Sources

1- The Myth of European Democratic- Deficit – Princeton University http://www.princeton.edu/~amoravcs/library/myth_european.pdf

2- Germany Finally Ratifies “Historical” ESM – Europe Online Magazine http://en.europeonline-magazine.eu/3rd-lead-germany-finally-ratifies-historical-esm-bailout-fundeds-adds-juncker-reax-grafs-3-6-corrects-last-country-to-rati-fy_240344.html

3- Summary of the Fiscal Stability Treaty – Citizens Information http://www.citizensinformation.ie/en/government_in_ireland/european_govern-ment/fiscal_stability_treaty/fiscal_treaty_summary.html

4- EMU: A Historical Documentation http://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/emu_history/index_en.htm

Media Coverage

1- The FT: Moves vary on EU’s fiscal compact http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/78618412-f76e-11e1-8c9d-00144feabdc0.html#axzz28cw134ev

2- The NY Times http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/subjects/e/euro-pean_sovereign_debt_crisis/index.html

3- Huffington Post UK – The Federation of Nation States http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/2012/09/12/european-union-must-become-a-feder-ation-of-nation-states-says-barroso_n_1876284.html

4- The BBC : Barroso – The EU Should Be a Federation of Nation States

http://news.bbc.co.uk/democracylive/hi/europe/newsid_9749000/9749767.stm

Videos

Barroso’s Speech http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ty0OPftSr9Y

Committee on Human Rights - DROI

Overview written by Adrian Clarke (IE) and Ardi Shatri (KS)

“Any discrimination based on any ground such as sex, race, colour, ethnic or social origin, genetic features, language, religion or belief, political or any other opinion, membership of a national minority, property, birth, disability, age or sexual orientation shall be prohib-ited”- Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, Article 21 The Romani (also known as the Roma) are one of the largest ethnic minority groups who live mostly in Europe, and who trace their origins back to the Indian Subcontinent. Accord-ing to data from the EC, almost 80% of the Roma living in Europe are based in Member States and aspiring Member States of the European Union1. The Roma population is one of the poorest and yet fastest growing populations in the European region, living predomi-nantly on the margins of society. Roma people have always been viewed differently from other Europeans. For much of their history, they have been nomads, moving from one place to another. Throughout their history they have suffered forced assimilation and the Roma language has been banned in various countries. There have also been instances of Roma children being taken away from their parents. Today, Roma communities continue to be directly and indirectly discrimi-nated against, persecuted and unwanted in many European countries. This discrimination often hinders them in the fields of employment, education and housing. They are prevent-ed from obtaining citizenship and often also personal documents required to get access to healthcare and other social services. In some countries they are kept separate of the rest of the community with exclusively Roma schools and housing estates. Negative stereotypes act as a barrier to their paths as well, and those who try to be active members of the com-munity can be excluded as a result of who they are. It is also to be noted that the Romani largely like to practice this self-segregation and often refuse to engage with the rest of soci-ety. The fear of Roma people is known as Romaphobia. There are many contemporary exam-ples of Romaphobia in Europe, as can be seen below. At the same time however, certain in-dividuals do try to increase awareness about the Romani people, and take away the stigma attached to their people’s name. Thomas Hammerberg said in 2008 that “today’s rhetoric against the Roma is very similar to the one used by Nazis and fascists before the mass kill-ings started in the thirties and forties. Once more, it is argued that the Roma are a threat 1 http://ec.europa.eu/justice/discrimination/roma/index_en.htm

In a continent where multiculturalism and tolerance are highly praised, the Roma people still face discrimination and human rights violations. What measures can the EU recommend to its Member States and neigh-bouring countries to best empower the Roma people and protect their rights?

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to safety and public health. No distinction is made between a few criminals and the over-whelming majority of the Roma population. This is shameful and dangerous.” He was the appointed EU Commissioner for Human Rights at the time.

The EU acknowledges the situation of the Roma population as one of the key social issues in Europe. In its various documents and strategies for dealing with the issue, it stresses the importance of cross-border cooperation, as the Roma people often follow an easily identifiable migration pattern, moving from the poorest European regions to more pros-perous ones with a strong tradition of Roma culture within their territories, particularly the EU Member States in Central Europe. More recently, particularly since the 2004 wave of EU enlargement and subsequent entry of new Member States to the Schengen zone of free movement, Roma based in Central European countries, where they face widespread discrimination of both popular and institutional character2, migrate to more tolerant and wealthier Western Member States3. A common European stance is needed, much as nation-al initiatives and development of Roma-oriented civil society organisations are welcome4.

