working conditions of safai karmacharis · part a: conditions of sweepers . 3.1. institutional...
TRANSCRIPT
Chapter 3
Working Conditions of Safai Karmacharis
Working and earning are major dimensions of human society. Work involves using mental and
physical labour in earning a livelihood. Millions of people work in the public sector and private
sectors, while some are self-employed. Our Constitution has articulated certain rights for workers
and held employers responsible for ensuring suitable wages and a conducive environment for
work.
India is a welfare state in the framework of a socialist democracy. Accordingly, our Constitution
guarantees equality before law and equal opportunity. To realize these constitutional guarantees,
successive governments have undertaken measures to provide the basic rights of education, health
and employment to all. Legal provisions have been enacted and plans and schemes implemented
for the upliftment of the downtrodden. Some labour laws such as the Workmen’s Compensation
Act (1923) were already in existence during the British Raj. Additionally, the government in the
immediate post-Independence period launched several public sector industries to create
employment opportunities. Enactment of labour laws such as the Industrial Disputes Act (1947);
Factories Act (1948); Maternity Benefits Act (1961); the Contract Labour [Regulation and
Abolition] Act (1970); and the Equal Remuneration Act (1976) was carried out with a view to
offer protection to workers in terms of good working conditions; decent wages; health benefits etc.
These laws were enacted to provide security not only to the worker but also to his/her family. For
example, even limiting the duration of work to eight hours is a humane move, enabling work-life
balance to every worker, to ensure adequate rest as well as family time, which are essential for
normal life.
These efforts suffered a serious setback in 1990 when the Indian state embraced a new economic
policy based on liberalization and privatization of the economy. Gradually, the Indian state upheld
the interest of the working class less and less. In the privatized world, the concept of welfare and
protection had no meaning and workers’ lives became more precarious, without any protections.
The lives of Safai Karmacharis, who were among the most vulnerable section of the society, were
devastated. As part of the welfare state many programs had been launched to uplift oppressed
sections like the scheduled castes. Under such a program during the 1970s, Safai Karmacharis,
who were working as daily wage labourers had been regularized on the recommendation of the
I.P.D. Salappa Report of 1976. The state of Karnataka had set up a Commission under the
chairmanship of I.P.D. Salappa, who himself belonged to Scheduled Caste to study the conditions
of Safai Karmacharis, who were doing the dangerous and unclean work of clearing the waste. They
were doing this work since centuries in extremely inhuman working condition, facing severe caste
oppression. Regularization of their work came as a relief. But before it could bring about
transformation in their lives, in 1991, cleaning work was brought under the contract system as a
part of the new economic policy.
As far as the work is concerned there is no difference in the work done by Safai Karmacharis
employed under the contract system and the Safai Karmacharis, who are permanent employees.
But the contract workers do not get the same salary and other benefits availed by the permanent
workers. The present chapter discusses the working conditions of the contract Safai Karmacharis
under sections A and B. Section A is discusses the condition of the sweepers under four headings.:
institutional structure and legal framework; welfare aspects; security aspects and health. Section
B is about Manual Scavengers. It is discussed under the headings: history of manual scavenging,
Manual Scavengers’ Rehabilitation Act, health hazards faced by manual scavengers, conditions of
manual scavengers and religious and State sanction for manual scavenging.
PART A: Conditions of Sweepers
3.1. Institutional Structures,Nature of Work and the Legal Framework
A. 3.1.1 Institutional Structure
Safai Karmacharis work under urban local bodies, Town panchayats and village panchayats. Their
work comes under municipal solid waste (MSW) management. Section 261 of the Karnataka
Municipal Corporation Act defines the institutional structure of the municipal solid waste
management as the following:
1. Chief Health Officer
2. Health officer for each division
3. Two Deputy-Health officers for each division
4. Medical Health Officer for each Range
5. Senior Health Inspector
6. Two Junior Health Inspectors for each ward
7. Sanitary Dafedar (Supervisor)
8. Permanent and contract Pourakarmikas
Definition of the term ‘Pourakarmika’:
Safai Karmacharis are called Pourakarmikas in Karnataka. People who do the cleaning work were
called by different derogatory names such as ‘Jhadamali’ or ‘Toti’ (Kittal kosha, Kannada to
English dictionary defines Toti as ‘An inferior village servant, especially one who performs the
lowest offices, a sweeper, a scavenger, etc). Cleaning dirt, shit and filth is not only considered as
inferior but also impure. The feeling of disgust towards that work is the outcome of the caste
system, because workers who do that job belong to the lowest rung of the caste hierarchy and they
are also treated with the same feeling: the feeling of filth.
Sri. Basavalingappa the minister for municipal administration in 1973 declared on 22 February
1973, that they shall be called “pourakarmikas”. The Government of Karnataka issued a circular
No. HMA 229, GGL 72, Bangalore dated 30 March 1973, stating, “....it is decided that the
nomenclatures like sweepers and scavengers shall be discontinued…” In this connection, a press
statement was released after his return from New Delhi stating, “The nomenclature of sweepers
and scavengers be changed into “Pourakarmikaru” i.e Municipal workers…”
According to section 2(27) of the Karnataka Municipal Corporations Act: “Pourakarmika means
a person employed for collecting or removing filth, for cleansing drains or slaughter-houses or for
driving carts used for the removal of filth excluding night soil.”
Another revolutionary action taken in 1973 by the minister was the prohibition of manual
scavenging in Karnataka. After 20 long years ‘Employment of Manual Scavengers and
Construction of Dry Latrine (Prohibition) Act, 1993’ was passed. As the minister himself belonged
to an untouchable caste he was sensitive to the issue of Safai Karmacharis.
A. 3.1.2 Nature of Work
Cleaning work begins very early in the morning before the town stirs to life. Cleaning is the
responsibility of the government, which appoints Safai Karmacharis to carry out this work. Safai
Karmacharis work from 6 a.m. to 2.30 p.m. In some places they work in two shifts from 6 a.m. to
10.30 a.m. and 2.30 pm to 5.30 pm.
Their work includes sweeping main roads and cross roads; clearing heaps of dirt; clearing the dirt
collected in roadside gutters; removing solid waste from open spaces; plucking weeds; removing
the dirt collected in big drains; loading and unloading waste, collecting waste from homes and
public institutions like schools, colleges and hospitals; clearing construction waste; removing dead
animals; clearing waste left behind after mass celebrations like festivals, fairs and public functions;
carrying the waste to dumping yards, and segregating the waste.
Details of the work, working hours, wages and the quantity of the waste collected per day
A. 3.1.3 Legal framework
It is the responsibility of the government to examine the nature of each type of work and place it
in a proper legal framework. Security of workers, nature of work, working conditions, wages,
benefits and allowances come within the purview of the legal framework. Safai Karmacharis too
come under the legal frame. Following are the details of the laws, which govern waste
management.
Acts related to solid waste management (SWM)
S
.
N
o
Name
of
the
district
Populati
on
in
lakhs
Waste
collected
per day
workin
g hours
details
of
the
work
pw Cw Wages
for cw
&pm
Approxim
ate
Wages for
pm
1 Chitrad
urga
1,40,206 45 tons
6am-
2.30pm
Sweepi
ng the
streets,
clearin
g
&
filling
the
waste,
clearin
g
the
waste
150 13,650/-
Rs.20,000/-
2 M’lore 4,99,487 220 tons
Same
Same 600 14,040/- Rs.20,000/-
3 Bellary 4.10,400 160 tons
Same
Same 650 14,040/- Rs.20,000/-
4 Kolar 1,83,462 80 tons
Same
Same 150 13,650/- Rs.20,000/-
5 KGF 1,63,643 52 tons
Same
Same 168 13,650/- Rs.20,000/-
6 Kalbur
gi
5,43,000 132 tons
Same
Same
980 14,040/- Rs.20,000/-
7 Mysore 8,87,446 402 tons
Same
Same 650 14,040/- Rs.20,000/-
8 B’lore 98.75
(2016)
3000 tons
Same
same 2514 17,000+ 14,040/- Rs.20,000/-
• Karnataka Municipal Corporations Act, 1976.
• Karnataka Municipalities Act, 1976.
• Municipal Solid Wastes (Management and Handling) Rules, 2000.
Acts related to the working conditions of those employed in SWM:
• Contract Labour Act, 1970
• Employees’ State Insurance Act, 1948
• Workmen’s Compensation Act, 1923
• Employees’ Provident Fund Act, 1952
Responsibilities of the Corporations
Obligatory functions of the corporations under section 58 of the Municipal Corporations include:
• Watering and cleaning of all streets
• Removal of all swept up garbage
• Collection, removal, treatment and disposal of garbage
• Construction, maintenance and cleaning of drains and drainage works.
Duties of the Corporation with regard to MSW
• Place dustbins at public places and streets.
• Collection of dirt, garbage and filth which is accumulated in large quantities in public
places.
• Streets should be swept daily and the garbage and filth should be removed.
• As a part of solid waste management facilities should be developed for collection, storage,
segregation, transportation, processing and disposal of MSW.
Municipal Solid Wastes (Management and Handling) Rules, 2000
• The State Pollution Control Board shall monitor the compliance of the standards regarding
ground water, ambient air quality and compost quality.
• Accident reporting to the Secretary-in-Charge of the Urban development Department in
metropolitan cities and to District Collector or Deputy Commissioner in all other cases.
Legal obligations of Corporations and Contractors
The present study focuses on Safai Karmacharis, who are employed under the contract system.
Contract work comes under Contract Regulation and Abolition Act. Under this act the duties of
the contractor are as follows:
• Same service conditions: Rule 25(2)(v)(a) and license condition 5 of the conditions for
granting the license.
• Wages, holidays, hours of work and other conditions of service of contract workers shall
be the same as that enjoyed by workmen employed directly by the principal employer in
the event of the work being same or similar.
The following must be provided:
• Canteen and dining hall
• Rest rooms
• Drinking water
• Latrines and urinals
• Washing facilities
• First aid
• Crèches
Legal obligations of the corporation and the contractors
Duties of the corporation
• Appoint a representative to be present at the time of disbursement of wages to
ensure that stipulated wages are paid.
• If the stipulated wages are not paid by the contractor, the Corporation shall pay that
amount to the worker and recover such amount from the contractor.
• If any amenity mentioned above is not provided by the contractor, such amenity
shall be provided by the corporation.
Under Employee’s Provident Fund Act, 1952 and Employees Provident Fund Scheme 1952
Every contractor shall
• Provide a passbook to all employees and maintain the same.
• He should keep the contribution cards of the members in his custody.
• Every month he should submit a statement to the corporation which reflects the recovery
of contributions of all members employed by him.
Employees’ State Insurance Act 1948, Employees’ State Insurance Act (general) Regulations
1948.
Under this act duties of the contractor are:
• Issue identity cards to all the workers within 3 months.
