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CO-BRANDED DIPLOMACY: A CASE STUDY OF THE BRITISH COUNCIL’S BRANDING OF “DARWIN NOW” IN EGYPT
By
AMAL BAKRY
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
2015
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© 2015 Amal Bakry
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The dissertation is dedicated to my mom and my kids.
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to express my appreciation to all the people who have supported me. First of
all, I would like to thank my mother Nadia Bakry, and my kids, Mostafa and Karim for believing
in me.
I would also like to thank Dr. Wayne Wanta for chairing my dissertation committee and
being such a supportive advisor. I am grateful for his patience and understanding. I also want to
thank Dr. Debbie Treise for being there whenever I needed guidance. I would like to thank Dr.
Juan-Carlos Molleda for being part of my dissertation committee and for his wonderful classes. I
also want to express my gratitude to Dr. Suzan Gillespie for introducing me to anthropology and
for providing me with valuable feedback. I would like to thank Jody Hedge, Sarah Lee, and Kim
Holloway for being such amazing people.
In addition, I would like to thank the Bibliotheca Alexandrina and the British Council for
their help and support with this dissertation. Finally, I would like to thank my friends here in
Gainesville, especially Maha El Badry for her endless care and support.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...............................................................................................................4
LIST OF TABLES ...........................................................................................................................8
LIST OF FIGURES .........................................................................................................................9
ABSTRACT ...................................................................................................................................10
CHAPTER
1 INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................11
Significance of the Study ........................................................................................................16 Assumptions ...........................................................................................................................17 Definitions of Terms ...............................................................................................................18
Co-branding .....................................................................................................................18 Brand Equity ....................................................................................................................18 Brand Fit ..........................................................................................................................18 Spillover effects ...............................................................................................................18
Summary .................................................................................................................................19
2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ........................................................................................20
Co-branding ............................................................................................................................21 Previous Research ...........................................................................................................21 Conceptual Models ..........................................................................................................22 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................25
Brand Equity ...........................................................................................................................26 Secondary Associations ..........................................................................................................27 Public Diplomacy ...................................................................................................................29
Three Eras ........................................................................................................................29 Actors ..............................................................................................................................30
Cultural Diplomacy ................................................................................................................31 Convergence of Public Diplomacy and Public Relations .......................................................32 Public Diplomacy and Mass Communications .......................................................................34 Corporate Diplomacy ..............................................................................................................36 Islam and Evolutionary Theory ..............................................................................................39 Islam as an “Episteme” ...........................................................................................................42 Al-Azhar .................................................................................................................................45 Wasatiyya Ideology ................................................................................................................46 Islam and the West ..................................................................................................................47
Major Encounters ............................................................................................................47 Cultural Attack ................................................................................................................48
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The British Council .................................................................................................................49 The Bibliotheca Alexandrina ..................................................................................................51 Alexandria ...............................................................................................................................53 Darwin Now ............................................................................................................................54 Research Questions .................................................................................................................54 Propositions ............................................................................................................................55 Summary .................................................................................................................................55
3 METHODOLOGY .................................................................................................................56
Research Design .....................................................................................................................56 Sample ....................................................................................................................................56 Unit of Analysis ......................................................................................................................57 Case Material ..........................................................................................................................57 Data Collection Procedures ....................................................................................................58
Protocol ............................................................................................................................58 Pilot Study .......................................................................................................................59 In-depth Interviews ..........................................................................................................60 Documentation/Archival Records ...................................................................................62
Participants and Recruitment ..................................................................................................63 The General Public ..........................................................................................................63 Egyptian Media ...............................................................................................................63 The British Council .........................................................................................................63 The Bibliotheca Alexandrina ...........................................................................................64
Instrument ...............................................................................................................................64 Case Record ............................................................................................................................65 Data Analysis ..........................................................................................................................65
Coding .............................................................................................................................66 Interview Transcripts ................................................................................................67 Content Analysis ......................................................................................................67
Memoing ..........................................................................................................................68 Pattern Matching .............................................................................................................69
Subjectivity Statement ............................................................................................................70 Validity and Reliability ...........................................................................................................71 Summary .................................................................................................................................72
4 RESULTS ...............................................................................................................................73
Brand Equity ...........................................................................................................................73 The British Council .........................................................................................................73 The Bibliotheca Alexandrina ...........................................................................................76
Brand Fit .................................................................................................................................79 Partner’s Significance .............................................................................................................82
Alexandria .......................................................................................................................86 Spillover Effects .....................................................................................................................86
Positive Versus Negative Mentions .................................................................................87 Evolution .........................................................................................................................88
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Positive Spillover Effects ................................................................................................89 The Media ........................................................................................................................90
Branding .................................................................................................................................91 A Scientific Conference ..................................................................................................91 An Egyptian/British Initiative .........................................................................................92 Space for Debate ..............................................................................................................93
5 DISCUSSION .........................................................................................................................99
Co-branding and Public Diplomacy .......................................................................................99 Prior Attitudes and “Darwin Now” .................................................................................99 Spillover Effects ............................................................................................................101
Western Public Diplomacy Actors and Political Agenda .....................................................103 Place Fit ................................................................................................................................105 Branding and Cultural Communication ................................................................................107 Research Limitations ............................................................................................................108 Implications and Future Research ........................................................................................110
APPENDIX
A INTERVIEW GUIDE ...........................................................................................................114
B INFORMED CONSENT- ENGLISH ...................................................................................116
C INFORMED CONSENT- ARABIC .....................................................................................118
LIST OF REFERENCES .............................................................................................................120
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................................................................................................131
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LIST OF TABLES
Table page 3-1 Data collection sources ......................................................................................................58
4-1 Descriptives of content analysis categories .......................................................................96
4-2 Descriptives of frequently occurring topics in news stories and press releases ................96
4-3 Descriptives of order of mentions ......................................................................................97
4-4 Descriptives of spillover effects .........................................................................................97
4-5 Cross tab medium by evolution .........................................................................................98
4-6 One-way Analysis of Variance of space for debate by medium ........................................98
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure page 2-1 Simonin and Ruth (1998) conceptual and structural model...............................................23
2-2 Helmig, Huber, and Leeflang (2006) structural model ......................................................25
4-1 Brand associations of the British Council in Egypt ...........................................................76
4-2 Brand associations of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina in Egypt ............................................79
4-3 Perceptions of fit ................................................................................................................81
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Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
CO-BRANDED DIPLOMACY: A CASE STUDY OF THE BRITISH COUNCIL’S
BRANDING OF “DARWIN NOW” IN EGYPT
By
Amal Bakry
December 2015
Chair: Wayne Wanta Major: Mass Communication
In the wake of September 11, cultural diplomacy has become a key element of public
diplomacy due to its ability to promote dialogue through person-to-person engagement (Report
of the Advisory Committee on Cultural Diplomacy, 2005, p. 4). As a result, dialogue-based
initiatives and academic conferences have been used to ease tensions and improve
understandings between the Muslim world and the West (Bubalo & Fealy, 2005). In 2009, the
British Council in Egypt held the Darwin Now International Conference at the Bibliotheca
Alexandrina and the initiative was co-branded. Although evolutionary theory is considered very
controversial in the Islamic world, Darwin Now generated only positive media coverage. In this
research, a single case study of the British Council Egypt's Darwin Now 2009 campaign was
conducted to examine how the British Council was able to brand the Darwin Now project in
Egypt to avoid negative spillover effects. The case study consisted of a content analysis of news
stories, press releases, and participants’ feedback surveys. In addition, 36 in-depth interviews
with informants from the partner organizations, the media, and the general public were
conducted. The findings of this study conclude that it was possible to overcome negative
spillover effects as a result of partnering with a high-profile national organization such as the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina.
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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
In the wake of September 11, cultural diplomacy has become a key element of public
diplomacy due to its ability to promote dialogue through “person-to-person” engagement (Report
of the Advisory Committee on Cultural Diplomacy, 2005, p. 4). As a result, dialogue-based
initiatives and academic conferences have been utilized to ease tensions and improve
understandings between the Muslim world and the West (Bubalo & Fealy, 2005). In 2009, the
British Council in Egypt held the Darwin Now International Conference at the Bibliotheca
Alexandrina, which is a revival of the original Library of Alexandria that was founded by
Ptolemy I in 288 B.C. (“Bibliotheca Alexandrina, Alexandria,” 2005). The conference, as well as
other related activities, was designed to foster debate on the subject of evolution by celebrating
Charles Darwin’s 200th birth anniversary and his work on the theory of evolution. The initiative
was part of a major British Council program that covered 50 different countries across North
Africa, Europe, East Asia, America, and Latin America (“British Council, ‘Darwin Now,’”
2009). In Egypt, the Darwin Now initiative was co-branded as a result of a partnership between
the British Council and the Bibliotheca Alexandrina. Although evolutionary theory is considered
to be very controversial in the Islamic world, Darwin Now generated only positive media
coverage.
While Muslim societies today support modern science (Asghar, 2013), their reactions to
Darwin’s theory of evolution are quite diverse (Asghar, 2013; Asghar, Wiles, & Alters, 2007;
Hameed, 2008; Remtulla, 1993). Scholars have noted that Muslims accept some aspects of the
theory while rejecting others (Asghar, 2013; Boujaoude, Wiles, Asghar, and Alters, 2011b).
Those who reject evolutionary theory do so because certain aspects of human evolution
contradict Qur’anic verses (Asghar, 2013; Boujaoude et al., 2011b). The controversy
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surrounding Darwin’s theory of evolution and Islam is embedded in an historical context
(Elshakry, 2003; Remtulla, 1993). The theory was first introduced to the Middle East in 1876 by
two Syrian journalists who translated it into Arabic (Elshakry, 2003; Remtulla, 1993). Muslim
scholar Jamal al-Din al-Afghani was one of its strongest opponents and published, “The
Refutation of Materialists” in 1881 in order to generate Islamic “solidarity against the West”
(Remtulla, 1993, p. 58). However, other nineteenth-century Muslim thinkers, such as the Syrian
Husayn al-Jisr, and the Egyptian Al-Azhar scholar Muhammed ‘Abduh, believed that religion
and science need not conflict and accepted Darwin’s theory readily (Elshakry, 2003).