It is often argued that the negative stance the majority population takes against the Roma has to do more with the stereotypical Roma lifestyle and strikingly different set of values in their communities5, rather than their ethnicity. Indeed, those Roma families who have adopted the majority lifestyle choices are usually considered equal members of their so-cieties. In light of these observations, it is overly simplistic to automatically consider the discrimination Roma people in Europe face as a manifestation of racism. Equally simplistic and often rejected by the Roma community itself are various public awareness campaigns or even so-called ‘reality shows’ broadcast on television networks, portraying exclusively the traditional Roma culture – costumes, dances, musical talent, palm reading6. Many Roma want to be presented in a more modern way, show that they are equal, integrated members of the society, not travelling rogues. So while individuals are taking forward steps with this problem, the larger issues of dis-crimination and prejudice still stand. What further steps can the EU take to ease these ste-reotypes of Romani people? How can we maintain a respect for their culture and still ac-cept them into our own? Finding this balance is of prime concern to this committee.

Keywords: Romani people, European Convention on Human Rights, Romaphobia, dis-crimination, marginal groups

2 http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2003/jan/08/eu.politics3 http://www.migrationinformation.org/feature/display.cfm?ID=3084 http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/employment_and_social_policy/social_inclusion_fight_against_poverty/em0049_en.htm5 http://www.kirj.ee/public/trames_pdf/2011/issue_1/Trames-2011-1-102-119.pdf6 http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/jul/28/american-gypsies-reality-roma-lives

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Links

Official Sources

- Information on the current EU stance on the situation. PLEASE read this one.

http://ec.europa.eu/justice/policies/discrimination/docs/com_2011_173_en.pdf

Amnesty International cites reports across Europe

http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/EUR01/005/2011/en/bf209ce2-7355-4faf-b1cb-24ae8fd986e0/eur010052011en.pdf

Media Coverage

The plight of Europe’s Roma

http://www.economist.com/blogs/easternapproaches/2012/05/europe%E2%80%99s-big-gest-societal-problem

IRU in the International Media

http://www.internationalromaniunion.org/index.php/en/press

A Romani-run organisation, with the aim of raising awareness among the European com-munity about their people.

http://www.errc.org/

Videos

Video on movement of Romani people from place to place in France

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QuNgPXeYOJ8

Amnesty International comment on the situation in Slovak schools for Romani children

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=b4WLy3uyXmw

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Committee on Industry, Research and Energy - ITRE

The Lisbon Agenda aims for the EU to be “the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world capable of sustainable economic growth”. With that in mind, how should the EU encourage potential Member States in the Western Balkans and their private sectors to operate in an environmentally sustainable way while maintaining a healthy rate of economic growth?

Overview written by Julie Huissoud (CH)

While the Lisbon Agenda aims for the EU to be “the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world capable of sustainable economic growth”1, the Copenhagen Criteria, that define the conditions a State has to fulfil to be eligible as a Member State of the EU, do not mention sustainable growth nor conscientious use of resources within the candidate economy. So far, there are three criteria: the state must provide a democratic political system that respects human rights and protects minorities, it must have a functioning market economy that is strong enough to endure competitive pressure within the Union and finally, the nation needs to operate in legislative alignment, meaning accepting the obligations of the EU. With the mentality changes occuring in Europe, should the EU encourage potential Member States to develop in an environmentally sustainable way?

With the end of the 20th century came the realisation that our natural resources are limited in tandem with the pursuit of increased quality of life. Even though the idea is still young, the economic sector is slowly initiating a transition from quantitative to qualitative production. The advantage is, that with a sustainable economy, resources are less limited. The concept of stewardship substantiates a responsible use of our resources. With this long-term vision, one respects both the environment and the ecosystem. Furthermore, this change needs to happen if we do not want to saddle future generations with a huge ecological debt. At the moment, 98% of the energy used in Kosovo comes from two old lignite power plants Kosovo A and Kosovo B, emitting together lots of pollution2.

Aside from the environmental aspect of sustainability, one should not pass over socio-economic considerations. Indeed, the question of sustainability is defined as a social, environmental and economic one. By encouraging potential Member States to develop their private sector, the EU would help them ensure their competitiveness and that they reach an appealing commercial exchange position.

By developing renewable energies today, a state like Kosovo would avoid the costs of restructuring in the future. Of course, for now, the field is at an early stage of development,

1 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/en/ec/00100-r1.en0.htm2 http://kosovo.birn.eu.com/attachment/000000997.pdf

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presenting a high level of risk for investors, however new technologies will evolve rapidly. In an industrial sector based on a small scale and where a large amount of production goods are yet to be purchased, the investment in renewable energies could be a very positive prospect.