• Maintain a register for every employee with the following details:
a. Name of the insured person
b. Insurance number.
c. Name of dispensary to which he/she is attached.
d. Occupation.
e. Employees’ share of contribution.
Duties of the corporation
• Ensure distribution of identity cards to all employees.
• Inspection of the registers.
Occupational safety
• Workers engaged in SWM are exposed to high health risks and frequently suffer from
respiratory tract infections, gastro-intestinal infections, diarrhoea, skin diseases, jaundice,
trachoma and eosinophilia as well as occupational injuries due to coming in contact with
sharp needles, metals, wood etc.
• According to schedule 5 of the agreement, the employer (contractor or the corporation) is
supposed to:
1. Provide each pourakarmika with appropriate safety gear including uniform, hand
gloves, aprons, protective foot wear, face masks and badges.
Facilitate regular health check-ups for the pourakarmikas (Krishnan M and Clifton D’Rozario,
Unpublished 2006)
However, the reality is very different. Workers belonging to different municipalities and
corporations talked about health. Over work and inhuman working conditions have resulted in
various health hazards like skin problem, chest pain, back ache, pain in the joints, anaemia, etc.
Hence they have to constantly be on medication. This increases their expenses. In addition to it,
delayed payment forces them to borrow money from the private money lenders who charge very
high rate of interest. They are left with very little money after paying interest on loan and this has
resulted in a very low quality of life.
“My husband suffers from asthma, he is not working since 10 years, and his medicine expenses
come to 1000 per month. I have undergone appendix operation. Recently I had chest pain. I have
taken treatment. My children have not taken up this job, four daughters are married. One son is
working in a shoes shop,” narrated one of the workers in Bellary.
Padmavati, who is working since 20 years in Bellary said, “My grandparents were doing the same
work. My husband was first working as a sweeper in railway station, Later he was a coolie. He
deserted me fourteen years ago and married for the second time. In spite of it he used to come once
in a while but did not help financially. He died recently. I was getting a salary of Rs 300, when I
started this work. Now I am getting Rs 6400. I collect gujari (metal waste), make brooms and sell
and earn some extra income. Bone and joint pain, back pain and pain in the leg is common.
Chances of getting malaria are more in this job. Every month medical expenses come to Rs 500-
1000.”
3.2. Welfare aspects:
The working conditions of Safai Karmacharis are discussed based on the facilities available at the
workplace under the following headings:
A. 3.2.1. Wages
Table 3.1. Wages
Sr.no Wage numbers percen
tage
01 Bank 314 85.79
02 Cash 51 13.93
03 Both 1 0.27
Total 366 100
Graph of table 3.1
Table 3.1 describes the mode of payment. Out of the total number of Safai Karmacharis
interviewed, 85.79% receive their wages through banks, and 13.93% receive their wages through
cash. According to the Contract Labour (Regulation and Abolition) Act 1970, wages must be given
only through cheque. Yet 13.93 % of them are receiving their wages in cash. This is illegal.
Bank85.79%
Cash13.93% Both
0.27%
Mode of Payment
A. 3.2.2 Wage slip
Table: 3.2 wage slip
Sr.no Wage slip numbers Percentage
01 yes 14 3.82
02 no 352 96.17
Total 366 100
Graph of table 3.2
Table 3.2 gives details of the wage slip. 96.17 % of Safai Karmacharis did not receive the wage
slip. Only a minuscule 3.82% of the workers were getting the wage slip. As per the Payment of
Wages Act, one day before disbursing the wages, issuing wage slip showing the details of the wage
is mandatory. Safai Karmacharis are not aware of the details of their wages as they do not get the
payment slip. Only permanent workers get the payment slip.
A. 3.2.3 Wage disparity
The nature of the work of both contract workers and permanent workers is the same. However, the
workload on the contract workers is double, because the contractors make them do the amount of
14
352
3.82%
96.17%
Yes No
Payment Slip
work which is actually done by two people. But the disparity in their wages is enormous. The
salary of a permanent worker was somewhere around Rs 25,000 to 29,000. But the contract
workers are paid salary of Rs 8000 to 9000. In 2017, the Government of Karnataka issued an order
to increase the wages of contract pourakarmikas to Rs 14,000, to be paid directly by the urban
local bodies and also to regularize their work. But the workers are getting the new salary only in
some places and the process of regularizing is yet to begin. The age limit fixed for regularization
is going to affect the workers, who have crossed 40 years and have been working more than 10-15
years.
Salary is not paid regularly anywhere. In some places they pay once in two or three months. In
Mangalore they pay only 26 days’ salary even after workers work for 30 days. If they request the
Maistri (supervisor)for a salary hike, he taunts them and asks them to go and sit beside the officer
and do the deskwork. The workers in KGF said that they suffer a great deal, because of this delay
in the disbursement of salary. Very often they have to borrow money, paying very high rate of
interest. Even in the capital city Bengaluru, the workers said that they had not been paid for two
months.
Venkatalakshmi, who is working in Chitradurga said, “We have to do all the work asked by the
maistri and the supervisor. Workload is very heavy. We get our salary only once in two or three
months. If we demand our salary they will make us work even more. They deduct the PF from our
salary, but they do not give any details about it. They have to pay us the PF after the expiry of the
tender but they don’t give it.”
Many workers said, “If we are given proper salary and facilities we can do this work with a sense
of belonging. 100 people are made do the work of two hundred people. If we ask the maistri to
hike our salary, he makes fun of us and asks us to go to the office and do the deskwork like
Madams.”
A. 3.2.4 Over time salary
Safai Karmacharis work on all the national and state holidays (there are 22 festival holidays in a
calendar). During festive occasions and public functions, heaps of waste get accumulated. Roads
are dumped with banners, posters, flags, mango leaves, banana stems, plastic plates, cups, fire-
crackers, leftover fruits, vegetables and their peels. During such occasions, the workload and
working hours increase twice or three times. According to the Payment of Wages Act, workers
should get double the salary for each extra hour of work and overtime should not exceed 150 hours
each quarter. Over time is a choice and it is not mandatory. But workers are not paid any extra
payment anywhere for either overtime or overwork either by the contractor or the concerned office.
A. 3.2.5 Bonus
Table: 3.3 Bonus Graph of table 3.3
Sr.no Bonus Numbers percentage
01 Yes 00 -
02 No 366 100
Total 366 100
Graph of table 3.3
Table 3.3 gives the details of bonus. Any institution after five years of establishment should give
8.33 % of the yearly salary as bonus. Our fieldwork shows that workers are not paid bonus
anywhere.
No 100%
Yes0%
Bonus
A. 3.2.6. Leave facilities
Table: 3.4 Leave facilities Graph of table 3.4
Sr.no Leave numbers Percentage
01 Yes 7 1.91
02 No 359 98.08
Total 366 100
Graph of table 3.4
Table 3.4 gives the details of leave. Out of the total number of Safai Karmacharis interviewed,
98.08% of them are not getting any kind of leave. Only 1.91% of them, who are permanent
employees are getting leave facilities. They work on all the days including national and State
holidays. They work half a day on Sundays and Wednesdays and on holidays.
7
1.91%
359
98.08%
1 2
Leave
Yes No
A. 3.2.6. Available leave
Table: 3.5 Available leave
Sr.no Available leave numbers Percentage
01 Once a week 8 2.18
02 Sick leave 1 0.27
03 No 354 96.72
04 All 3 0.81
05 Maternity leave 0 0
Total 366 100
Graph of table 3.5
In Table 3.5 details of available leave are given. Of the workers interviewed 96.72% do not get
any kind of leave. 2.18% of them get weekly holiday, 0.27% get sick leave and only 0.81of them
are getting all eligible of leave and they are permanent workers. They get one weekly holiday,
two restricted holidays, 15 casual leave, 30 privileged leave and 20 convertible leave. Contract
workers are legally eligible for all types of leaves like sick leave, maternity leave, national
8 1354
3 0
2.18% 0.27%
96.72%
0.81%
0Weekly sick Nothing All Maternity
Type of Leave
holidays, weekly holidays under the Contract Regulation Act, but they are not getting it. They have
two half days in a week. They have to work only half a day on all the national and state holidays.
But in reality, if they take leave their salary is cut. A finding during field work was that for minor
ailments, sprains and wounds, etc., workers go to private clinics for treatment and then show up
for work. In case of serious health problems, they can only avail of leave without pay. Pregnant
women work almost till the date of delivery and take three months’ salary by replacing someone
till they come back.
A. 3.3. ESI
Table: 3.6 ESI
Sr.no ESI Numbers Percentage
01 Yes 272 74.31
02 No 94 25.68
total 366 100
Graph of table 3.6
Table 3.6 gives the details of the ESI. Out of the total sample of Safai Karmacharis interviewed,
74.31% said that their ESI share was being cut from their salary and 25.68% said it was not.
According to the ESI Act, an establishment which employs more than 20 workers, has to provide
ESI benefit. Every month 1.75% of the workers’ share is deducted from their salary and the
272
74.31%
94
25.68%0
50
100
150
200
250
300
ESI
employer is mandated by law to give the share of 4.75%. Treatment for ill health and providing
pension for workers, who are not fit to work, because of work-related accidents is compulsory
according to the law. During fieldwork it was found that the ESI facility is not effectively
implemented among contract workers.
A. 3.4. Provident Fund
Table: 3.7 Provident Fund
Sr.no PF Numbers Percentage
01 Yes 180 49.72
02 No 186 50.81
total 366 100
Graph of table 3.4
Table 3.7 gives the details of the Provident Fund (PF). Of the total sample of Safai Karmacharis
interviewed, 49.72 % had PF facility and 50.81% did not. According to the PF Act, in an
establishment with more than 10 workers, the employer has to deposit 12% while the workers’
Yes49.72%No
50.81%
0%0%
PF
share is 12% and the total deposited amount has to be handed to the workers at the time of leaving
the job or when it is required by the worker. During fieldwork, it was revealed that the details of
the deductions are not given to the workers even in places where PF is deducted. PF has to be paid
after the completion of each contract, but it is not given anywhere. Only in Bengaluru, two workers,
one of whom was working since 12 years has got Rs.9000 in two instalments, and another worker
got three instalments of Rs.36,000, 26,000 and 23,000 as PF.
A. 3.5 . Death and Accident Compensation
Table: 3.8 Death and Accident Compensation
Sr.no. details Numbers Percentage
01 Yes 07 1.91
02 No 359 98.08
Total 366 100
Graph of table 3.8
98.08%
1.91%
Accident/Death Compensation
Yes No
Table 3.8 gives the details of the accident and death compensation. Of the Safai Karmacharis
interviewed 98.08% did not receive compensation for accident or death. Only 1.91%, who are
permanent employees are receiving it. The incidence of meeting with accidents and death due to
work conditions are more among Safai Karmacharis, who work on busy roads and work with
dangerous and poisonous waste. Yet they do not get any accident and death compensation.