Western science was becoming important in Egypt during that time, as an “intellectual
awakening” movement was underway (Elshakry, 2003; Livingston, 1996). The movement was
led by Al-Azhar’s religious figures who had received their education in the West (Livingston,
1996). Al-Azhar was founded in 972 C.E. as a higher institution “madrasa” for teaching Islamic
jurisprudence (Hatina, 2003). Throughout its history, it has been “the bastion of Islamic learning
in Egypt and throughout the Muslim world” (Hatina, 2003, p. 51). Three reformers, Hassan al-
Attar, Muhammad Abduh, and Rifa’a al-Tahtawi, advocated “religious accommodation of
Western-based reform” in order to modernize the education offered by the religious institution
(Livingston, 1996, p. 543). They believed that, similar to the European enlightenment of the
Middle Ages, Arab “nahda” could take place only with the “secularization of knowledge”
(Elshakry, 2003, p. 324). These reformers called for teaching Western sciences, such as physics,
biology, and geometry in Al-Azhar, as well as religion (Livingston, 1996).
The reformers’ ability to reconcile Darwin’s theory of evolution with their faith reflected
Al-Azhar’s “wasatiyyah” ideology. Historically, Al-Azhar has advocated a centrist Islamic
position (Mancini & Rosenfeld, 2014, p. 172), as “wasatiyyah” is a form of Islam that is
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characterized by open-mindedness (Hoigilt, 2010). Muslims who adopt “wasatiyyah” seek to
achieve moderation in their application of religion to all aspects of life (Ibrahim, Awang, Abdul
Majid, Husin, Najib, & Hamdi, 2013). This is in contrast to the extremist Salafi ideology, the
goal of which is that Muslims live under Islamic “Shari’a” law and avoid blind imitation and
innovation (Bubalo & Fealy, 2005). Official Islam in Egypt reflects Al-Azhar’s ideology, which
is also adopted by other official institutions, such as schools and universities. This perhaps
explains the reason why evolutionary science is included in official school curricula in Egypt,
which is not the case in other Arabic countries (Boujaoude et al., 2011b).
Within the Muslim world, negative responses to the theory of evolution stemmed from a
fear that Western imperialism would erode Islamic identity. Hameed (2008) stated that Muslims
oppose evolution because it poses a cultural threat, not because it contradicts the Qur’an. By the
early twentieth century, British imperialism had “embraced substantially more than half the
Muslim peoples of the world” (Robinson, 2001, as cited in Majeed, 2014, p. 36), and because
colonialism affected such a large proportion of the world’s Muslims, Islam became “a self-
conscious postcolonial faith” (Majeed, 2014, p. 36). The Islamist literature describes colonialism
as a “cultural attack” whereby colonialists promoted secular values through official institutions
in order to limit Islam’s influence on the colonized (Haddad, 1999).
Western cultural imperialism remains a serious concern for Islamists today. An Islamist
is an individual “who wants to govern society under Islamic law, also known as Sharia”
(Zimmerman, 2005). Islamists believe that the identity of Muslims is being threatened because of
the secular Western education that is present in predominantly Muslim countries (Hassan, 2007).
Hassan (2007) explained that, in such countries, two types of educational systems exist:
traditional Islamic and Western. Many Muslim countries adopted the latter in order to modernize
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themselves; as the former type emphasizes a traditional Islamic worldview, while the latter
supports secularism, this created a “cultural duality” (Hassan, 2007, p. 471). Islamists fear that,
eventually, such duality will erode Islamic cultural identity and believe that this can only be
avoided if the people receive a traditional Islamic education (Hassan, 2007). As Darwin’s theory
of evolution is related to imperialism and secularism, it could be perceived as a serious threat to
Islam.
Muslim theologians who oppose biological evolution do so because they find it
incompatible with religious texts (Asghar, 2013). Mahmud Shaltut, a late grand Shaykh of Al-
Azhar (d. 1963) issued a “fatwa,” an Islamic legal pronouncement that is issued by a religious
expert, that the theory contradicts Qur’anic verses related to the creation of Adam (Ghaly, 2014).
The very different stances of two Al-Azhar Grand Shaykhs, Abdu and Shaltut, demonstrate that
“there is no ‘official’ opinion on evolution” (Hameed, 2008, p. 1637). However, in both cases,
acceptance or rejection of the theory is based upon its relationship to Islam. From a Foucauldian
(1970) point of view, Islam can be considered the main episteme for Muslims, one “that defines
the conditions of possibility of all knowledge,” and one that distinguishes truth from errors (p.
168). As Muslims base their identity on religion (Hassan, 2007), those who reject the theory do
so because certain aspects contradict Islam or the “episteme” (Foucault, 1970). Therefore, those
aspects that do not contradict Islam are accepted, while others are rejected.
In addition to the controversial nature of “Darwin Now,” the British Council’s attempt to
brand it in Egypt was complicated by other factors. Historically, the Council was associated with
imperialism. Its office in Cairo was established as the first overseas operation in 1938 (“About
British Council Egypt,” 2014). The formal British colonization of Egypt took place in 1882
(Abul-Magd, 2010) and came to an end in 1952 (Vitalis, 1996). As a British organization, the
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British Council could potentially suffer from a negative country-of-origin effect (COO: Aaker,
1991; Keller, 1994), which might lead the public to scrutinize its actions more closely than those
of domestic organizations. This is especially true post September 11, after which the relationship
between the Islamic and the Western worlds was interpreted as a “civilizational and religious”
clash (Iskandar, 2009, p. 2).
Therefore, promoting “Darwin Now” in Egypt potentially posed a high risk to the British
Council’s reputation. Given the controversial nature of the initiative and the risk of being
perceived as Western cultural imperialism, the Egyptian public could have resisted “Darwin
Now.” However, that did not happen. I contend that the British Council was able to avoid a
negative spillover effect on its brand as a result of co-branding “Darwin Now” with the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina, a national institution that is highly regarded by the public. Co-branding
is a long-term alliance in which brands partner together to form a new product while retaining
their brand names (Blackett & Boad, 1999; Helmig et al., 2008; Leuthesser, Kohli, & Suri,
2002). As a theoretical framework, it offers an explanation for the way in which the partners’
brand equity becomes linked to the new product (i.e., main effect), and also how the newly
created product influences the brand equity of the partner brands (i.e., the spillover effect;
Leuthesser et al., 2002).
The purpose of this study is to examine how the British Council was able to brand the
“Darwin Now” project in Egypt in such a way that it avoided negative spillover effects on its
brand equity. In order to investigate the “Darwin Now” co-brand, a single case study of the
“Darwin Now” 2009 campaign in Egypt will be conducted. According to Creswell (2013), “case
study research is a qualitative approach in which the investigator explores a real-life,
contemporary bounded system (a case) or multiple bounded systems (cases) over time, through
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detailed, in-depth data collection involving multiple sources of information” (p. 97). This type of
research is appropriate for “why” and “how” questions that relate to a contemporary
phenomenon (Yin, 1994, p. 9). As a research method, case study offers the advantage of being
able to examine the contextual conditions in full (Yin, 2012). The contextual conditions are key
to understanding how a Western public diplomacy actor such as the British Council was able to
promote a highly controversial initiative in a predominantly Muslim country.
Significance of the Study
Previous research on U.S. public diplomacy initiatives in the Middle East indicates that
they have had limited success (Dutta-Bergman, 2006; Kendrick & Fullerton, 2004; Plaisance,
2005; Rasmussen & Merkelsen, 2012; El-Nawawy, 2006). On the other hand, the British
Council’s approach has been recognized within the public diplomacy literature as being effective
in fostering understanding and trust (U.S. Department of State, 2005; Leonard, Small, & Rose,
2005). “Darwin Now” represents a “unique” and “extreme case” (Yin, 1994, p. 39), as the
controversial nature of evolutionary theory could pose serious challenges when promoted in
Muslim societies. Given that the British Council is associated with Britain’s colonialist history in
Egypt, its ability to communicate “Darwin Now” successfully in Egypt is a phenomenon worth
investigating.
Although branding has become increasingly important in public diplomacy (Rasmussen
& Merkelsen, 2012), the majority of public diplomacy studies have focused on public relations
theories (Gilboa, 2008). This study extends co-branding theories to the field of public diplomacy,
which would contribute to understanding how a public diplomacy actor’s brand equity influences
and is influenced by a new initiative. Such a perspective would provide a richer understanding of
the conditions that affected the success of “Darwin Now” in Egypt. It would also contribute to
the advancement of theories within public diplomacy scholarship. As Gilboa (2008) stated, “A
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major breakthrough could be achieved if public diplomacy research was expanded to other
disciplines” (p. 75).
In order to investigate the co-branded “Darwin Now” campaign and answer the research
questions fully, data was collected in Egypt from the public and the media, as well as from
informants within the British Council and the Bibliotheca Alexandrina. In addition, a content
analysis of “Darwin Now” media coverage, press releases, and participants’ feedback surveys
was conducted in order to evaluate spillover effects. The study’s respondents were interviewed
using a semi-structured questionnaire designed to examine perceptions of the British Council and
the Bibliotheca Alexandrina. The questionnaire was also used in order to understand perceptions
of the compatibility of both brands in terms of their brand image as well as the products/services
they offer.
Assumptions
This study is based on four different assumptions. The first one relates to interview
respondents, who are assumed to possess sufficient knowledge and understanding of the British
Council and the Bibliotheca Alexandrina. Also, the study assumes that they sufficiently represent
middle and upper middle-class Egyptians.
Another assumption relates to the Al Azhar religious institution and its Grand Imam. It is
assumed that this institution plays a key role in shaping Egyptian society’s views—especially of
those who are Muslims—in relation to such things as dialogue with the West and engaging with
science from the West, including evolutionary science.
A third assumption is concerned with the place and site where “Darwin Now” took place.