But being aware of our environment and making changes to treat it respectfully does have a cost, and sustainability does not come instantaneously. Firstly, if one compares different types of renewable energies, one can see that none of them provides a perfect solution. While solar energy does not have a high enough effectiveness and has associated risks to the environment during the manufacturing process, the energy output of wind power is unstable and can damage the landscape. This inefficiency leads to a decrease in productivity and therefore a gap between what is expected and what is actually produced. Secondly, research and development requires long-term planning, along with a high level of technical expertise in the areas of engineering and natural sciences. The example of the new 2100 KW power plant Kosova C, analyzed in the report “Lignite power in Kosovo: limits of sustainability” shows that even future plans are going to affect the environment, especially the quality of the water and of the soil. It is not just the development of green energy that is necessary, but the protection and preservation of the natural resources.

All in all, the use of renewable energies and sustainable production increase the production costs in the industrial sector and therefore lead a poor foreign cost-competitiveness. Additionally, in the short-term, GDP will stagnate. Of course this indicator must be regarded with caution, but in a growing economy, governments are reluctant to take measures that will make it decrease. Moreover, why should one small economy make sacrifices to protect the environment while some others continue to produce on a large scale without taking into account that their activities pollute and influence the climate change? And why should the EU have anything to say to countries that are not yet Member States?

As Jan Zijderveld, President of Unilever Europe, said in a recent interview, “we need to take our responsibility and need to develop a new business model”3. The EU’s stance on environmental issues is based on the 191th article of the Treaty of the Functioning of the EU. It aims for the preservation, protection and improvement of environmental quality, along with the safeguarding of human health. It encourages the prudent use of natural resources, and promotes environmental measures at an international level4. An example of this last goal is the implementation of local development pilot projects (LDPP) in South East Europe, with the ambition of creating “development models [that] will meet the combined challenges of economic growth, an improved quality of life, environmental issues relating to climate change, the management of resources and the impact of development, in a joint vision for the communities and a renewal of social bonds.”5

By encouraging a potential Member State to operate in a sustainable manner and to promote the protection of our environment within their national economy, the EU will take a step towards its objective of preserving natural resources at an international level, as well as helping to develop responsible economic exchange. But what measures should the EU take towards candidate Member States in the Western Balkans, acknowledging their yet still growing economic development?

3 http://www.euractiv.com/specialreport-rio20/firms-invest-sustainability-interview-5134314 www.eur-lex.europa.eu5 http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/cultureheritage/cooperation/see/ldpp/default_en.asp

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Keywords: Lisbon Agenda, renewable energies, environmental sustainability, economic growth

Links :

Official sources

1. The Copenhagen Criteria, also known as the Accession Criteria ;

http://europa.eu/legislation_summaries/glossary/accession_criteria_copenhague_en.htm

2. Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council on the promotion of the use of energy from renewable sources ;

www.energy.eu/directives/pro-re.pdf

3. Renewable Energy Policy and Market Developments in Kosovo ;

www.icrepq.com/icrepq’11/527-avdiu.pdf

4. European Council projects in South East Europe: Local Development Pilot Projects (LDPP) in the different countries and regions ;

http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/cultureheritage/cooperation/see/ldpp/default_en.asp

Academic sources

1. Global–Local Linkage in the Western Balkans: The Politics of Environmental Capacity Building in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Adam Fagan

2. Kosovo and Climate Change, A Strategic Approach to the Copenhagen Climate

3. Change Conference 2009

4. - BIRN Kosovo – Eu.com, great analysis of the current situation ;

kosovo.birn.eu.com/attachment/000000997.pdf

Media Coverage

1. Video: A Modern Tale – Lignite power in Kosovo : limits of sustainability. Interesting report on the future power plant Kosovo C and its consequences on the environment ;

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u7WqpDyv5R4

2. Why should firms invest in sustainability ? By Jan Zijderveld, president of Unilever Europe. Interview on the change of business model ;

http://www.euractiv.com/specialreport-rio20/firms-invest-sustainability-interview-513431

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This preparation kit was compiled by Jon Vrushi (AL/UK) and Franziska Maier (DE)

Contributors:

Adrian Clarke (IE)Ardi Shatri (KS)

Egzon Gashi (KS)Franziska Maier (DE)Henri Panduku (AL)

João Diogo Quartliho (PT)Jon Vrushi (AL/UK)

Julian Kuci (AL)Julie Huissoud (CH)

Special thanks go to the session Media Director John Hewitt Jones (UK)

Prishtina, KosovoOctober 2012