Getting hit by vehicles while sweeping, burn injuries or death while lighting the waste, getting
injured and infected with sharp objects like needles, metal wires, nails and pieces of glass while
lifting the waste, facing the danger of contact with acid while washing toilets as well as stray dog
attacks are very common among the Safai Karmacharis. As per the Contract Regulation Act it is
mandatory on the part of the contractor to pay compensation in case of accident or death. Neither
the corporation nor the contractors have ever paid any compensation or borne medical expenses
anywhere. If at all they get something it is only a flimsy amount to meet the minimum medical
expense. Even that is also given either by the owner of the vehicle or the owner of the house where
the disaster occurs. A few incidents that the researcher came across during the field-study are given
below:
A Safai Karmachari who is working in Bangalore since 10 years fell off from a tractor, when the
brake was suddenly applied. The wheels ran over his back, breaking his bones. He was operated
and rods were inserted. Now he is unable to work but has not got any compensation. Another
worker in Bengaluru had fallen down twice while pushing the handcart during the rainy season.
Her knee is seriously injured. She had to bear the medical expenses and so far has not got any
compensation. One more worker in Bengaluru was hit by a car, leading to a head injury four years
back. She has spent a lakh for the treatment. But has got only Rs. 20,000 from the corporation.
The owner of the car hit her too, but did not pay any compensation.
Another Safai Karmachari, working since 16 years in Bengaluru said, “My husband was working
was a lorry driver in the corporation. He fell off from the lorry and was injured. Now he is
bedridden. No compensation was given. Every month I spend Rs.700 for his treatment. My son
died at the age of 25, because of kidney problem. My daughter has been deserted by her husband,
she stays with me. Another daughter is studying in 9th standard. My daughter earns a bit by
tailoring. My salary is the main source of income.”
A Safai Karmachari who is working in Mysore met with an accident while working. It took two
months to recover. Leave, salary, and compensation nothing was given.
In Bellary, a worker, who was working since 15 years was hit by a car. Her face, legs and hands
were wounded, and she had stitches all over. “I spent Rs. 50,000. The car owner gave only
Rs.20,000, and the contractor did not pay any compensation.” Now she has approached the court
with the help of the union.
Contractors, bearing the medical expenses in addition to granting leave facility is a rare
phenomenon. There was only one instance in Bengaluru, where the contractor bore the medical
expense and also gave leave. Wherever there is a union, they have tried to file a case and get the
medical expenses from the vehicle owners.
A. 3.6. Drinking Water, Toilet, Rest Room, Creche:
Table: 3.9 Creche
Sr.no Creche Number percentage
01 Yes 00 -
02 no 366 100
total 366 100
Graph of table 3.9
Table 3.9 gives the details of creche facility. Creche facility is not provided anywhere. Under the
Contract Regulation Act drinking water, toilet, rest room and creche should be provided. As
women make up the majority of Safai Karmacharis, the non-provision of creche facilities means
that women workers have to bring their children along with them or they have to make alternate
arrangements for child care, which is not always available nor it is cheap. Hence, many women
workers are forced to bring up their children in a highly unhygienic environment.
Workers depend on public taps or the residents of that area for the supply drinking water. But
because water is denied to them due to the practice of untouchability many workers are addicted
to chewing tobacco, beetle leaf and areca nut to quench their thirst. Pure drinking water is a far off
dream. Toilet facility is not provided. They have to search for hiding places to relieve themselves.
Without rest rooms, women face a lot of inconvenience during menstruation and pregnancy. “We
have to go very far for urinating. During menstruation changing clothes (pads) is difficult,” said
one workers in Mysore
A. 3.7. Transportation
Table: 3.10 Transportation Graph of table 3.10
Sr.no Transportation Number Percentage
01 Walking 148 40.43
No 100%
Yes0%
creche
02 Public
transportation
67 18.30
03 Pvt. transportation 123 33.60
04 Own vehicle 10 2.73
05 Public + company
transportation
18 4.91
Total 366 100
Table 3.10 gives the details of the means of transport used by workers. Of the workers interviewed,
40.43 % walk between 1 to 5 kms to reach their workplace. 18% use public transpor; 33.60% use
private transport and 4.91% use both public and the transportation provided by the company, which
has taken up the contract. Only 2.73% use their own vehicle to reach their workplace.
As the workers have to start their work early in the morning, walking or using transport like
autorickshaw is inevitable. Some workers come to the workplace walking and go back by
autorickshaw, and many workers pay Rs 40-50 every day for auto. Public transportation and
transportation provided by the contractor is rare. Only in Mangalore has the contractor provided
transportation. The place where the biometric is taken is usually outside the city. Therefore, the
workers are brought in the lorries and after the biometric is taken, they are transported to their
148 67 12310 18
40.43%
18.30%
33.60%
2.73% 4.91%
Walking Public Private Own Vehicle Public +CompanyVehicle
Transportation
assigned working places. After the completion of the day’s work, the workers make their own way
to give attendance, so they usually walk.
A. 3. 8. Awareness of the Salappa Report Graph of Table
Table: 3.11 Awareness of Salappa Report
Sr.no Details Number Percentage
01 Yes 48 13.11
02 No 318 86.88
Total 366 100
Graph of table 3.11
Table 3.11 gives the details of the awareness of the workers about the Salappa Report. Of the
workers interviewed only 13.11% were aware of the Salappa Report and 86.88% were ignorant of
it.
Of all the reports about the conditions of Safai Karmacharis, the report of the I.P.D.Salappa
Committee in Karnataka is one of the best in India. Many recommendations given by the
committee for the betterment of the Safai Karmacharis have been accepted by the State
government, but are not implemented effectively. Because of this report, the cleaning work during
70s got regularized. Salappa, who hailed from the same community was able to understand the
conditions of the Safai Karmacharis very well. He was able to give better recommendations. Only
13% of the workers, especially the workers of Bengaluru and Bellary know about Salappa, as he
is originally from Bellary and lived in Bengaluru: “He is our man and he has done good for us.”
The rest of the 86.88% workers did not know about the report. Workers are not literates and
Yes13.11%
No86.88%
Awareness of Salappa report
Yes No
government has not made any effort to make them aware of the report, which is relevant even to
this day. Some union leaders are aware of the report and are making use of it when needed.
A. 3. 9. Possibilities of Improving Working Conditions
Table: 3.12 Improvement in working conditions
Sr,no Possibilities Number Percentage
01 Increase in Salary 91 24.72
02 Regularization of work 275 75.28
Total 366 100
Gaph of table 3.12
Table 3.12 gives the details of workers’ suggestions to improve their working conditions. Of the
workers interviewed, 75.28% said that their condition would improve if their work is regularized
with all the benefits. 24.72% said that an increase in the salary would improve their conditions.
There is no difference in the work done by contract Safai Karmacharis and the permanent Safai
Karmacharis. But the contract Safai Karmacharis are paid less salary than the permanent workers.
They are not provided any safety measures and benefits to which they are legally eligible. It was
important for this study to know the suggestions of the contract workers for their improvement.
Suggestions given by the workers are:
1. increase in salary
2. equal salary and benefits with permanent workers
91
27524.72%
75.28%
Higher Wage Permanent Work
Working Condition
3. regular disbursal of salary on a fixed date
4. equality in treatment, no discrimination
5. provision of safety equipment
6. provision of breakfast, towel, soap, oil and clothes
7. provision should be made for public toilets in every locality
8. provision of rain coat to work in rainy season
9. stinking smell should be avoided
10. waste should be segregated properly
11. waste should not be put in plastic covers
12. good education for children
Almost all the workers had a dream that one day they would be regularized. It is this dream which
has made them to continue for more than 20 years. When they were asked the purpose of
regularizing as most of them are reaching the age of retirement, they said that they wished their
son, daughter or daughter-in-law to be given employment in their place. Government jobs were
seen as the ultimate security.
A worker-friendly environment, suitable salary, dignified treatment of the workers and their work
are fundamental right of every worker. But these basic rights are violated with regard to Safai
Karmacharis . They continue to work as they have no other alternatives. They are shunned and
looked down upon both by the State and society, regarded as the dirt that they clean. Along with
effective implementation of laws, respect and love from civil society is essential for their
betterment.
A. 3.10. Safety Aspects
A. 3.10.1. Safety Equipment
Table: 3.13 Safety Equipment
Sr.no Safety equipment numbers percentage
01 Hand gloves, mask or both 121 33.06
02 Gloves, mask and others 10 2.73
03 Nothing 235 64.20
Total 366 100
Graph of table 3.13
Table 3.13 gives the details of the safety equipment. Of the workers interviewed, 33.06% were
given hand gloves and masks, 2.73% were given hand gloves and mask with other safety
equipment and the majority i.e, 64.20%, were not given any safety equipment.
As per the law it is compulsory, to give safety equipment to workers engaged in hazardous work.
But the Safai Karmacharis , who are dealing with dangerous waste like syringes, bandages, stool,
urine, blood from the labs and dead/decomposed animals are not given any safety equipment like
hand gloves, gum boots or masks. In a few places, where it is given, the equipment is of low quality
and not durable. Moreover, it is given only once in awhile and not regularly. In some places
workers said that they were given equipment only when an inspector is was coming for inspection
or when they were being photographed.
Let alone safety equipment, even essential equipment like brooms, pan to pick up waste, drums to
fill the waste, sickles to cut weeds and rakes to pull the waste are also not supplied regularly.
Workers themselves make arrangements for this equipment. Sufficient number of brooms was also
not provided. Workers make brooms out of the coconut leaves which they get or buy by paying Rs
60-80. They use tin sheets or cartons to remove the dirt. In some places where drums are not given,
workers use the thrown away mats or charpai to remove the waste. Workers have to maintain the
push carts, which include greasing the wheels, repairing the carts, locate a place to keep the cart
etc.
121
10
235
33.06%
2.73%
64.20%
Gloves, Mask or both Gloves, Mask & Others Nothing
Safety Equipment
A. 3.10.2. Dangers Associated With the Work
Cleaning work is very hazardous. When they leave their homes early in the morning public
transport is not available. They end up walking to work, the workers face the danger of stray dog
attack, getting hit by the vehicles and women additionally face the problem of sexual harassment.
Table: 3.14 Accidents
Sr.no Accidents percentage
01 Dog bites 84.44
02 Accidents 64.44
03 Attack by men 26.67
04 Others 89.17
100
Graph of table 3.14
Table 3.14 gives details of the dangers faced by the workers. Of the workers interviewed, 84.44%
face stray dog menace; 64.44% face being hit by vehicles; 26.67% face sexual abuse, and 89.17%
face other dangers, which include injury and infection by sharp objects like glass pieces, nails,
needle etc.; injury due to the bursting of fire crackers in the rubbish thrown out during Deepavali
festival; burn injury or death while setting fire to waste; chopping off of their fingers while cutting
weeds etc. Workers face a number of difficulties while sweeping and clearing the waste during the
rainy season. Many a time they have been bitten by snakes too. A person who has been working
in Kalburgi for 23 years said, “When I was sweeping near Bande Nawaz Durga, I was bitten by a
stray dog. I paid Rs. 250 for the injection.” Another worker who has been working for five years
84.44%
64.44%
26.67%
89.17%
Dog bite
Accidents
Attack by men
Others
Work Place Risks
said, “Sometimes we are scared to enter the street because of the street dogs.” In two other
instances, when workers were hit by an autorickshaw, the contractor did not pay them any
compensation. Medical expenses were met by the autorickshaw owners. A worker in Kalburgi,
who has been working for 23 years cut her finger while cutting the weed. Further her hand was
fractured when she was hit by a two-wheeler. But she did not get compensation from anyone.