Both Alexandria and the Bibliotheca Alexandrina fit Foucault’s (1986) description of heterotopia
as the Hellenic heritage, the Mediterranean culture, Christianity, and Islam are all represented
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side by side there. Therefore, the British Council made a strategic decision to hold the
centerpiece of the global project in such a place that is conducive to intercultural dialogue.
A final assumption is that Egyptians are aware of their country’s strategic geopolitical
significance and that such significance is a source of national pride. Therefore, it is assumed that
there is demand among Egyptians for Egypt to lead in dialogues with the West and to improve
understanding between the region and the West proactively.
Definitions of Terms
Co-branding
Co-branding refers to “a form of cooperation between two or more brands with
significant customer recognition, in which all the participants’ brand names are retained”
(Blackett & Boad, 1999, p. 7).
Brand Equity
Brand equity refers to “a set of brand assets and liabilities linked to a brand, its name and
symbol, that add to or subtract from the value provided by a product or service to a firm and/or to
that firm’s customer” (Aaker, 1991, p. 15). Brand awareness, positive brand associations,
perceived quality, and brand loyalty indicate the existence of a positive brand equity (Aaker,
1991).
Brand Fit
Brand fit refers to two brands having compatible brand images and product categories
which make them perceived as being suited for co-branding a new product (Helmig, Huber, &
Leeflang, 2006).
Spillover effects
Spillover effects relate to how the newly created co-brand influences the brand equity of the
partner brands (Leuthesser, Kohli, & Suri, 2002). The co-brand “Darwin Now” could have
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either a negative or positive spillover effect on the brand equity of the British Council Egypt
and that of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina’s. Negative feedback by Egyptian participants in the
project evaluation’s feedback surveys and/or media stories that are critical of either partners due
to their involvement in “Darwin Now” indicate the existence of negative spill over effects.
Summary
“Darwin Now” has brought together two strong brands in Egypt: the British Council and
the Bibliotheca Alexandrina. Darwin’s evolution could potentially create controversy in the
Muslim world and carries negative connotations that are related to Western cultural imperialism
and secularism. “Darwin Now” was successfully communicated in Egypt and generated positive
media coverage. What is not known is how the British Council was able to brand such a
controversial issue. This research will describe the branding aspect of “Darwin Now.”
The following chapter, Chapter 2, will present an overview of co-branding, public
diplomacy, evolution and Islam, “Darwin Now,” and both partners involved in the project. A
review of previous research in those areas will be provided. Chapter 3 will be the culminating
chapter and will outline the research design, participants of the study, data collection and data
analysis.
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CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Even though this study is unique as it extends co-branding theories to the field of public
diplomacy, the use of branding in public diplomacy is not new. Nation branding which refers to
the deliberate effort by a country to improve its reputation and hence its brand, has been in use
ever since Anholt introduced it in the 1990’s. Nation branding scholarship originates from
marketing and branding (Kaneva, 2009; Sussman, 2011). For proponents of nation branding,
developing country images is similar to developing commercial brands (Olins, 2002).
Papadopoulos and Heslop (2002) mentioned that country images and corporate images bear
certain similarities as well as differences. The difference between a nation’s image and corporate
one is that the former cannot be entirely managed by the marketer (Papadopoulos, & Heslop,
2002). What they have in common is that they are both formed based on perception and therefore
“may carry large amounts of both factual and affective information” (Papadopoulos, & Heslop,
2002, p. 296).
Other scholars find that branding a nation cannot possibly be compared with branding a
commercial product as Aronczyk (2007) asserted, “national identity is not like yogurt; it is not a
concoction that can be packaged and displayed among identical items in a grocery aisle” (p.
107). Rasmussen and Merkelsen (2012) contend that public relations has been converging with
marketing during the last twenty years and that nation branding is replacing public relations in
the field of public diplomacy (PD). They argue that nation branding “represents a radical
marketization of the national reputation, drawing on an underlying neoliberal market state
discourse where all kinds of risks and benefits to the state is perceived through the root metaphor
“country-as-corporation,” (Rasmussen & Merkelsen, 2012, p. 812).
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Co-branding
Co-branding scholarship has become increasingly important in recent years (Helmig,
Huber, & Leeflang, 2008). Co-branding refers to “a form of cooperation between two or more
brands with significant customer recognition, in which all the participants’ brand names are
retained” (Blackett & Boad, 1999, cited in Motion, Leitch, & Brodie, 2003, p. 1082). Helmig et
al. (2008) offer an alternative definition that emphasizes it as being “a long term brand alliance
strategy” (p. 360). Despite the variations in definitions, co-branding is combining two brands to
form a new product (Leuthesser, Kohli, & Suri, 2002). Scholars identify certain criteria for a co-
brand: long-term cooperation, brand names from both partners on the new product, and a new
product in a similar or different category (Besharat, 2010).
In some instances, co-branding could also be referred to as “composite branding” or
“brand alliance” (Leuthesser, Kohli, & Suri, 2002). Co-branding is sometimes considered a type
of brand extension since partner brands form a new product extension (Leuthesser, Kohli, &
Suri, 2002). The difference between brand extensions and co-branding is that the former consists
of one brand while the latter includes at least two brands (Helmig, Huber, & Leeflang, 2008).
Because of their similarities, brand extensions and co-branding research is mainly concerned
with how the partners’ brand equity gets linked to the new product (i.e., main effects; Leuthesser,
Kohli, & Suri, 2002). This research also focuses on examining how the newly created product
influences the brand equity of the partner brands (i.e., the spillover effect; Leuthesser, Kohli, &
Suri, 2002).
Previous Research
Co-branding scholarship has focused on examining two main issues. The first is the main
effect of co-branding that relates to how perceptions of a parent brand influence the perceptions
of a co-brand. The second issue is the spillover effect that relates to how the newly created co-
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brand influences brand equity of the partner brands. Previous research indicates that co-branding
enables positive brand associations to transfer from one brand to another (Besharat, 2010).
Simonin and Ruth (1998) investigated the moderators of positive evaluations of a co-
brand and found that prior positive attitudes toward partner brands, compatibility of partner
brands in terms of product categories, and brand image consistency of partner brands positively
influence consumers’ evaluations of a co-brand. They also reveal that if one of the parent brands
is more familiar, it affects co-brand evaluations more than the less familiar parent brand. Helmig,
Huber, and Leeflang (2006) found results similar to those of Simonin and Ruth (1998). In
addition, they found the relationships between behavioral intention of the co-brand and the
following to be positive: attitude toward purchase, brand consciousness, product involvement,
and tendency to seek variety in consumption.
Scholars have also investigated how the newly created co-brand spills over to the brand
equity of the partner brands. Simonin and Ruth (1998) found that brand familiarity influences the
extent to which the spillover effects affect partner brands, so that less familiar brands get more
affected by spillover effects compared to more familiar brands. Other studies indicate that when
two brands are paired, this improves each parent brand’s equity, regardless of the level of the
partner brand’s prior brand equity perceptions (Washburn, Till, & Priluck, 2004). Research
shows that a national brand that partners with a private unfamiliar brand does not suffer from
negative spillover effects (Vaidyanathan & Aggarwal, 2000). Musante (2000) demonstrated that
a weak brand can enhance its image by partnering with a stronger brand. Also, he showed that a
strong brand is more resistant to negative spillover effects.
Conceptual Models
This study is based on two conceptual models of co-branding. The first model (Figure 2-
1) was developed by Simonin and Ruth (1998) and is concerned with the relationship between
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brand familiarity and spillover effects of a co-brand. A more recent model was developed by
Helmig, Huber, and Leeflang (2006) that explains the evaluations of, and intentions to purchase,
co-branded products. While the earlier model concentrates on the formation of attitudes, the
second one is more focused on purchase intentions of co-branded products (Helmig, Huber, &
Leeflang, 2006).
Figure 2-1. Simonin and Ruth (1998) conceptual and structural model
Simonin and Ruth’s (1998) model investigates evaluations of brand alliances and
spillover effects resulting from such alliances. Results of testing such a model indicate that
attitudes toward the brand alliance are affected by product fit, brand fit, and past brand attitudes
(Simonin & Ruth, 1998, p. 39). Findings also show that attitudes toward partner brands can be
significantly influenced by spillover effects as a result of brand alliance (Simonin & Ruth, 1998).
In addition, the familiarity of partner brands affect how each contributes to the evaluation of the
alliance. Brand familiarity also influences the extent to which spillover effects influence partner
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brands, so that less familiar brands get more affected by spillover effects compared to more
familiar brands (Simonin & Ruth, 1998). Finally, partners that enjoy high familiarity contribute
equally to the alliance, while partners with less brand familiarity make a lesser contribution to
the alliance (Simonin & Ruth, 1998).
Helmig et al.’s (2006) model (Figure 2-2) examines the evaluations of the behavioral
intentions to purchase co-branded products. They base their hypothesis on the earlier model
developed by Simonin and Ruth (1998). The model is also based on behavioral studies that
examine the effect of attitudes and external factors on buying intentions for co-branded products
(Helmig et al., 2006). The model’s hypothesis relates to prior attitudes towards partner brands;
partner brands’ fit; and the relationship between attitudes, brand consciousness, subjective
norms, involvement, and variety seeking, on the one hand, and purchase intentions on the other
(Helmig et al., 2006).
Results from testing the model indicate the existence of a positive relationship between:
1) the co-brand’s behavioral intention and its prior brand attitude 2) the co-brand’s purchase
attitudes and product fit 3) product fit and attitude towards purchase of the co-branded product,
4) product fit and brand fit, 5) attitude toward purchase and behavioral intention of the co-
branded product (Helmig et al., 2006). In addition, behavioral intention of the co-branded
product was found to be positively related to brand consciousness, product involvement, and
tendency to seek variety in consumption (Helmig et al., 2006).