These things show how hazardous their life is and also they show very clearly that Safai
Karmacharis do not have any safety and are not given any protection. Concerned officers have not
provided the facilities as per the law. Civilians are indifferent towards the workers. Neither the
work nor the workers are respected.
A. 3.10.3. Sexual Harassment at the Workplace
According to the Sexual Harassment of Women at the Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and
Redressal) Act, 2013, a healthy environment, which is free of sexual harassment, is the right of
every woman. Creating such a healthy environment is the legal duty of the state and employer.
The condition of women Safai Karmacharis is discussed with reference to the aforesaid act.
Table: 3.15 Sexual harassment
Sr.no Sexual harassment numbers Percentage
01 Yes 50 13.66
02 Yes it is normal 284 77.59
03 No 32 8.74
Total 366 100
Graph of table 3.15
Table 3.15 throws light on the sexual harassment faced by the female Safai Karmacharis. Of the
women interviewed, 13.66% said that they faced sexual harassment at work place. 77.59% said
that sexual harassment was “normal” and that they had to deal with it.
As per the law, setting up an internal committee to prevent sexual harassment and create
harassment free working environment is the legal responsibility of the employer. But neither the
contractor nor the corporation has taken any measure to ensure safety. Therefore the workers
themselves have evolved a strategy to safeguard themselves. Female Safai Karmacharis leave their
homes very early in the morning. They sweep the roads in residential areas as well as lengthy main
roads. They always come to the workplace in groups. They keep track of the whereabouts of each
person belonging to their group. Whenever they are in danger they contact each other and tackle
the situation. “When we leave our home, it is still dark, so we go in groups, when we face any
danger we shout, or call. If we know beforehand, that the place is dangerous, we share the
information among us.” Maistris talk badly and address us in [the disrespectful] singular. There
are instances of two-wheeler riders hitting them. They face harassment/ misbehaviour from men
while sweeping roads in residential areas. When asked about the strategies they employed, they
said, “Do you think we will keep quiet? We scold, we even hit. We shout at the top of our voices.
We hit them with whatever we have in our hands. Let them touch us, they will see the consequence.
Yes13.66%
It is Normal we deal with it
77.59%
Not Answered
8.74%
Sexual Harassment
Why do we have brooms?” In spite of such harassment, there were no instances of reporting to
the police.
They further said, “We face severe harassment from the Maistries. We don’t inform anyone for
fear of losing our jobs. If our families come to know of this, they won’t let us work. Women who
are young and have lost their husbands face greater harassment.”
“When we are walking alone on the streets, it is common for two-wheeler riders to touch our
shoulders or pat our backs,” they said. A worker working in Bellary shared her experience: “Once,
a young man of my son’s age drove by on a two-wheeler and patted on my shoulder. Immediately,
I called another worker sweeping in the next circle. They caught hold of him. He was made to
apologize. He claimed that he mistook me for somebody whom he knew and touched my
shoulder.”
Wherever there is a labour union, the women there have support to fight. Padmavathi of Bellary
said, “Sexual harassment is very common. Always we have to be alert. I am a union member; it
has given me strength and courage.”
On the whole, female workers strongly felt that they had to face the sexual harassment and violence
on their own and that nobody views it as their responsibility. “We don’t share the experience of
harassment we face outside even with our family members. If we share, they do not let us work.
We have to earn, because we have children. Facing all this is a part of our life. Our safety is our
responsibility. We are nobody to this society, hence why do they care for us?” These words mirror
the indifference of the society towards their plight. Compulsion to earn a livelihood has made them
bold and daring. They face everything and earn and sustain their families.
A. 3.11. Health
The World Health Organization has defined health as “Physical, mental and social wellbeing
condition not merely disease or weakness condition” in its 1948 constitution.
Physical, mental and social wellbeing is possible only when nutrition, food, housing, water and
sanitation is provided. Proper medical treatment and care to overcome diseases; job with living
wages to meet essential requirements and a social environment in which self-respect is honoured.
Safe and healthy working conditions are essential to work efficiently. It is the duty of the state to
provide such working conditions. Here the health condition of Safai Karmacharis is discussed in
the back ground of their working conditions.
A. 3.11.1. Hard Work
Karnataka State had set up a committee under the chairmanship of I.P.D. Salappa in 1972 to study
the conditions of Safai Karmacharis. The Committee had conducted a detailed study and had
submitted its recommendations to the Government of Karnataka, which were accepted by the
government. One of the recommendations was to appoint one pourakarmika for every 500 persons.
This has not been implemented anywhere. Everywhere one person is being made to do the work
of two people. The salary paid is also insufficient. It is difficult for them to do any other work to
earn a little extra income. Many workers said that they are exhausted by such hard work.
Yarramma who is working in Bengaluru since 15 years said, “We are asked to cut the weeds, and
we go cutting the weeds nearly a mile. After cutting we have to come back again to give attendance
and then go home.” This back-breaking work continues without respite.
Many workers told us, “Waste is not segregated properly. Only one out of 100 does it properly.
They put all the waste in a plastic cover and tie it. We have to put our hands inside the plastic cover
to take it out, which takes time. Sometimes while putting the plastic cover filled with waste, it gets
torn and the waste drops down and gets mixed up. “When a pregnant cow is slaughtered, the foetus,
intestine and everything has to be cleared. Blood splashes on us.” It is difficult to push the cart.
When the work pressure is more, we don’t even have time to have breakfast. It is very difficult
during rainy season.”
A worker in Kalburgi said, “People defecate in front of the main entrance of Bande Navaz Dargah”
(the Dargah built in the name of a famous Muslim saint is visited by lakhs of devotees during Urs).
Nagamma, who is working in Chitradurga said, “We have to pluck weeds with bare hands. We are
sent to segregate waste in a dumping yard, it is difficult. It stinks and is very dirty. The yard is in
the outskirts of the city and we have to walk the distance.” Suma, who is also working in
Chitradurga said, “We can’t eat properly, because of this smell, but as we have no other alternative,
we have to work.”
Mayamma from Gangavati said, “Houses have drainpipes in such a way that excreta falls straight
into the gutter, it is nauseating to clean. Once I made a video of it and showed it to the
commissioner, he was shocked and turned away as though it fell on him and said enough, enough.
She questioned, “Tell me, how can we do such dirty work, which you can’t even bear to see?”
Case Study
Sharadamma from Bengaluru narrated her story. ‘It is difficult to do this work. Brooms get worn
out in a week or ten days. Once when I asked the maistri for a broom, he said ‘take out your sari
and sweep’. We buy brooms; if we get coconut leaves we make brooms ourselves. Brooms are
good to sweep dust. They have given push carts to collect waste from houses. Pushing the cart
uphill is very difficult as it does not slide smoothly. In the main roads, when heavy transport is
coming, we have to use all our strength to hold back and control the cart because it doesn’t have a
brake. We have to spend for grease and for repairs.
In the new tender the pay was hiked, and the number of workers was reduced. Now we have to do
double the work that we were doing earlier. We have to bend and sweep. We constantly suffer
from backache and pain in the hand. We don’t even get time to have breakfast. If we are late, we
are marked absent. Somehow, we manage to drink coffee or tea. The meal we eat in the afternoon
after we return home is the first proper meal we have. Even if we sit for fraction of a second, they
scold us. Sharp objects like metal wires, glass pieces and nails are mixed in the waste, many a
time we have been injured. People mix pads of blood and excreta together. If they don’t give the
waste, when we ask later they throw it into the gutter, which we have to take out. If we miss the
lorry then we have to put the waste into the stone bin by lifting the heavy drum. Sometimes twice
or three times, we have to fill the push cart and pull it. We have to lift carcasses of dead cats and
dogs. When it rains, waste gets mixed up with water, it becomes difficult to sweep and lift the
waste. Everything we have to do with bare hands.
They do not provide us any place to park the push cart. We have to request the residents to give us
a place. We don’t get place to keep our brooms and basket. Sometimes for lack of place to keep
them, we have to carry them home. Once I had all most lost my cart. I was asked to pay Rs 5000.
Later I found it -- somebody had hidden it intentionally. Our shoulders, arms and joints pain. I
often get a cough because of the dust.
A. 3.11.2. Health Problems
Table: 3.16. Health Problems
Sr.no. Health problems Number percentage
01 Asthma 16 4.37
02 Respiratory related 71 19.39
03 Body ache 249 68.03
04 Other 30 8.19
Total 366 100
Graph of table 3.16
Table 3.16 gives the details of the health problems faced by the Safai Karmacharis. Of the Safai
Karmacharis interviewed 68.03% suffer from bone and joint pain; 19.39% suffer from respiratory
problems, 4.37% suffer from skin diseases; 8.19% suffer from other health problems like infection
due to injuries from sharp materials, accidents caused, while burning waste.
Safai Karmacharis suffer from various health problems, because they work in the dirt and the waste
without any safety equipment like mask, hand gloves, gum boots etc. Common diseases that they
face are dengue, chest pain, bone related problems like joint, knee and back pain, infection due to
injuries, headache, heaviness in the head, pain in the neck, asthma, eye allergy, jaundice, pain in
the hand because of cutting weeds, vehicle accidents while sweeping the roads, fire accidents while
setting fire to the waste, accidents by acid while cleaning the toilets, breaking bones while loading
the waste into the lorry, chopping of fingers while cutting the weeds are all connected directly to
their work. Some workers have also undergone hysterectomy. Some have cardiac problems,
hypertension, diabetes kidney stones and other kidney related problems.
A. 3.11.3. Relationship Between Work and Health
Work is the main source of livelihood. There are many hazardous types of work and cleaning work
is one such. There is a direct relationship between the work and the health conditions of Safai
Karmacharis.
1671
249
30
4.37%
19.39%
68.03%
8.19%
Skin Respiratory Body Ache Others
Health Problems
Table: 3.17 Relationships Between Work and Health
Sl.no. details number Percentage
01 Yes 362 99
02 No 4 1
Total 366 100
Graph of table 3.17
Table 3.17 gives the details of the relationship between work and health problems faced by the
Safai Karmacharis. Out of the workers interviewed 99% told that their health problems are due to
the nature of the work they do. The present study throws light on the fact that cleaning is hazardous
work and it directly affects the health of the workers.