25
Figure 2-2. Helmig, Huber, and Leeflang (2006) structural model
Conclusion
Based on previous research, a number of conclusions can be drawn relating to
spillover effects. The act of brand pairing can potentially improve the brand equity of the partner
brands, regardless of whether or they had positive brand equity prior to the alliance. Also, brands
that have high brand equity are more immune to spillover effects that could result from the
alliance. Partnering with a strong brand can enhance a weak brand’s image.
In terms of direct effects, co-branding enables positive brand associations to transfer from
one brand to another. In order for that to happen, there need to be prior positive attitudes toward
partner brands, compatibility of partner brands in terms of product categories, and brand image
consistency of partner brands. Also, behavioral intentions towards the co-brand are influenced by
attitude toward purchase, brand consciousness, product involvement, and tendency to seek
variety in consumption.
26
Brand Equity
Co-branding scholarship is mainly concerned with how the brand equity of a parent brand
influences perceptions of a co-brand and how the newly created co-brand influences the brand
equity of the partner brands. In order to examine the effects of co-branding of Darwin Now, this
study needs to investigate the brand equity of both the British Council and the Bibliotheca
Alexandrina. The American Marketing Association defines a brand as a symbol or name that is
used to identify a certain product and to differentiate it from competitors. Branding leads
consumers to perceive differences among competing products, which can then lead to brand
loyalty and financial gains for the seller (Keller, 2008). Branding is concerned with creating and
enhancing a product’s brand equity (Sun, 2010).
Brand equity indicates how healthy a brand is. Consumer-based brand equity relates to
how to consumers respond to brands. It has a number of different conceptualizations, however,
those developed by Aaker (1991) and Keller (1993) are the most common (Zarantonello, 2013).
According to Aaker (1991), brand equity is a “set of brand assets and liabilities linked to a brand,
its name and symbol that add to or subtract from the value provided by a product or service to a
firm and/or to that firm’s customer” (p. 15). It consists of five dimensions: brand awareness,
brand associations, perceived quality, brand loyalty, and other proprietary assets such as
trademarks and patents (Aaker, 1991).
Keller (1993) offers an alternative definition of brand equity: “the differential effect of
brand knowledge on consumer response to the marketing of the brand” (p. 2). Both
conceptualizations offered by Aaker (1991) and Keller (1993) are consumer-oriented, emphasize
memory structure, and are based on cognitive psychology (Christodoulides & de Chernatony,
2009). Based on Keller’s (1993) definition, if a consumer reacts more favorably to a known
brand’s marketing than to an unknown brand’s marketing, then the brand has positive consumer-
27
based brand equity or value. Also, if they react more negatively to a known brand’s marketing
than to an unknown brand’s marketing, then the brand has negative consumer-based brand equity
or value. Brand knowledge is the product of a brand’s awareness as well as its image (Keller,
1993). Brand awareness refers to a consumer’s ability to easily discriminate a brand as well as
retrieve the brand from memory (Keller, 1993). Brand image on the other hand, relates to
“perceptions about a brand as reflected by the brand associations held in consumer memory”
(Keller, 1993, p. 3).
Approaches used for measuring brand equity can be classified into direct and indirect
approaches. While the former approach focuses on measuring consumers’ preferences, the latter
measures manifestations of brand equity (Christodoulides & de Chernatony, 2009). Qualitative
research could be an effective means of measuring brand image and brand awareness (Keller,
2008). This is because it employs unstructured measurement techniques such as probing, which
can enable a researcher to reveal different brand associations (Keller, 2008).
Understanding the consumer’s brand knowledge structure is key for managing brand
equity (Keller, 2008). However, getting to the desired level of understanding of such knowledge
structures is not a straightforward task. As Keller (2008) asserted:
Ideally, marketers would be able to construct detailed ‘mental maps’ of consumers to understand exactly what exists in their minds-all their thoughts, feelings, perceptions, images, beliefs, and attitudes toward different brands. These mental blueprints would then provide managers with strategic and tactical guidance to help them make brand decisions. Unfortunately, these brand knowledge structures are not easily measured because they reside only in consumers’ minds. (p. 354)
Secondary Associations
In order to examine the brand equity of the British Council and the Bibliotheca
Alexandrina, both brand awareness and brand image would need to be measured (Keller, 1993).
If consumers are able to easily discriminate those brands and to retrieve them from memory, then
28
brand awareness exists. Brand image, on the other hand, would be measured by uncovering the
brand associations that each brand generates from the consumers’ point of view.
Holding the Darwin Now international conference at the Bibliotheca Alexandrina has the
potential of generating associations that are relevant to intercultural dialogue. This is because it
Alexandria has strong Hellenistic heritage as it was built by Alexander the Great. It is connected
to the Mediterranean and is considered part of the Euro-Med region, which makes it an ideal
place for intercultural dialogue. Such associations could have a positive influence on attitudes
towards Darwin Now.
The country-of-origin effect (COO) is one of the factors that could affect the brand equity
of the British Council by generating secondary associations related to the United Kingdom
(Aaker, 1991; Keller, 1994). COO is viewed as a marketing phenomenon in which consumers
subconsciously incorporate a stimulus such as the made-in label to form attitudes toward a
certain product (Bloemer, Brijs, & Kasper, 2009). From the perspective of foreign publics, a
public diplomacy actor can be considered a non-domestic organization. Actions of MNOs may
be scrutinized more heavily by host country groups than are the actions of domestic
organizations. When making judgments about an MNO or a foreign organization, publics may
use country-of-origin effect (COO) as a cue, in particular when they have little knowledge about
the organization (Arpan & Sun, 2006; Kostova & Zaheer, 1999). The United Kingdom colonized
Egypt, was involved in the 1956 Suez Crisis, and most recently, participated in the Iraq invasion.
Therefore, these events could potentially have a negative COO on the British Council’s brand
equity in Egypt.
The nature of the British Council as an organization could also affect its brand equity.
Since the British Council operates under an arms-length policy from the Foreign &
29
Commonwealth Office, it can dissociate itself from British foreign policy, which may negatively
influence its reputation. In addition, being a cultural diplomacy type of organization that focuses
on building mutual understanding through cultural programming may generate positive
associations that could, in turn, have a positive influence on its brand equity.
The controversial nature of evolutionary theory that is brought up by Darwin Now has a
large potential to generate negative associations for the project itself. In the Muslim World,
evolutionary theory is incompatible with religious beliefs and is strongly associated with
atheism. Such associations could create negative spillover effects that would influence the
British Council’s brand equity. However, Darwin Now does not only have the potential to
generate negative associations. As a scientific conference, the Darwin Now co-brand could
generate positive associations related to scientific and academic scholarship.
Public Diplomacy
Three Eras
Traditional public diplomacy refers to “a government’s process of communicating with
foreign publics in an attempt to bring about understanding for its nation’s ideas and ideals, its
institutions and culture, as well as its national goals and current policies” (Tuch, 1990, p. 3).
Public diplomacy aims to influence foreign governments through influencing foreign publics
(Malone, 1988). It also enables a country to enhance its national reputation, and to build
relationships with its foreign stakeholders (Wang, 2006). Public diplomacy as a term was first
coined by Edmund Gullion in the1960s (Erickson, 2012). Since then, public diplomacy has
undergone some reconceptualization, the process of which can be traced over three distinct eras:
“the Cold War, the Post-Cold-War Era and 9/11” (Loffelholz, Krichbaum, & Srugies, 2011, p.
4).
30
During the Cold War era, the goal of public diplomacy was persuasion through the use of
public information campaigns and international broadcasting (Gilboa, 2008). The “Post-Cold-
War Era” refocused the efforts and goals of public diplomacy into cultivating an understanding
of the communicating nation (Loffelholz et al., 2011, p. 4). The third era marks a significant
transition in public diplomacy, which was reinvigorated in response to the events of September
11. During that era, public diplomacy became closely related to what Nye (2004) coined “soft
power,” which refers to “the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion
or payments. It arises from the attractiveness of a country’s culture, political ideas, and policies”
(Nye, 2004, p. x). Accordingly, the focus has shifted to fostering mutual understanding through
“engagement” and “relationship building” with foreign publics (Loffelholz et al., 2011).
According to the USC Center on Public Diplomacy (cited in Ordeix-Rigo & Duarte, 2009, p.
551):
To be effective, public diplomacy must be seen as a two-way street. It involves not only shaping the message(s) that a country wishes to present abroad, but also analyzing and understanding the ways that the message is interpreted by diverse societies and developing the tools of listening and conversation as well as the tools of persuasion.
Actors
The term ‘actor’ refers to acting entities, which can be made up of an individual actor or a
collective (Loffelholz et al., 2011). The literature identifies a number of ways to categorize
public diplomacy actors. For example, actors can be distinguished according to their type of
activity– e.g., cultural/social, political/military, or economic (Loffelholz et al., 2011). Another
strategy is based on whether an actor is run by individuals or by an organization (Loffelholz et
al., 2011). At the micro level, an actor can be an individual that acts in a certain organizational
capacity, such as an artist, or a scholar (Loffelholz et al., 2011). At the meso level, organizations
can be actors of public diplomacy through their communication and their appearance (Loffelholz
31
et al., 2011). At the macro level, a country can be considered a public diplomacy actor when it is
mentioned in relation to public diplomacy such as “U.S.” public diplomacy (Loffelholz et al.,
2011). Alternatively, public diplomacy actors can be categorized into state and non-state actors.
In an experimental study by Lim and Molleda (2011), two dimensions of source credibility of
state and non-state actors were examined: trustworthiness and expertise. Findings indicate that
there was no difference in people’s evaluation of the expertise of a state actor or non-state actor.
The trustworthiness of those actors, however, is perceived differently: a state actor had a higher
credibility than non-state actors. Also, a non-state actor can improve its credibility by having a
third party such as the media deliver its message. Additionally, the study shows that the
credibility of an actor is positively related to the credibility of the message delivered, which is in
turn positively related to the credibility of the particular issue addressed in the message (Lim and
Molleda, 2011).
Other scholars contend that non-state actors have a higher credibility than state actors
(Melissen, 2005, 2011; Zatepilina-Monacell, 2012). According to Melissen (2005) “image
creation and management is a key resource and one where non-state actors may have an
advantage” (p. 41). In fact, Melissen (2011) notes that European non-state actors such as civil
society organizations have been more successful than government actors in the Middle East.
Cultural Diplomacy
In the wake of 9/11 public diplomacy was revitalized conceptually and as a policy tool
(Rasmussen & Merkelsen, 2012). As a result, cultural diplomacy gained importance and became
an integral element of public diplomacy efforts. For example, one of the recommendations of the
Advisory Committee on Cultural Diplomacy (2005) was to increase the scale of cultural
exchanges between the United States and the Islamic world. Interpersonal communication has
32
been recognized as being particularly effective when engaging with the Muslim world (Zaharna,
2003).
Signitzer and Coombs (1992) distinguished between two types of public diplomacy:
“tough-minded” and “tender-minded” (p. 140). “Tough-minded” diplomacy utilizes propaganda
in order to influence foreign audiences (Signitzer & Coombs, 1992, p. 140). Mass media is
generally used with this type of diplomacy in order to generate impact in a short period of time
(Signitzer & Coombs, 1992). On the other hand, “tender-minded” diplomacy aims to foster
mutual understanding through cultural programming (Signitzer & Coombs, 1992, p. 140). Media
that is typically used with this type of diplomacy includes educational exchanges, language
teaching, and films (Signitzer & Coombs, 1992). Therefore, cultural diplomacy can be viewed
as a “tender-minded” version of public diplomacy (Signitzer & Coombs, 1992, p. 140).
As it relates to dialogue and engagement, cultural diplomacy has a strong element of
mutuality compared to traditional public diplomacy. As Leonard, Small, & Rose (2005) noted, in
order to be effective, the parties involved in intercultural dialogue must perceive the
communication as being genuine, which requires that it be founded on mutuality. Recognizing
that the apolitical nature of cultural diplomacy enables engagement with a wide range of
stakeholders, the Advisory Committee on Cultural Diplomacy (2005) pointed out the need for
the United States:
To create an independent clearinghouse, in the manner of the British Council, to promote the national interest; support missions in their efforts to bring the best artists, writers, and other cultural figures to their audiences; public-private partnerships; and raise funds, with separate housing from the embassies so that cultural events can attract audiences. (p. 18)
Convergence of Public Diplomacy and Public Relations
Signitzer and Coombs (1992) contended that the fields of public diplomacy and public
relations are related closely. For example, both share similar objectives, such as influencing
33
public opinion, creating a positive national image, and reducing stereotypes. As public
diplomacy depends largely on building relationships with stakeholders, its main tool is public
relations, which involves two-way communications (Wang, 2006). Grunig (2003) viewed public
diplomacy as a strategic public relations effort that is directed towards foreign populations. As
Signitzer and Wamser (2006) noted, when governments conduct public diplomacy, they are
essentially conducting public relations, because both involve building relationships with the
public (Lee & Jun, 2013). This is consistent with Leonard (2002), who asserted, “Public
diplomacy should be about building relationships” (p. 50).
Lee and Jun (2013) examined the efforts in public diplomacy of the U.S. embassy in
South Korea within an organization-public relationship (OPR) theoretical framework. They
argued that when an organization conducts public diplomacy, it is “attempting to build, extend,
and maintain mutually beneficial relationships with foreign publics by means of public relations
principles and tools” (p. 414). L’Etang (2009) contended that both public relations and public
diplomacy involve power. She pointed out that they are quite similar concepts, as both are forms
of communication among organizations and between those organizations and their publics. van
Ham (2002) examined the relationship between International Relations (IR) on the one hand, and
public relations and marketing on the other. He contended that the two fields “share an interest in
concepts such as globalization, identity, and power” (p. 252).
According to van Ham (2002), “Public diplomacy and PR-marketing are merging” (p.
268). The reason for such convergence is the recent advancement in technology (Signitzer &
Coombs, 1992). As a result, corporations and governments are using international public
relations increasingly in order to engage with foreign publics (Signitzer & Coombs, 1992). This
is because the success of a wide variety of entities, such as governments and multinational
34
corporations, depends largely on foreign publics (Grunig, 2003). International public relations
refers to “the planned and organized effort of a company, institution, or government to establish
mutually beneficial relations with the publics of other nations” (Wilcox, Ault, & Agee, 1989,
cited in Signitzer & Coombs, 1992, p. 137). Although governments use international public
relations heavily in order to engage with foreign publics, such efforts have not yet been
addressed from a public relations point of view (Signitzer & Coombs, 1992); however, in recent
years, an increasing amount of public diplomacy research has been conducted based on public
relations theories (Gilboa, 2008; Lee & Jun, 2013).
In addition to the advancement in telecommunications, both nation states and
multinational corporations (MNCs) are faced with the rise in global democracy (Signitzer &
Coombs, 1992; Signitzer & Wamser, 2006). In order to cope with such major changes in the
global environment in which they operate, they must use means of “communication across
international boundaries for the procurement of certain objectives” (Sonnesyn & Williams, 1999,
as cited in Botan & Hazleton, 2006, p. 435). Signitzer and Wamser (2006) addressed the
integration of public relations and public diplomacy by examining the similarities in theories and
practice relating to both concepts and asserted, “Both public relations and public diplomacy are
strategic communicative functions of either organizations or nation-states, and typically deal
with the reciprocal consequences a sponsor and its publics have upon each other” (p. 441).
Public Diplomacy and Mass Communications
According to Metzgar (2012), communications are central to public diplomacy and
therefore its definitions typically include an element of communications. She contended that a
wide range of disciplines and theories related to journalism and mass communication has been
used in order to examine public diplomacy. Examples include public opinion, branding, public
relations, and theories of media effects and media content (Metzgar, 2012). Golan (2013)
35
explained that mass communication is one of the three main perspectives through which public
diplomacy has been investigated, the others being international relations and political science.
Gilboa (2001) mentioned that the role of media in public diplomacy has become more
predominant due to major changes in mass communications and international relations. The
introduction of the internet, increase in the public’s participation in political affairs, and growth
in global stations and networks have shifted the meaning of power (Gilboa, 2001). Power has
become dependent on the ability to create a positive national image rather than on having a
strong economy or military (Gilboa, 2001).
Golan (2013) identified three different levels of public diplomacy related to
communications: mediated public diplomacy that is short- to medium-term; country reputation
and nation branding that is medium- to long-term, and relational public diplomacy that is long-
term. He argued that, in order to achieve successful engagement with stakeholders in the long
term, all three levels are required. While all three are communications-oriented, the first is
focused on mass media, the second uses marketing and branding, and the third is oriented
towards public relations (Golan, 2013). According to Zaharna (2007), the U.S. approach to
public diplomacy relies primarily on mass media. Such an approach is the traditional one used in
public diplomacy and promotes one-way rather than two-way communication (Wang, 2006).
Gilboa (2000) contended that media has become more important in diplomacy due to the
drastic changes in technology, communications, and international relations. As he pointed out,
public diplomacy uses different channels of communication, such as mass media, cultural and
educational exchanges, language instruction, and exhibitions. While the mass media is directed
towards a large audience, the other channels of public diplomacy target elite opinion leaders. He
distinguished between three different variants of public diplomacy. The first is the “basic
36
variant” that nation states have employed to improve their image among foreign publics,
especially “in antagonistic relationships” (Gilboa, 2000, p. 291). The second is the “non-state
transitional” variant, an adaptation of the basic model that accommodates non-state actors
(Gilboa, 2000, p. 291). The third is the “domestic public relations” variant, in which local
providers of public relations are commissioned (Gilboa, 2000, p. 292). While in the “basic
variant,” a government uses its own communications channels, such as radio stations, the
“domestic public relations” variant depends on local firms’ expertise in order to make its public
diplomacy effort more authentic and legitimate to foreign publics (Gilboa, 2000).
Corporate Diplomacy
The British Council may be viewed as an international organization that conducts
corporate diplomacy. Non-state actors, such as corporations and transnational organizations,
have become influential players in public diplomacy in recent years (Kochhar & Molleda, 2015).
Corporate diplomacy is similar to public diplomacy, in that both involve building long-term
relationships with stakeholders (Kochhar & Molleda, 2015). As public attitudes towards the
country of origin are important for both corporate and public diplomacy, both entail the
understanding and identification of key stakeholders (Kochhar & Molleda, 2015). Ordeix-Rigo
and Duarte (2009) argued that corporate diplomacy enable transnational corporations (TNC) to
gain a certain status that far exceeds “a license to operate” (p. 555). The authors explained that,
when practicing corporate diplomacy, corporations initiate and implement programs independent
from their governments. However, when they participate in public diplomacy, they simply
implement government-initiated programs (Ordeix-Rigo & Duarte, 2009).
Steger (2003) defined corporate diplomacy as “an attempt to manage systematically and
professionally the business environment in such a way as to ensure that ‘business is done
smoothly’—basically with an unquestioned ‘license to operate’ and an interaction that leads to
37
mutual adaptation between corporations and society (in a sense of co-evolution)” (cited in
Asquer, 2012, p. 5). According to Post, Sachs, and Preston (2002), a license to operate refers to
“the legitimacy of the contemporary corporation as an institution within society” (p. 9). As
Ordeix-Rigo and Duarte (2009) noted, corporations conduct corporate diplomacy in order to
satisfy different stakeholders and hence gain legitimacy in a foreign country. Thus, corporations
demonstrate their commitment to society by designating resources. Ordeix-Rigo and Duarte
(2009) mentioned that corporate diplomacy and corporate social responsibility bear similarities
as well as differences. While the goal of the former is to make the corporation one of society’s
institutions, the latter targets all stakeholders of a certain corporation.
As a result of globalization, corporations’ activities have begun to encompass those that
were previously considered the purview of governments alone (Kochhar & Molleda, 2015).