There is a direct relationship between the health of Safai Karmacharis and the cleaning work they
do. They clear the waste with bare hands without safety gear like hand gloves, gum boots, masks
etc. despite the fact that providing this equipment is the contractor’s legal obligation. Waste from
the hospitals, factories, markets, homes, dead animals on the roads which are decomposed and
filled with micro-organisms, cleaning the gutters, plucking weed with bare hands are some of the
reasons of their health problems. Mosquitoes in the waste cause vector-borne diseases like dengue,
malaria, chikungunya and elephantiasis. One worker who sprays pesticide said that he had
epilepsy. Some workers said that they couldn’t eat because of the stench. Workers, who maintain
Yes99%
No1%
Relationship between work and
health
Yes No
the health of the public by doing hazardous work are dying untimely deaths. They have a low life
expectancy. This is a grave injustice done to them by both the government and the public.
A. 3.11.4. Treatment
This sub section discusses the treatment available to the Safai Karmacharis.
Table: 3.18 Treatment
Sr.no Treatment Number Percentage
01 Government hospital 120 32
02 Private hospital 217 59
03 Both 29 9
Total 366 100
Graph of table 3.18
Table 3.18 gives details of the hospitals, which Safai Karmacharis approach for treatment. Of the
workers interviewed 32% go to the government hospitals and 50% go to private hospitals for
treatment and 9% go to both.
The study reveals that constant visits to the doctor for health reasons are a part of a Safai
Karmacharis routine. Most of the workers said that for health problems like asthma, cough, fever,
cold, infections due to injuries, tiredness, headache etc they go to private hospitals. They have to
recover very quickly because they don’t get leave. Even if they do get leave, it is leave without
pay. Since government hospitals are far off, and they have to wait, they prefer private clinic, which
are nearby. They take medicines and injections to recover fast. Many workers do not even go to
Government32%
Private59%
Both9%
Where will you go for treatment?
private clinics they go to medical shops, describe their symptoms and take medicines the chemist
prescribes.
Safai Karmacharis prefer government hospitals for serious diseases like cancer, kidney problem,
thyroid, diabetes, piles, cardiac problems, which require surgery.
A worker who underwent surgery to remove a lump in the breast spent Rs.15000.
Another worker in Bengaluru had a cardiac problem since 7 months, so she had to take injections
once in 21 days.
‘My son who was doing his engineering course had a paralytic stroke, so he is lying at home. I
have to take care of him. I have severe knee pain, I take tablets everyday said a worker in
Bengaluru.
Hanumakka, working in Bengaluru said, “I have shooting pain in my head, and paid Rs 50,000 for
treatment including MRI scan.”
“Because of dust allergy I have spent nearly Rs 25,000,’ said a worker from Bellary.
“I had malaria several times. I took medicine from government hospital. For common illnesses I
go to the medical store and take medicine,” said another worker in Bellary.
“I have chest pain. I had also met with an accident and I have to spend Rs 2000 every month for
treatment,” said a worker in Bellary.
“I had allergy in my eyes due to dust. I also had chikungunya recently, so I feel very tired,” said a
worker in Bengaluru.
“My son has cardiac problem, so every month I have to spend Rs.2000. There is an extra growth
in my nose, but I am scared of getting it operated,” said Parvathi in Mangalore, who has migrated
from Gadag.
“Plucking weeds causes allergy, so I take an injection 2-3 times a week,” said a worker in KGF.
“Back pain has become my constant companion. I have undergone hysterectomy operation,” said
one worker.
“My husband is a permanent employee. If he has money, he drinks all day long. When he was
drunk, he fell and broke his hip bone, so it is difficult to walk. I have a cough since childhood.
Now I have cardiac problem. If I don’t eat on time I can’t eat later,” said a worker in Mysore.
“I have chest pain since three months but have not gone for any treatment. I don’t have a count of
how many times I was injured due to sharp objects. Pain in the waist, pain in the bone is common,”
said a worker in Mysore.
Venkatamma from Bengaluru narrated her story thus: “My eyes always water. The doctor said that
I have to take leave for two weeks to undergo a surgery. They remove us from service if we take
even a day’s leave. How can I take two weeks’ leave? My salary is not sufficient. How can I
manage the rent, bus fare and the monthly expenses of the children? If we ask the owner to increase
the salary, he says we have to bribe the corporation to pass the bill, so we can’t increase the salary.
If you want more salary, ask your union people.”
During fieldwork it was found that legal obligations are not carried out by local bodies like city
corporations and town corporations, which employ Safai Karmacharis through the contract system.
Part B: Conditions of Manual Scavengers.
Manual scavengers are the ones who clear the excreta collected in the pits, clear the blockages in
the underground drainage; work in the sewerage treatment plants, where dirty water is processed.
All this amounts to manual scavenging as the workers directly deal with handling human excreta.
Manual scavenging is the worst form of untouchability and violation human dignity existing in our
country. Accepting this fact the Prohibition of Employment of Manual Scavengers and their
Rehabilitation Act 2013 says “....dehumanizing practice of manual scavenging, arising from the
continuing ‘existence of insanitary latrines and a highly iniquitous caste system, still persists in
various parts of the country, and the existing laws have not proved adequate in eliminating the
twin evils of insanitary latrines and manual scavenging” and also says “...it is necessary to correct
the historical injustice and indignity suffered by the manual scavengers and to rehabilitate them to
a life of dignity. It further defines “insanitary latrine means a latrine which requires human excreta
to be cleaned or otherwise habdled manually either in situ or in an open drain or pit into which the
excreta is discharged or flushed out, before the excreta fully decomposes...” (p:20 The Prohibition
of Employment of Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act 2013)
The conditions of manual scavengers are discussed here in the light of the 2013 act. Only in
Bengaluru, city corporation workers clean the cities and Bengaluru water supply and sewerage
board workers do the cleaning of manholes. In other parts of Karnataka, municipality workers do
both the work.
Houses, hospitals, factories and other establishments are connected to the underground drainage
system through drains for carrying toilet waste. Underground drainage is a lengthy network
through which, waste is carried up to the outskirts of the city. Since underground sewers are
channels for both human and industrial solid and liquid waste, this sewage network often gets
clogged with kitchen and hotel wastes; medical waste, such as syringes, blades, sanitary waste
such as diapers and sanitary napkins, glass shards, household gadgets, and non-biodegradable
objects of a variety of plastics, industrial sludge, and construction debris.
There are openings to this underground drainage at particular intervals to enter and remove
blockage. These openings are called manholes, and it is Safai Karmacharis, who clear clogged
drains. Underground drainage system is not available in all places. Where it is not available people
have soak pits. Pits are dug and when they are filled with excreta Safai Karmacharis are called to
clean them. Cities are supposed to be symbols of modernity, but for Safai Karmacharis modernity
is hell. In order to clear clogged drains, Safai Karmacharis descend into water filled with excreta.
Earlier Safai Karmacharis were carrying baskets of excreta on their heads but in modern times they
are made to swim in shit-filled water. This is what modernity is for them: the worst form of the
caste system. An analysis of the conditions of workers, who clean the manholes and soak pits,
forms a part of this study.
In most places men carry out the manhole and soak pit cleaning. Although the focus of the present
research is on women Safai Karmacharis, it was felt necessary to give glimpse of the underground
drainage work done by men through a feminist perspective. Along with addressing gender
inequality, the feminist perspective also addresses other inequalities in the name of caste, class,
sexual orientation, disability etc. Feminism is a way of life based on equality and justice of all. In
the light of this, when we look at the issue of UGD workers one can see their work is degraded,
their labour has no value, they are subjected to ill-treatment, and their very existence is not
acknowledged. They do the most essential work of survival like women but are degraded.
Therefore, it was important to study the experience of men who are involved in UGD cleaning. A
sample of 13 male UGD workers was included in this study.
B. 3. 1 History of Manual Scavenging
There is no authoritative history published on the practice of manual scavenging in India. This is
no surprise, given the casteist nature of academic research, where the practice of manual
scavenging is often invisibilized. (PUCL 2019: 48).
However, there is enough historical evidence Many writers have noted the historical existence of
scavenging as a profession. The disposal of human excreta was mentioned as one of the 15 duties
of slaves listed in the “Naradiya Samhita.” The terms Chandal and Paulkasa were used for those
engaged in the task of disposal of night soil. These two terms were used also during the Buddhist
period. The scavengers and sweepers were known to clean the city and dispose of night soil in
Pataliputra during Maurya Period. The practice of manual cleaning of night soil was also prevalent
in Europe and America until the 19th century. In India however, the assignment of labour and
servitude according to birth in a particular caste has continued to this day.
Ironically, colonization did not bring newer ideas from Europe, but instead the “new lease of life
given to caste-based occupations such as manual scavenging owes much to the colonial
intervention. As British Cantonments were established, sanitation became a pressing concern. In
the absence of a sewer system or any major lakes near urban settlements, the British military
required a growing labour force to move human excreta.” (PUCL 2019: 57)
In fact, during the colonial period, the profession of moving/dealing with excreta became a
specialized category within the broader category of scavenger/sanitation worker/sweeper.
Further, as the PUCL report points out, modernization in the Indian context led to the strengthening
of the relationship between sanitation work and certain castes deemed untouchable. Certain castes
were subordinated not through a direct relationship with dominating groups, but through
generalized political, economic, legal, and technological marginalization, routinized through
expanded infrastructural networks. “One crucial factor that affected this change was urbanization,
a process that not only affected Indian cities but also villages, in that such growth subordinated
rural society to urban centers. The dramatic growth of cities and towns, a result of direct British
rule after the Indian rebellion of 1857, was premised on the laying of extensive sanitation
infrastructures that required large numbers of impoverished labour from the countryside, usually
drawn from dominated castes.” (PUCL 2019: 61)
B.3.2. The Prohibition of Employment of Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act
2013
While manual scavenging may be seen as one of the worst manifestations of the caste system,
there were progressive attempts by parliament to conceptualize it as an atrocity and provide
adequate punishment and ensure that the rights of the victim were protected. One important step
was the amendment to the Employment of Manual Scavengers And
Construction of Dry Latrine (Prohibition) Act 1993.
Important aspects of this Act are as follows:
• Section 5 prohibits insanitary toilets and employment and involvement of manual
scavengers.
• Section 6 nullifies any contract agreement or any other kind of agreement made before the
implementation of the Act.
• Section 7 prohibits involving of appointing any person in cleaning the dangerous
underground drainage of septic tank after the implementation of the Act.
• If Section 8 or 5 or 6 is violated; for the first violation there is a one year imprisonment or
50,000 penalty; second time violation carries two years imprisonment or Rs 1,00,000
penalty.
• Section 2(1) mentions safety equipment and other cleaning equipment, and safety
precautions that are to be guaranteed.
• This Act mentions that rehabilitation and the creation of alternative employment for people
engaged in manual scavenging and construction of community toilets for them is the
responsibility of the local authorities like Municipality, Municipal Corporation and Gram
Panchayats (p.16, 17 & 18 WP (civil) no.583 of 2003).