Scherer and Palazzo (2011) contended that globalization has eroded the differences between
nation states and businesses, and as a result, the role of corporations has been expanded to
incorporate responsibilities of global governance. At present, international entities, such the
European Union, the World Trade Organization, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)
have the power to shape different issues internationally (Zakaria, 2011, cited in Kochhar &
Molleda, 2015) because they have become involved in functions that were conducted by nation
states and governments previously; therefore, “Power is shifting away from nation states, up,
down, and sideways (Zakaria, 2011, cited in Kochhar & Molleda, 2015, p. 55).
In a globalized world, the difference between economic actors, such as MNCs and
political actors is being reconsidered (Scherer & Palazzo, 2007). Global corporations have
increasingly assumed political corporate social responsibility (CSR) agendas (Scherer & Palazzo,
2007). Globalization has resulted in stronger competition, and greater interdependencies between
38
social and economic actors (Scherer & Palazzo, 2011). It has caused economic and social
interactions to extend beyond territorial boundaries and hence has limited the regulatory power
of nation states in areas such as labor rights and human rights (Scherer & Palazzo, 2011). It has
also led to an increase in migration that has affected traditions and values, making communities
more multicultural and diverse (Scherer & Palazzo, 2011). As a result, nation states have become
unable to deal with global governance on their own and MNCs, civil society organizations, and
businesses have contributed resources and expertise to their efforts (Scherer & Palazzo, 2011).
The global environment in which corporations now operate is characterized by higher pressure
from NGOs and higher social expectations (Scherer & Palazzo, 2011). This has had major
implications with respect to how CSR is conceptualized, and has made CSR more political in
nature (Scherer & Palazzo, 2011). As Scherer and Palazzo (2007) asserted:
..some of the observable CSR activities, such as developing corporate codes of behavior in collaboration with critical NGOs, exposing corporate CSR performance to third-party control, linking corporate decision making to civil society discourses, and shifting corporate attention and money to societal challenges beyond immediate stakeholder pressure, point to politicization of the corporation. (p. 1115)
As the world’s largest educational and cultural relations organization, the British Council
has the power to influence issues related to the communities in which it operates. It operates in
140 different countries and its developmental projects include CSR issues, such as governance
and social inclusion. Through such activities, the British Council has acquired legitimacy as an
institution and has built relationships with different groups that adopt such agendas. Ordeix-Rigo
and Duarte (2009) contended that corporate diplomacy is a source of power and legitimacy. They
stated that, in order to achieve legitimacy and power within the community in which it operates,
a corporation must ensure that its values are compatible with those of society.
39
Islam and Evolutionary Theory
English naturalist Charles Darwin first introduced his theory of biological evolution in
1859 in his book “On the Origin of Species” (Ellis, 2010). Darwin’s theory is concerned with
two main issues: diversity of living creatures, and their ability to adapt to their environment
(Ellis, 2010). According to the theory, animal and plant organisms have originated by descent
from other species through the process of natural selection (Ellis, 2010).
The introduction of Darwin’s evolutionary theory created a controversy within the
Islamic world (Remtulla, 1993). Syrian journalists Ya’qub Sarruf and Farris Nimr, both
Christians, were the first to translate Darwin’s evolutionary theory into Arabic in 1876
(Elshakry, 2003). As Elshakry (2003) noted, Darwin’s introduction generated public debates
among Arab intellectuals and “…helped create the notion of secularism in an Islamic context.
Discussions of Darwin played their part in altering the meanings of religion, science and politics
themselves” (p. 16). Muslim philosopher Jamal al-Din al-Afghani was one of the strongest
opponents of Darwin’s theory (Remtulla, 1993).
The context in which Darwin’s theory of evolution was introduced in Arab countries was
very different from that in Europe (Elshakry, 2003). For example, in Egypt, the literacy rate was
only six percent, while in England it was ninety-five percent (Elshakry, 2003). Therefore, in
Egypt, only the educated elite could be exposed to such theories. In addition, its introduction
coincided with the end of the Ottoman Empire and the beginning of the British occupation in
1882 (Elshakry, 2003). Secular education inspired by the West in the form of technical, civil, and
military schools, was introduced in Egypt (Elshakry, 2003). Moreover, Al-Azhar’s scholars, such
as Abduh and al-Tahtawi, were leading an intellectual enlightenment movement (Livingston,
1996; Elshakry, 2003). Their goal was to balance their belief in modern science without
undermining the importance of religion, which “was a mental cleavage that took many forms in
40
Muslim society during and after the 19th century” (Livingston, 1996, p. 545-6). The interaction
between the Muslim world and the West resulted in “Islamic liberalism,” which resisted Western
cultural imperialism while at the same time it accepted Western science and technology (El-
Magrahi, 1982, p. 62).
At present, fear of Western cultural imperialism continues to affect attitudes towards the
theory of evolution. Islamists believe that Western secular education that has been adopted in
Muslim countries is endangering Islamic cultural identity (Hassan, 2007). Hassan (2007)
mentioned that such concerns were expressed by participants of the First World Conference on
Muslim Education in Saudi Arabia in 1977. As Muslim countries include both traditional Islamic
education and Western secular education systems, those countries are facing a “cultural duality”
(Hassan, 2007, p. 471). This is consistent with what Livingston (1996) called “mental cleavage,”
which relates to the dilemma many Muslims face when they attempt to accommodate Western
science without compromising their religious beliefs (p. 545-6).
Asghar, Wiles, and Alters (2007) pointed out that the controversy pertaining to evolution
stems from different interpretations of verses of the Qur’an that relate to creation. In their study
of high school students’ acceptance of Darwin’s evolutionary theory in Egypt and Lebanon,
Boujaoude, Wiles, Asghar, and Alters (2011b) found that some students rejected evolution as:
it contradicted their interpretations of several verses (Ayas) in the Quran such as “We have indeed created man in the best of mold” (Surah At-Tin, Ayah 4), and “Allah [God] has created every animal from water: Of them there are some that creep on their bellies; some that walk on two legs; and some that walk on four. Allah creates what He wills, for verily Allah has power over all things” (Surah An-Nur, Ayah 4-5) (p. 913).
Consistent with Boujaoude et al.’s (2011b) findings, Asghar’s (2013) study revealed that
the rejection of evolution was related to the aspect of human evolution. She investigated the
understanding of Darwin’s evolution by Muslim high school teachers in Pakistan and Canada.
41
Her results showed that the majority of Muslim teachers accepted some aspects of biological
evolution and rejected others (Asghar, 2013). Most teachers rejected human evolution as having
a “shared ancestry with apes” (Asghar, 2013, p. 8). In general, the teachers used their religious
beliefs to form an opinion about scientific claims. For these teachers, religious texts and
interpretations were “true knowledge” (Asghar, 2013, p. 8), while evolutionary theory was “just
a theory and thus cannot be correct” (Asghar, 2013, p. 9). A third study conducted by Boujaoude
et al. (2011a) generated similar findings. They examined the positions of Lebanese
schoolteachers and university professors regarding evolutionary science. Sixty to seventy percent
of the participants were Muslim, while the rest were either Druze or Christian (Boujaoude et al.,
2011a). The results indicated that, while the Christian and Druze teachers accepted biological
evolution, Muslim teachers rejected it because the theory contradicted their religious beliefs
(Boujaoude et al., 2011a).
Between 1996 and 2003, Hassan (2007) conducted a survey in which he examined how
Muslims express their piety. 6,300 Muslims from Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, Kazakhstan, Malaysia,
Pakistan, and Turkey were included in the study. One of the measures in the study was the level
of agreement/disagreement with Darwin’s theory of evolution. Findings indicated that in Egypt,
3% reported that, “the theory is almost certainly true,” and 5% reported that “the theory is
probably true,” while 15% reported that “the theory is probably false,” and 52% reported that
“the theory could not possibly be true” (Hassan, 2007, p. 466). Therefore, an overwhelming
majority of Egyptians did not believe in evolution. A 2013 study by the Pew Research Center
found much more positive attitudes towards biological evolution in Muslim countries. The
results showed that the majority of Muslims in Lebanon, the Palestinian territories, Morocco, and
Jordan believe that over time, living things, including humans, have evolved. Coyne (2013)
42
attributed the large difference between the latter results and those of Hassan (2007), to the fact
that Pew’s study consisted of interviews, while Hassan’s used a questionnaire.
In summary, most Muslim societies today support modern science (Asghar, 2013).
However, Muslim societies’ reactions to Darwin’s evolution remain quite diverse (Asghar et al.,
2007; Asghar, 2013; Hameed, 2008; Remtulla, 1993). As Hameed (2008) asserted, “Just as there
is no monolithic Islam, there is no ‘official’ opinion on evolution” (p. 1637).
Islam as an “Episteme”
The search for the nature of the evolutionary discourse within Muslim countries such as
Egypt draws on philosopher Foucault’s writings. Discourse from a Foucauldian point of view
refers to “thought made visible through words” (Shoshana, 2014, p. 99). The relevance of
drawing on the work of Foucault in this study is that it enables us to uncover “the cultural scripts
characteristic of sociohistorical periods and thus lead to an understanding of how we become
subjects” (Shoshana, 2014, p. 99). Understanding and analyzing discourses is particularly
relevant to the field of public diplomacy because international politics is essentially “a struggle
over ideas and values” (Rasmussen, 2009, p. 3). In such a struggle, public diplomacy uses
different channels of communication to influence foreign publics “by articulating a certain
meaning of a concept that others then adopt, making it a socially constructed truth” (Rasmussen,
2009, p. 3).
In his book, The Order of Things, Michel Foucault (1970) proposed that every culture has
a main “episteme,” which a priori makes certain types of knowledge in that culture possible. As
he asserted: “In any given culture and at any given moment, there is always only one episteme
that defines the conditions of possibility of all knowledge, whether expressed in a theory or
silently invested in a practice” (p. 168). He argued that such an “episteme” not only applies to
scientific knowledge, but also to non-formal knowledge, as both types follow a regular system.
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He posited that within a certain culture, the notions of truth and errors, as well as being
convinced of certain facts, is not a matter of chance, but rather follows a system:
But what if empirical knowledge, at a given time and in a given culture, did possess a well-defined regularity? If the very possibility of recording facts, of allowing oneself to be convinced by them, of distorting them in traditions or of making purely speculative use of them, if even this was not at the mercy of chance? If errors (and truths), the practice of old beliefs, including not only genuine discoveries, but also the most naïve notions, obeyed, at a given moment, the laws of a certain code of knowledge? If, in short, the history of non-formal knowledge had itself a system? (Foucault, 1970, pp. ix)
Based on Foucault’s (1970) notions of an “episteme,” the lens through which Darwin’s
theory of evolution has been considered within Muslim countries such as Egypt is Islam, which
could be considered the main “episteme.” While nineteenth century Al-Azhar reformists such as
Abdu endorsed evolution, this has not been the case for other Al-Azhar theologians. According
to Ghaly (2014), the late Mahmud Shaltut, one of Al-Azhar’s grand Shaykhs (d. 1963), issued a
fatwa that the theory “contradicts the authentic divine revelation” (p. 6). Shaltut based his fatwa
on Qur’anic verses relating to the creation of Adam, which was contradicted by the theory’s
description of human evolution (Ghaly, 2014). From a Foucauldian (1970) point of view, Islam
can therefore be considered as an “episteme that defines the conditions of possibility of all
knowledge” and one that distinguishes between truths and errors (p. 168).
Despite the fact that Al-Azhar has pronounced that evolutionary theory contradicts Islam,
the theory is taught today as part of the official curricula in Egypt’s high schools. Scholars have
noted that human evolution is the aspect of the theory that creates the most controversy within
the Islamic world. In Orders of Discourse, Foucault (1971) contended that, “inside a discourse,
the division between true and false is neither arbitrary nor modifiable” and that such a division is
“historically constituted” (p. 10). He also maintained that discourse is limited by three
exclusions: “prohibited words, the division of madness and the will to truth” (p. 11). Taking
44
Foucault’s view into consideration, human evolution could be considered as “forbidden speech,”
because it contradicts Qur’anic verses, and therefore, is regarded as false. Other parts of the
theory that do not contradict the Qur’an are not considered to be false and are therefore
acceptable.
Foucault (1971) emphasized that as a system of exclusion, the “will to truth” is dependent
on the support of such institutions as libraries, books, pedagogy, and publishing (p. 11).
Therefore, the evolutionary discourse in Egypt is both reinforced and limited by institutions such
as Al-Azhar, the official education system, and books that address evolutionary theory as a
controversial topic. For Al-Azhar, Islam “defines the conditions of possibility of all knowledge”
(Foucault’s, 1970, p. 168). However, in the official secular education system, evolutionary
theory is acceptable within the limits of the Qur’an or Islam, the main “episteme.” Within such
an episteme, Darwin’s theory is acceptable except for its views on human evolution. As Foucault
(1971) noted, “We know perfectly well that we are not free to say just anything, that we cannot
simply speak of anything, when we like or where we like; not just anyone, finally, may speak of
just anything” (p. 8).
The responses in the Islamic East towards Darwin’s evolutionary theory were, in part,
reactions to colonization in general. According to Elshakry (2013), discourse relating to
Darwin’s evolution in the nineteenth century Arab East was related closely to imperialism. At
that time, imperialism was associated with civilization, as the colonized attributed the West’s
ability to colonize them to its scientific advancement (Elshakry, 2013). As Elshakry (2013)
asserted, “Reading Darwin in Arabic coincided with the intensification of imperial rivalries, the
erosion of Ottoman power, and the onset of the “Scramble for Africa.” Indeed for many
popularizers, evolution was understood as the preeminent doctrine of empire” (p. 10).
45
The rise of the Western empire and the fall of the Ottoman Empire were equated among
Arab intellectuals as a “struggle for survival” and in order to avoid elimination, they called for a
cultural awakening (Elshakry, 2013, p. 10). Their idea of an Arab awakening revolved around “a
translation of both power and knowledge from the West to the East (once more) that would
enable the recovery of past glory” (Elshakry, 2013, p. 11). Therefore, Darwin’s evolution
discourse became associated with Western civilization and scientific advancement, and it was
believed that the translation of such knowledge would lead to an Arab Renaissance (Elshakry,
2013). This could explain the reason for the inclusion of evolutionary theory in official curricula
in Egypt despite the controversy that surrounds it.
Al-Azhar
Al-Azhar is “the leading Islamic institution of learning in the Near East” (El-Magrahi,
1982, p. 59). It was established in Egypt during the tenth century as a higher institution
“madrasa” for teaching Islamic jurisprudence (Hatina, 2003). During the nineteenth century,
scholars “ulama” who received their education at Al-Azhar were considered “the educated elite”
in Egypt (Hatina, 2003, p. 52). Some of those scholars held prestigious posts as preachers,
educators, and judges (Hatina, 2003). In addition to their significant moral influence, different
rulers awarded them authority in return for having them prohibit civil revolt against the rulers
(Hatina, 2003). An intellectual enlightenment movement took place in Egypt during the
nineteenth century, which was led by Al-Azhar reformists who had received their education in
the West (Elshakry, 2003; Livingston, 1996). At that time, Cairo became the cultural hub of the
Arab and Muslim world and Al-Azhar was an important aspect of Cairo’s cultural significance,
as it served as “a meeting place for those with national aspirations and for those with religious
ideals” (El-Magrahi, 1982, p. 59).
46
The reformists called for modernization of the education offered by Al-Azhar and
advocated teaching Western sciences (Livingston, 1996). They sought to “modernize Islam and
to rescue the faith from centuries of sterility” (El-Magrahi, 1982, p. 62). This was caused by the
interaction between the Muslim world and the West, and resulted in “Islamic liberalism,” which
resisted Western cultural imperialism, while at the same time it accepted Western science and
technology (El-Magrahi, 1982, p. 62). They believed that Islam and science were compatible, as
both were designed to advance social well-being (Elshakry, 2003). In fact, Muhammad Abduh, a
leading scholar in the awakening movement argued, “Religion is a friend of science” and
generally endorsed Darwin’s theory (cited in Elshakry, 2003, p. 15). Rifa’a al-Tahtawi, who
received an education in science and history in Paris, was a strong advocate of teaching Western
science in Al-Azhar (Livingston, 1996). In attempting to modernize Al-Azhar, the reformists
strove to balance their belief in modern science without undermining the importance of religion.
This reflected a centrist position, which had been a characteristic of Al-Azhar and hence of
Egypt’s official Islamic ideology.
Even though Al-Azhar is the main religious institution for Sunni, contemporary Islamists
belonging to moderate as well as radical Islamic groups do not believe in it or its “ulama”
(Skovgaard-Peterson, 1997). This is because since it was nationalized by the Nasser regime in
1961, they do not view it as an independent institution (Skovgaard-Peterson, 1997). In fact, some
Islamists view Al-Azhar as a threat to “their Islamization project,” as they believe it is part of the
regime (p. 219).
Wasatiyya Ideology
Wasatiyya is an approach to Islam that is characterized by centrism, open mindedness,
and a dialogic orientation (Hoigilt, 2010). Wasatiyya is founded on a Qur’anic verse that
identifies Muslims as a “middle nation” and thus carries positive connotations (Hoigilt, 2010, p.
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252). Scholars as well as Islamists identify centrism ideology primarily with modern day Egypt.
Muslim thinkers situate it as a middle ground between two extremes in Arab societies: religious
fundamentalism and secularism (Hoigilt, 2010). According to Mancini and Rosenfeld (2014),
“Al-Azhar has historically asserted its ‘Wasatiyya’ (moderation, or literally, ‘in the middle’)
ideology,” which is in contrast to the Salafi ideology that is characterized by its “extremism and
amateurish approach to Sharia interpretation” (p. 172). As the authors noted, Salafis typically
criticize Al-Azhar for its moderate stance towards other Muslim sects, such as Sufis and Shia.
Salafism is an approach that aims “to revive Islam’s fundamentals, returning to the religion
practiced by the pious predecessors” (Bubalo & Fealy, 2005, p. 10). Salafis believe that Muslims
should live only under Islamic “Shari’a” law and strive to avoid blind imitation and innovation
(Bubalo & Fealy, 2005, p. 10).
Islam and the West
Major Encounters
According to Haddad (1999), there have been four major confrontations between the
Muslim World and the West. The first was the Muslim conquests that took place during the
seventh century and extended from North Africa to Southern France, Sicily, Portugal, and Spain.
The second confrontation took place during the crusades, which Haddad (1999) described as one
that created an impression upon Muslims of a West that intended to eliminate them altogether.
Western colonialism was the third confrontation and lasted from the late fifteenth century until
the end of World War II. To a large extent, colonialism has influenced the way in which Islam
and the West interact with one another. The fourth confrontation, which extends until the present
according to Haddad (1999), emerged after World War II. This is considered a major conflict, as
the Western-supported state of Israel was created and Muslim migration to the West took place
(Haddad, 1999).
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September 11th and its aftermath can be viewed as a fifth major encounter between Islam
and the West, one that has increased the level of misunderstanding and mistrust between the two
worlds, and led to greater polarization. Muslims living in the West have become more insecure
and fearful of being attacked in retaliation for the events of September 11 (U.K. Parliament,
2002). Together with the subsequent confrontations in Afghanistan and Iraq, it caused a
controversy as to “how the ‘Western world’ and nations in North Africa and the Middle East
(somewhat imprecisely called the ‘Arab’ or ‘Muslim world’) should find new ways of cultural
exchange, information and dialogue for understanding each other better” (Zollner, 2006, p. 160).
In addition, the perception of Muslims and Arabs has undergone major transformations,
especially in America (Iskandar, 2009).