B. 3.2.1. Loopholes in the Act
The Prohibition of Employment of Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act, 2013, has the
following loopholes and lacks effective implementation.
• Identifying insanitary toilets and employment of manual scavengers is not carried
out properly. Without proper identification, it is declared that manual scavenging
is not being done. Risky cleaning also includes clearing the blocks through
manholes which are 8-9 feet deep; clearing the blocked chambers in houses;
clearing the soak pits; clearing sewerage treatment plants (some of which are
constructed without permission). Houses, which do not have underground drainage
system, have their toilet pipes carrying excreta directly to the gutter outside.
Cleaning of these gutters also amounts to manual scavenging. Not all toilets
constructed under the Swachh Bharat scheme are sanitary latrines with double pits.
They are nothing but soak-pits. Clearing such pits is also manual scavenging. All
these are not included in the Act.
• Identifying manual scavengers and rehabilitating them is not done properly.
Identifying is done by the concerned officials or workers can themselves make a
declaration. Such workers have to be registered; they should be given ID card.
Effective rehabilitation should be carried out so that they do not go back to
scavenging. The Act does not say anything about workers, who are not appointed
by the authorized institutions or persons. There are thousands of workers who are
called for clearing the soak pits. These workers just go with a bucket, rope and
bamboo stick. Painting workers, plumbing workers, electric workers, garden
workers, workers who spray pesticide for mosquito control are called to the soak
pits and sewerage treatment plants without any training.
• According to statistics from the Socio-economic and Caste Census 2011, there were
98537 (1.45%) insanitary toilets, 1789119 (26%) pits, 1711701 (25.36%) septic
tanks and 2,994,610 toilets with underground drainage system. In the country there
are reportedly 1,68,000, and in the State there are 15,720 manual scavengers. In
Tumkur district alone 3337 manual scavengers are identified. But in the entire state
including both rural and urban, only 993 manual scavengers have been identified
for rehabilitation. Pillappa from Doddaballapura has been given an ID card. But
because of a spelling mistake in his name he has not yet received the first instalment
of the rehabilitation amount of Rs.40,000. Based on the number of soak pits,
manholes, insanitary latrines and cleaning machines it is simple to identify and
rehabilitate the workers. Lack of will is the reason behind the under-counting of
manual scavengers.
• In many of apartments in the city, sewerage treatment plants (STP) are constructed
without permission. In an apartment in HSR layout, three people Srinivasa,
Madegowda and Narayanaswamy died while cleaning the STP on 7th January 2018.
Nobody in the apartment gave water to wash the bodies smeared with excreta. Later
someone gave just a bottle of water with which only faces were washed. The IGP
came for inspection, and was covered in the media with photographs. Yet the
incident was not registered under the Prohibition of Manual Scavenging Act. The
police registered the deaths under section 304, or death due to negligence. Families
of the deceased workers have not received any compensation. Srinivasa’s wife has
undergone two surgeries. She is working as a domestic worker and has a son
studying in 10th standard. Having lost the main bread winner, the family is in a
shock. The situation of other two deceased workers is similar.
• The Act also has contradictory provisions. While it prohibits manual scavenging
and hazardous cleaning, it says that with the Task Force and permission, entry into
to the manhole is permitted to repair the manholes and to connect the old manholes
with new ones. Such contradictions have made manholes veritable ‘death holes’
killing 70 workers from 2018. 68 families have received compensation, but so far
no case has been registered under the Act, and no punishment has been ordered.
• The Act talks of prohibition, punishment and rehabilitation. But it does not talk
about the necessary plan for and financial assistance for implementation. As per the
Act, the DC is responsible for implementation. But it does not say what should be
done if it is not implemented. This Act does not connect related institutions
connected with the work, like the Pollution Control Board which gives permission
to construct STPs.
Because the Act is not implanted effectively, lack of machines to replace manual scavenging
continues. Poor, vulnerable workers without alternative livelihoods risk their life doing such
hazardous work.
B.3.3 Dangerous Health Hazards Faced by Manual Scavengers
Raj Narayan Tiwari of the National Institute of Occupational Health (NIOH), Ahmedabad has
done a detailed study on the dangers faced by UGD workers and has submitted a report
‘Occupational Health Hazards in sewerage and sanitary workers’ in 2006. NIOH works with the
World Health Organization and it was also recognized as a Nodal agency for nine projects under
9th five year plan by the department of Health and Family welfare. Dangerous health problems
recognized in the report are as follows:
B.3.3.1 Dangerous Effects of Hydrogen Sulphide
Exposure to 10 to 500 ppm of Hydrogen Sulphide will cause headache for several hours, pain in
legs and can sometimes make a person unconscious. Exposure to 500-700 ppm makes a person
unconscious for few minutes but will not affect respiration. In severe poisoning person can drop
to coma with dyspnoea, polypnoea and slate-blue cyanosis until breathing restarts. Tachycardia
and tonic-colonic spasm can happen. Inhaling large quantity of Hydrogen Sulphide immediately
causes anoxia resulting in death by asphyxia. It can cause fits, which will make a person
unconscious and a person can die while unconscious. These symptoms are found among UGD
workers. UGD gases include methane, nitrogen, carbon dioxide and ammonia. In sub-acute
poisoning, the toxins make the eyelids swell, the eyes red, causes watering and mucus in eyes,
causing the lids to stick, harms the eyeball and makes the vision blurry. These symptoms are called
“gas eyes” which are normally found among sugar factory workers and UGD workers.
B.3.3.2 Effect on the muscles and bones
The NIOH study of 255 UGD workers revealed that the work causes pain in the neck, upper back
and lower back. Problem of the backbone increases as they grow old.
B.3.3.3. Infections
Infections are generally caused due to:
a. Hand to mouth contact while eating, drinking and smoking or by wiping the face with
contaminated hands or gloves or by licking splashes from the skin which causes infection.
b. Skin contacts through cuts, scratches or penetrating wounds will cause infection i.e. from
discarded needles, entering of organisms through eyes, nose and mouth.
c. By breathing dust, aerosol or mist.
These infections commonly studied among these workers include leptospirosis, (come through
contact with animals excreta and urine) hepatitis (inflammation of the leaver) and helicobacter
pylori (bacteria causing intestine cancer) infection. (Tiwari 2008: 113) Other infections like
typhoid, hepatitis-A, cholera, polio, ring worms occur due to direct contact with the human excreta.
Skin infections, tetanus, bronchitis, cystitis, asthma and throat infection are also very common.
B.3.4. Conditions of Manual Scavengers
Conditions of the workers who clean manholes and septic tanks are discussed in the forthcoming
pages. In order to collect the data, workers, family of diseased workers were visited and
interviewed in, Kolar and KGF. The incidents quoted here in fact are self-explanatory and bring
out the pathetic and tragic predicament of those involved in such work.
B.3.4.1. Kolar
Kolar City Corporation has 35 health wards, in which 200-230 Safai Karmacharis are working. Of
these, 130 workers are permanent workers and 100 are contract workers. Out of 100, 85 clean the
city and 15 clean the manholes. There are about 2000 manholes in Kolar and only two machines
for cleaning. Fifteen UGD workers were interviewed as part of the study. Workers spoke about
the nature of their work, problems they face while working, their health problems and the mental
agony they undergo. It is described here in their own words.
“There are two workers to handle each cleaning machine. We remove the plate and fix a pipe
approximately 60 meter long. The driver will gradually accelerate, and the person fixing the pipe
gives signals to increase or decrease the accelerator. While cleaning, the pressure is at 3000. We
face dangers because of the pressure. We need three people to push, pull and to put pressure to
operate the pipe and to open the plate but our officer makes only two people do it. If the silt is very
hard we go on adding water to dilute it and then we remove it by kongani (a removing tool). If it
is a blockage due to hard things it takes 2-3 hours. When bags, silk worm nests, thermocol, gunny
bags, plastic covers, spoons, cups, clothes etc, have blocked the hole then it takes a long time to
clear. Ordinary complaints can be attended to within 45 minutes to one hour. Our hands and bodies
become dirty while cleaning. It stinks; Along with manhole cleaning we segregate and collect the
garbage on the streets and load it to the lorry. They throw even the adult diapers. We have to
separate bones and intestines, segregate chappals, tires, and rubber things. Hospital waste contains
glass pieces and syringes too. We suffer from cold, cough, body ache, fatigue, giddiness, headache,
burning sensation in the eyes, vomiting due to the smell, back ache, chest pain, blood in the nose,
burning sensation in the stomach. In the meeting of the municipal councillors, the issue of retaining
our posts was discussed. Till today they have not given us any information. We are constantly
living with the fear of losing our jobs. We have not even been paid our salary for three months. If
we ask, they say we still have not got the work order. We are bored with this job, get annoyed
because this job is dirty and salary is very low. About 99 percent workers out of 100 have to drink
to do this stinking work,” said the workers
B.3.4.2. KGF
In order to undestand the conditions of the workers in KGF, it is important to know the history of
the town. Kolar Gold Field known as ‘KGF’ is the highest revenue earning district in the state.
Tipu Sultan, the ruler of Mysore was aware of the gold ore in Marikuppa in Kolar and had made a
blue print for extraction. The British who defeated Tipu Sultan started mining based on Tipu’s
blue print, after the death of Tipu Sultan in 1799. From 1804-1860 Lt. Warren conducted several
explorations in the region. It was continued by Michael Fritzgerald Lavelle in 1871. It was
impossible for him do it alone and a syndicate was formed in 1877 called ‘The Colar
Concessionaries Co.’ with several investors. As it requires special mining engineering skill and
machinery John Taylor and Sons Co, was called in 1900.
John Taylor, in charge of the mining is considered to be the ‘founder’ of KGF mines. There were
several 10-20 meters long mines with names like Endry shop, Henry shop, Gilburd shop, Golkonda
shop, Baloon shop, Taylor shop, Richard shop, Penan shop etc. In order to enable work day and
night, a hydro electricity plant was established in Gaganachukki-Barachukki falls in
Shivanasamudra in 1902. KGF became the first place to get electricity in Karnataka. In order to
carry gold, a railway line was started. The British brought people from the untouchable Madiga
and holeya castes from Dharmapuri, Krishnagiri, salem, north Arcot and south arcot of Tamilnadu
State and Chittoor, Madanapalli and Ananthpur of Andhra State to dig and bring out the ore from
the deep mines. Along with mining work they were made to do cleaning work in the township,
where British families lived.
Telugu speaking Madiga people were made to live in Champion reef, Coramandal reef, Urugum
pet, Kennedy’s sixth lane, Mysore Mines, Mysore Champions, N.T. Block, Anderson Pet, Colar
Line, Beer shop area, Kondaiah gudisalu and doddi. Holeyas were made to stay in Tank Block,
ML Block, S.T.Block, 4th Block, Kennedy’s first to fifth lane. Separate churches and temples were
built for them. Priests from Devarayana samudra were brought to do pooja in temples. Even the
beef shops were separate. Thus the caste barriers were kept intact by the British.
Workers toiled from 7 am to 7 pm. They were paid enough only to survive. Houses given to
workers as quarters were no better than the pig holes. Till date, 800 metric tonnes of gold have
been mined, and nearly 6000 workers have died in the mines.
John Taylor and Sons Co, a British company continued even after independence, until 1956. The
company was selling gold to the British at the rate of London Market, which was 1/3 less than the
Bombey rate. In 1962, the government took over ownership of the mines. In 2001, when the mines
were empty, the government closed them down. Mining stopped, but manual scavenging has
continued till date even though it was banned in 1993. The Indian caste system has not only
contributed greatly to British imperalism to loot gold but continues to loot the lives of the
untouchable castes. It is evident from the following tragedy.
B.3.5. Tragic deaths
Cleaning of manholes and pits is hazardous as the poisonous gas trapped inside can kill
underground drains and soak pits contain mixture of poisonous gases like hydrogen sulphite,
carbon monoxide, methane and other oxygen suppressing gases. These gases lead to asphyxiation,
unconsciousness, paralysis or even cause death in few minutes.
B.3.5.1 Nagendra Babu, Ravi and Kutty Prasad in KGF
• On 23/10/2011, three workers Namely Nagendra Babu, 26, Ravi, 27 and Kutty Prasad 35 died
while cleaning a soak pit in Urugum Road, Ashoknagar, in KGF. Anand Raj, resident of
Ashoknagar approched Kutty Prasad, who is a Safai Karmachari, to clear the soak pit. He
agreed to pay Rs 5000. Kutty Prasad, along with Prabhu, Nagendra Babu, Jairaj, Ravi and
Babu went to clean at 10:30 am on 23 October. Kutty took an advance of Rs 500 to hire a
trolley, buckets etc, to clear the excreta. It was an old unused well of 10-12 feet deep, which
was converted into a soak pit. Excreta of 5-6 houses was not cleared for many years. They had
kept the well open before cleaning for few hours. Around 1 pm, Kutty, Nagendra Babu and
Ravi went down the soak pit to clear the liquid at the upper portion. When they started clearing
the solid waste poisonous gases in the pit made Ravi unconscious and he fell into the well.
Nagendra Babu who went to rescue him also became unconscious and fell into the well. Kutty,
who went down to rescue them also became unconscious and also fell into the well. Prabhu
who was outside the well assisting them ran and held the hand to pull out but was not able to
as he was also weakened by the gas. All three died on spot due to asphyxiation. Nagendra
Babu’s wife Shylaja who is 24 years old had given birth to a baby just 20 days before the
tragedy. Ravi was married to Janaki who had just turned 24. Kutty Prasad’s wife Shanti, 35,
has two sons studying in 3rd and 8th standard. Kutty Prased was actively involved in the struggle
for rehabilitation of manual scavenger and to end manual scavenging. They were successful in
getting compensation for these deaths.
B.3.5.2 Kitta Koraga in Mangalore
On November 6th, 2011 at 9 pm, in Kinnigoli of Mangalore, 45-year-old Kitta Koraga died
while cleaning a soak pit. People who had accompanied him tried to save him but were
unsuccessful. Fire engine personnel tried to lift the body but failed. At 5 am, jetting machine
was brought. Because it was short of diesel, the machine did not work. Neither the police nor
the fire engine people made any effort. Suresh from the Koraga community was brought to lift
the body. He was tied with a rope and made to enter the pit. Poisonous gas in the pit made him
suffocate, so he came out. Again when he tried for the second time he could find the leg of
Kitta Koraga. He tied the rope to his leg and then the body was lifted out. It was 6 in the
morning. The body was lying in the soak pit the whole night for nine long hours.
Kitta Koraga was married and had two daughters. He was a construction worker. He was
earning Rs 250 per day. His wife rolled beedis. When construction work was not available
Kitta was going for soak pit cleaning. On that fatal day he had gone with the other four, to
clean a soak pit in a hotel in Kinnigoli. The owner of the hotel had called him that afternoon
and had told him that the pit was 6 feet deep, and that he would pay Rs 6000 for cleaning. Later
he bargained for Rs 5500 and asked him to come at night. All four came at 7.30 pm and started
their work at 8.30. The pit was not 6 feet long, it was 20 feet long. They removed the water at
the upper end and started lifting the solid excreta in a bucket. At that time Kitta, who was
bending and watching fell into the pit because of the suffocation due to poisonous gas. Police
visited the spot and recorded the complaint as death by accident. Giving the reason that “the
bulb was dull, he could not see, so he fell.” Not providing proper light was considered to be
negligence on the part of the hotel owner. Later when the Koraga community pressurized the
police, the complaint was booked under Prohibition of Manual Scavenging and SC/ST Atrocity
Act and a compensation of Rs 2 lakh was released from the government.
B.3.5.3 List of workers, who died between 2008 and 2018, while cleaning manholes septic
tanks and sewerage treatment plants due to asphyxiation.
1 Sri.Kariya 09/04/ 2008, K.R.Nagar, Mysore
2 Sri.Lakshmana 09/04/ 2008, K.R.Nagara, Mysore
3 Sri. Krishnappa 05/07/ 2008, C.K.Palya, Bengaluru
4 Sri.Ramachandra 05/07/ 2008, C.K.Palya, Bengaluru
5 Sri.Amaresh 14/11/ 2008, Yalahanka New Town
6 Sri. Narasimha 14/11/ 2008, Yalahanka New Town
7 Sri. Srinivasa 14/11/2008, Yalahanka New Town
8 Sri.Rajanna 09/05 2009, Kareemsab lay out, Peenya
9 Sri.Shivu 09/05/ 2009, Kareemsab lay out, Peenya
10 Sri.Papanna 09/05/ 2009, Kareemsab lay out, Peenya
11 Sri. Manjunath 11/12/ 2010, Kolar
12 Sri. Rajanna 11/12/2010, Kolar
13 Sri. Mahadeva 09/07/ 2011, Kenchamma hoskote, Alur tq, Hassan
14 Sri.Arjuna 09/07/2011, Kenchamma hoskote, Alur tq, Hassan
15 Sri. Kutty Prasad 23/10/ 2011, Ashoknagar, KGF
16 Sri.Nagendra Parasd 23/10/2011, Ashoknagar, KGF
17 Sri. Ravi 23/10/ 2011, Ashoknagar, KGF
18 Sri. Kitta Koraga 06/11/2011, Kinnigoli, Mangalore
19 Jagadish 17/12/2011, Tiptur, Tumkur dist
20 Yakub Yalapti 16/02/2012, Dharwad
21 Shankarappa 14/07/2012, Arkere, Bannerghatta
22 Bogan 14/07/2012, Arkere, Bannerghatta
23 Ramesh 22/07/2012, Chanakyapuri, Hubli
24 Santhosh 22/07/2012, Chanakyapuri, Hubli
25 Sri.Annappa 23/11/ 2012, Royal Archid Hotel, Shivamogga
26 Sri. Ratnakar 23/11/2012, Royal Archid Hotel, Shivamogga
27 Sri.Ranagswamy 01/04/ 2013, Varalakshmi Hotel, Mandya
28 Sri.M.Venkatesh 28/04/2014, Bangarappa Resevoir, Raichur
29 Sri.Prahald Kumar 25/10/2013, Peenya,Benagaluru
30 Sri. Rohit Kumar 25/10/2013, Peenya,Benagaluru
31 Sri. Chenchaih 18/01/2014, K.P.Agrahara
32 Sri.Kumar 02/03/2014, Kalpana lodge, Mysore
33 Sri. Sridhar 24/09/2014, Saraypalya, nagavara, Bengaluru
34 Sri.Pandri 24/09/2014, Saraypalya, nagavara, Bengaluru
35 Sri.Supahl 01/04/2015, Hubli
36 Sri.Hanumantha 01/04/2015, Hubli
37 Sri.Krishna 05/05/2015, Kundagol, Hubli
38 Sri. Maruti Gollar 05/05/2015, Kundagol, Hubli
39 Sri. Shameem Aktar 05/07/2015, yalahanka, Benagaluru
40 Sri.Sharane Gowda 05/07/2015, yalahanka, Benagaluru
41 Sri.Prasanna kumar 18/08/2015, Jayamahal extn, Bengaluru
42 Sri.Yathiraj 18/08/2015, Jayamahal extn, Bengaluru
43 Sri.Srinaivas 08/11/2015, Raghuvanahalli, Kanakapura rd, Bengaluru
44 Sri.Bhaskar 08/11/2015, Raghuvanahalli, Kanakapura rd, Bengaluru
45 Sri. Narasimhamurthy 25/11/2015, Saraswathipura, Tumkur
46 Sri.Chikkanna 25/11/2015, Saraswathipura, Tumkur
47 Sri. Jagadish 14/12/2015, Royal Arcade, Electronic city, Bengaluru
48 Sri.Ranjeeth 14/12/2015, Royal Arcade, Electronic city, Bengaluru
49 Sri. Mahesh 14/12/2015, Royal Arcade, Electronic city, Bengaluru
50 Sri.Muniswamy 03/04/2016, Doddaballapur
51
52
Sri. Jaganath
Madhu
03/04/2016, Doddaballapur
53 Sri. Muniraj 03/04/2016, Doddaballapur
54 Sri. Venkatramana 18/10/2018, RNS Shanthi Nivas, Tumkur Rd, Bengaluru
55 Sri. Manjunatha 18/10/2018, RNS Shanthi Nivas, Tumkur Rd, Bengaluru
56 Sri. Eraiah 07/03/2017, Kaggadaspur,C.V.Raman Nagara,
Bengaluru
57 Sri. Davitha Naidu 07/03/2017, Kaggadaspur,C.V.Raman Nagara,
Bengaluru
58 Sri. Anjaneya Reddy 07/03/2017, Kaggadaspur,C.V.Raman Nagara,
Bengaluru
59 Sri. Manju 09/05/2017, Udbur, Mysore
60 Sri. Prithiviraj 02/06/2017, ECC rd, Whitefield
61 Sri. Narayanaswamy 07/01/2018, HSR Layout, Bengaluru
62 Sri. H. Srinivasa 07/01/2018, HSR Layout, Bengaluru
63 Sri. Madegowda 07/01/2018, HSR Layout, Bengaluru
64 Sri.Srira O2/2018, AESC Layout, Bengaluru
65 Sri.Ravi O2/2018, AESC Layout, Bengaluru
66 Sri.Sandeep 07/04/2018, Udupi
67 Sri. Anjappa 06/08/2018, Shimogga, Doddapet
68 Sri. Venkatesh 06/08/2018, Shimogga, Doddapet
(source:www.tamate.org)
B.3.6 Religious and State Sanction for Death Holes
The history of sanitation goes back to the Indus Valley civilization. Archaeological evidence
shows that the architects of that ancient civilization had in-depth knowledge of sanitation
technology. Every house in Harappa, in present day Pakistan, had a toilet, which was connected to
the drain outside. Many a house had bathrooms in the underground floor. Underground drainage
system was perfect. Through mud pipes fitted in the walls, waste water was carried out. All the
waste of the bathroom and toilet was collected in a big tank which was constructed at a junction
place of two canals. To clean the tank regularly, steps were constructed. To stop the seepage, tap
system with earthenware sanitation pipes were used. Public water and sanitation system were very
well developed. Dholavira in present day Kutch, Gujarat, was part of the Indus Valley civilization.
This city was established 4900 years ago. Journalist Meera Iyer talks about the drainage system of
Dholavira thus: “...storm water drains are big enough for people to walk in and have well-made
slopes, steps, paving and even manholes. Perhaps our BBMP engineers could visit Dholavira to
learn from this incredible system instead dashing off abroad on periodic ‘study tours’!” This
advanced civilization was destroyed due to attacks and floods.
Later, during the period of the Aryans, defecating and urinating gained such a prominence that it
was even referenced in religious texts. Religious texts mention the rules to be followed in terms of
excreta, urine, spit etc. Chapter 4 of the Manusmruti lays down the rules that are to be followed by
Brahmins as regards toilet habits. It includes where a Brahmin should and should not defecate,
what he has to wear while defecating etc.
A Brahmin should not wear the same clothes; should not bathe naked; should not urinate on the
road, on ashes or in a cow shed, on ploughed land, in water, on a pedestal, on the top of a mountain,
on the ruins of the temple or on an anthill. He should not urinate in the burrows where living beings
are living, while walking, on the banks of river, on the tip of the mountain. He should not urinate
or defecate in the opposite direction of the wind or in front of a fire or facing a Brahmin, sun, water
or cow. He should cover the ground with sticks, a lump of mud, leaves or grass. He must cover his
body and head with cloth and only then urinate. He should not talk while urinating. He has to be
north facing while urinating and defecating during the daytime and at twilight and at night he
should be facing the south. However, when his life is under threat, a Brahmin is allowed to defecate
in shadow or in the dark, day and night, in any posture.
A person, who urinates facing fire, sun, moon, water, Brahmin, cow, wind will lose his
intelligence. A person should not defecate, urinate and spit in the water and should not throw
clothes polluted with impure things or poisonous things into water. (Manusmruti: Chapter 4,
Verses 44-56)
In the later stages along with the purity-pollution concept increase in urbanization and population
and unplanned city structures not only led to deterioration of the sanitation but also complicated
it.
During the medieval age from 500-1500 AD, the system of burying the excreta in the ground and
letting it out in the river was developed. Pits with wooden seating arrangement were used as toilets.
In 1556 Mughal ruler Jahangir, constructed 100 public toilets 100 km away from Delhi. That is
how the public toilet system started.
During the British period, lack of sanitation gave rise to plague which killed 44,000 people in
1896. As a result, mill owners of Bombay, established the ‘Bombay Improvement Trust’. This was
the first trust started to develop sanitation in urban centers. After the British left, activities of the
trust stopped, giving rise to slums without basic facilities, which provided shelter to people with
lower income. Sanitation facilities did not keep pace with the increase in cities and population.
Even to this day 48% of the population of our country is using open defecation1. Of them 46%
belong to cities. Defecating in empty places, road sides, on the sides of gutters are common.
Treating excreta-urine as impure has continued from the days of Manusmruti till today. Several
taboos are observed, for instance, bathing after defecation and following detailed rules for
defecation. Dumping the responsibility of dealing with excreta on others is the height of
insensitivity as this attitude does not take into consideration the feelings of those who clean that
abhorred filth. These people never think, even for a moment, if the filth comes out of their body is
so nauseating to them, how much more nauseating it might be for others. Their sensitivity has been
killed by the concept of purity and pollution, which is the basis of the caste system. The system of
maintaining purity at the cost of others’ dignity and suffering not only has religious sanction but
also enjoys state protection even to this day.
It is evident from the following fact.
Shravanabelagola in Hassan district of Karnataka State is a sacred place for Jains. Once in 12 years
the Mahamastakabhisheka ritual on the statue of Gomateshwara is performed. Lakhs of people
come there to witness the celebrations. In 2018, February, Mahamastakabhisheka was performed.
Jain saints came from far off places, walking all the way. 50 such saints came in 2018. Among
them some useed dry latrine, some used open defecation. They followed non-violence strictly so
they did not use the flush toilets which kill the germs in the excreta.
Though there is an Act, which bans manual scavenging, temporary soak pits were constructed at
the site. A private contractor had brought 300 manual scavengers from Chitrakoot, Uttar Pradesh
to clean the soak pits. Santhosh Kumar, who was in charge of 24 workers, working in Tyaginagar
Township told The Hindu daily newspaper that “this cleaning is the main source of our livelihood.
We go wherever big events happen. Our group has gone to Ahmadabad, Hardwar etc. Each worker
will get Rs. 8100 per month. We sweep the streets, clean the toilets and clear the excreta in
temporary townships.”
1 (https://www.indianeagle.com/travelbeats/history-of-toilets/
http://www.aಗsepsis.org/blog/2015/10/5/the-state-of-sanitation-in-india-part-2-history-of-sanitation-and-water-
treatment-in-india)
When asked about this, the District Collector Rohini Sindhuri said, “The charge of Tyaginagar
Township is handed over to Jain mutt. They take care of everything according to their rituals and
tradition.”
The president of State Safai Karmachari commission M.R. Venkatesh, having learnt the
information through the newspaper visited Tyaginagar. In an interview to the newspaper he said,
“I have ordered the toilets to be converted to sanitary toilet or be demolished. When we went there,
no workers were there. We came to know that they have been sent back. In order to lodge a
complaint, workers should be present and their caste certificates are required. As the workers were
not there, we asked them to close the insanitary toilets” (G.T.Satish, The Hindu 2018).
It is an irony to see that the followers of Jainism, which preaches complete non-violence, have
compassion for the unseen bacteria but not for human beings. Manual scavenging is a cruel form
of untouchability, and it has therefore been banned. Violating a law, which is implemented to
prohibit the caste discrimination, is also irreligious and unethical. It is violence to make the poor
Dalit workers clear the excreta. Ethics and non-violence have to be part of waste management.
1.6. Conclusion
The conditions of the Safai Karmacharis, who are in fact keepers of public health by removing
tons and tons of waste every day is miserable. The concerned authorities and contractors are
violating their legal obligations. Despite an institutional structure with a legal framework for solid
waste management, except for the salary, Safai Karmacharis are not getting any other facility like
wage slip, ESI, PF, leave, accident and death compensation, drinking water, rest rooms or safety
gear, all of which they are legally entitled to. Even the salaries are not given on a fixed date, but
once in two or three months.
There is a direct connection between the health of Safai Karmacharis and the work they do. They
do the hazardous work of clearing the waste, which is full of mosquitoes, micro-organisms,
poisonous gases, sharp materials, which is highly harmful. They can be fatal. Injury and death by
vehicle accident is also common. Workers do not have any leave facility and therefore prefer
private hospitals which are expensive. Some don’t even go to the clinics; they take medicines from
the medical shops. For serious diseases and for surgeries they go to government hospitals.
Untimely death of workers is a stark reality due lack of regular medical check-up, good and
accessible health facilities.
Manholes and septic tanks, which are filled with poisonous gases are death holes for workers. They
work under the shadow of death, because poisonous gases can kill them in a few minutes. They
have no protection. Since the last 10 years, 68 workers have died while cleaning manholes and
soak pits. Of these, 31 deaths have occurred in the state capital Bengaluru, extolled as ‘Silicon
Valley’ and the IT Hub. Two deaths have taken place in Jayamahal Extension area, where Health
Minister and Social Welfare Minister live. By not providing any safety equipment and protective
measures and by not adopting mechanization the State has completely neglected the health of the
Safai Karmacharis.
Though manual scavenging has been banned in 1993, cleaning excreta by bare hands continues.
Not only the public but also the government institutions are insensitive to the practice of
untouchability. Lack of political will has led to ineffective implementation of the law prohibiting
manual scavenging. By not providing drinking water and toilets for workers, not creating
awareness on the prohibition of untouchability the State itself is practicing untouchability.
Manual scavengers themselves are unitedly fighting against manual scavenging in KGF. Shifting
from manual scavenging to sweeping was like a victory in a long-drawn out battle. It was a battle
against the elected representatives and bureaucrats, whose duty it was to ban manual scavenging.
At the same time it throws light on the huge money involved in waste management. Collective
strength of the workers is a hurdle in the way of making profit out of waste disposal. That is why
every effort by the Safai Karmacharis to stop manual scavenging and regularize their jobs is being
sabotaged both by the bureaucracy and the contractors.
Except the salary no other rights and benefits are provided to the workers. Even for a hike in the
salary workers had to fight a long battle. But their pay hike never keeps pace with rising inflation.
In spite of these adverse situations and problems, workers have been able to get some of their
rights in some places, because of their collective strength by formation of unions. That leadership
is emerging from within the community is a significant factor in effective mobilisation.
Among the Safai Karmacharis women are more in number. Women do the daily, monotonous,
laborious jobs. They do not resist, do not retort, do not waste time smoking like men, and it is easy
to handle them, and keep them subdued. Women of the lower castes are still more vulnerable,
which makes it easy for profiteers,
How these women workers are oppressed socially and in work place is discussed from a gender
perspective in greater detail in the following chapter.
The third chapter concludes with a detailed description of the inhuman conditions in which they
work. The fourth chapter discusses the condition of the Safai Karmachari women within their
families.
References
1. Krishnan, Maitreyi and Clifton D’ Rozario. 2006 Solid waste management and
Pourakarmikas. (Unpublished)
2. Manusmruti: verses 44 to 56, chap 4, 2004, samaja pustakalya, Dharwad-1
3. Tiwari, Rajnarayan. 2008. Indian journal of occupation and environmental medicine,
December 2008-volume 12, issue-3
4. WP (civil) no.583 of 2003: p.16, 17 & 18
5. The Prohibition of Employment of Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act 2013,
published by Socila welfare Department of Karnataka State
Newspaper Articles
Meera Iyer: The state of sanitation in India, January 20, Deccan Herald.
http://www.asepsis.org/blog/2015/10/5/the-state-of-sanitation-in-india-part-2-history-of-
sanitation-and-water-treatment-in-india
https://www.indianeagle.com/travelbeats/history-of-toilets
The Hindu ‘Shravanabelagola latrines run afoul of manual scavenging law,’ Satish GT Hassan,
January 27, 2018
The Hindu ‘Panel orders closure of insanitary toilets in Shravanabelagola’, Satish G.T Hassan
January 31, 2018