Cultural Attack
Binder (1988) argued that Islamic culture is more concerned about “cultural penetration
and Westernization” than is any other cultural region (p. 83). Haddad (1999) noted that the
Islamist literature describes colonialism as a “cultural attack” whereby colonialists were “seeking
to subvert the influence of Islam on society by promoting the implementation of certain secular
values as the foundation of political, economic, ideological, cultural, and social institutions” (The
Encounter of Islam with the West section, para. 5). Islamists view modernism and secularism as
a threat to Islam itself and hence their goal is to defend it (Rajaee, 2007). For this reason, the
modern Islamic movement may be considered “a defensive reaction to the perceived threat of
modernism” (Rajaee, 2007, p. 11). Scholarship on Islam and the West indicates that Muslims are
overly suspicious, as they believe that the West aims to destroy Islam (U.K. Parliament, 2002).
According to Shavit (2014), contemporary Islamists believe that the West is involved in
“de-Islamizing” the Muslim world. In his book Islamism and the West: From “Cultural Attack”
to “Missionary Migrant,” he outlined three different theories that relate to this belief on the part
49
of Muslims. One of the theories posits that a “Western cultural (or ideological) attack” has been
directed successfully at Muslim societies in order to “de-Islamize” them. Therefore, Islamists
need to focus on the “re-Islamization” of their societies in order to overcome such a cultural
attack. This strong fear of the West is not necessarily shared by all Muslims, but is a common
characteristic of those who argue, “that modernism is encroaching on Muslims in various ways,
through colonialism, neocolonialism, imperialism, and, more recently, a Western cultural
onslaught” (Rajaee, 2007, p. 12).
Results of the 2011 Pew Research Center’s survey “Global Attitudes Project” indicated
that tensions persist between the Muslim world and the West. When asked about characteristics
associated with Muslims and Westerners, more than fifty percent of the Muslims surveyed
associated Westerners with violence, selfishness, immorality, and greedy. On the other hand,
many of the Westerns surveyed associated Muslims with fanaticism and violence. Therefore,
both Muslims and Westerners hold negative stereotypes of one another. Further, findings also
show that both sides blame one another for the tensions in the relations between them. However,
both sides also share a concern about the increase in Islamic extremism. Of those who were
surveyed, 78% of Palestinians, 73% of Lebanese, and 63% of Egyptians are concerned about
Islamic extremism and the possibility that it may divide their countries. Between 70-75% of
Westerners from Germany, Russia, Britain, and the U.S. are concerned that Islamic extremism
will affect their own nations.
The British Council
A 1940 Royal Charter outlined the purpose of the British Council as “promoting a wider
knowledge of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the English
Language abroad, and developing closer cultural relations between the United Kingdom and
other countries, for the purposes of benefiting the British Commonwealth of Nations” (cited in
50
Phillipson, 1992, p. 137). For the most part, the British Council’s activities are funded by grants
from the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Phillipson, 1992).
The British Council, the BBC World Service, and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office
are in charge of public diplomacy and hence receive the largest share of British government
funding (Sreberny, Gillespie, & Bauman, 2010). Although the council is a public diplomacy
organization, it is considered “A semi-autonomous institution thus offers a means for those who
wish to participate in British cultural activities but who, for a variety of reasons, wish to keep
their distance from the trappings of the British government” (Advisory Committee on Cultural
Diplomacy, 2005, p. 15).
The British Council in Egypt is the oldest overseas operation (“British Council, About
British Council Egypt,” 2014). Its apolitical and independent nature has helped it to continue
thriving even during times of conflict. In 1956, the United Kingdom was involved in the
Tripartite Aggression known as the Suez Crisis. The British Council was able to continue its
operations after being overtaken by the Egyptian Ministry of Culture (Saad El-Din, 2003). As
Saad El-Din (2003) noted:
When I think of those times I feel proud that as a people Egyptians were tolerant and cultured enough to distinguish between learning and politics. I remember when the British Council was producing a film on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the council’s work in Egypt. The film was directed by Attiyat El-Abnoudy, one of our leading documentary filmmakers. There is an interview in the film with writer Youssef Idris, in which he aptly summed up the situation: “During the day,” he said, “we used to go out in demonstrations shouting ‘down with the British’, but in the evening we went to the British Council to learn English language and literature. (Saad El-Din, 2003, para. 4)
In addition to cultural programming, the British Council runs a major English language
teaching operation. Phillipson (1992) examined the spread of the English language in the
previously colonized Third World countries and asserts, “whereas once Britannia ruled the
51
waves, now it is English which rules them. The British empire has given way to the empire of
English” (Phillipson, 1992, p. 1). He argues that the spread of English was not left to chance and
that it has created exploitation within the Third World, which he called “English Linguistic
Imperialism” relating it to imperialism theory (p. 46). Phillipson (1992), therefore, views the
work of the British Council as a form of linguistic and cultural imperialism.
Leonard, Small, and Rose (2005) mentioned that the British Council is perceived by its
publics as being trustworthy. They contend that this is the result of two things: its independence
from the government and its cultural activity. They argue that it was able to continue its
operations during the Suez Crisis for these very same reasons. They also point out that this
independence continues to be a major strength for the British Council in the Middle East,
especially after the Iraq invasion. Accordingly, the British Council may not be perceived as a
state actor even though the majority of its funding comes from the British government.
The Bibliotheca Alexandrina
The modern day Bibliotheca Alexandrina was inaugurated in 2003 and is a reincarnation
of the original Library of Alexandria that was established by Ptolemy I in 288 BC (“Bibliotheca
Alexandrina, Alexandria,” 2005). The Library of Alexandria served as a research center, an
academy, and a library, or “Mouseion”, which is Greek for museum (“Bibliotheca Alexandrina,
Alexandria,” 2005). The original Library of Alexandria was associated with Origen of
Alexandria, a Christian theologian (“Bibliotheca Alexandrina, Alexandria,” 2005). The original
library’s significance was due to its religious role as well as its collection of manuscripts that was
the largest in the world at 700,000 scrolls, which is equivalent to 100,000 books (“Bibliotheca
Alexandrina, Alexandria,” 2005). For 600 years, it assumed the role of a major global center of
learning as scholars from a multitude of cultures accessed it. During the third century, the
Library of Alexandria burned down (“Bibliotheca Alexandrina, Alexandria,” 2005).
52
Using Michel Foucault’s (1986) “heterotopology”, the Bibliotheca Alexandrina can be
considered a heterotopia. Foucault (1986) contends that any space has its own history and that
space and time intersect. He mentioned that the current era is one of space and juxtaposition and
the way in which individuals experience the world is similar to “a network that connects points
and intersects with its own skein” (p. 22). In fact, the sites that we experience nowadays are
heterogeneous and consist of relationships that cannot be broken into simpler forms (Foucault,
1986). Foucault (1986) identified two types of sites connected with the different types of sites in
a particular way that inverts such links with other spaces: utopias and heterotopias. Heterotopias
are “counter-sites” as “all the other real sites that can be found within the culture, are
simultaneously represented, contested, and inverted” (Foucault, 1986, p. 24).
There is no single type of heterotopia; instead, it comes in different forms (Foucault,
1986). Crisis heterotopias are a type of heterotopia that is reserved to those who are in a crisis
phase, such as boarding schools of the 19th century and the “honey-moon trip” of the 20th
century (Foucault, 1986). These are forms of heterotopias as they are “elsewhere” or “nowhere”
when contrasted with home (Foucault, 1986, p. 24). One of the principles of heterotopias is that
they could have a specific role and society could select for them a different function over time
(Foucault, 1986). Another principle of heterotopias is that they are linked to a certain point in
time and can only function when individuals divorce themselves from “traditional time”
(Foucault, 1986, p. 25). For example, a cemetery is heterotopia since it is linked to a specific
point in time that is death. Other examples of heterotopias are libraries and museums as they are
concerned with “indefinitely accumulating time” (Foucault, 1986, p. 26). As Foucault (1986)
contended:
From a general standpoint, in a society like ours heterotopias and heterochronies are structured and distributed in a relatively complex fashion. First of all, there are
53
heterotopias of indefinitely accumulating time, for example museums and libraries. Museums and libraries have become heterotopias in which time never stops building up and topping its own summit, whereas in the seventeenth century, even at the end of the century, museums and libraries were the expression of an individual choice. By contrast, the idea of accumulating everything, of establishing a sort of general archive, the will to enclose in one place all times, all epochs, all forms, all tastes, the idea of constituting a place of all times that is itself outside of time and inaccessible to its ravages, the project of organizing in this way a sort of perpetual and indefinite accumulation of time in an immobile place, this whole idea belongs to our modernity. (p. 26)
Based on Foucault’s (1986) “heterotopology”, the Bibliotheca Alexandrina could be
considered a heterotopia that has a specific function that is bringing scholars from different
cultures together to exchange ideas and engage in intercultural dialogue. It is linked to a specific
point in time: the Ptolemaic era when the ancient library was established. Once there, individuals
are able to divorce themselves from real time and instead experience an accumulation of time
that starts from the time of its establishment until the modern time. As a heterotopia, the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina therefore, is unlike other spaces.
Alexandria
When examining a controversial public diplomacy initiative such as Darwin Now, the
significance of the place where the program was held needs to be taken into consideration.
Alexander the Great established Alexandria in 320 BC, and it became then the capital of his
empire (“Bibliotheca Alexandrina, Alexandria,” 2005). Ever since it was founded, Alexandria
has been a special place where different cultures have co-existed. Throughout history,
Alexandria has inspired numerous literary works as Starr (2005) asserts, “From its foundational
narratives to contemporary nostalgia literature, Alexandria has been imagined as a cosmopolis,
an urban space where peoples and cultures come into contact” (p. 217). For example, Laurence
Durrell described it as “the capital of memory” in his renowned Alexandria Quartet (Starr,
2005). In addition to its Greek heritage, until the middle of the 20th century, Alexandria was
54
home to a large European community that influenced its character and made it uniquely
cosmopolitan (Starr, 2005).
Alexandria’s significance was due to the fact that had it been a point where different
cultures and religions merged throughout history. According to Mack and AlSayyad (1991):
When Alexandria was founded it was intended as a pure expression of Hellenism. But almost immediately the Hellenistic and the Egyptian merged to produce a synthesis of cultures, religions, and ways of life that was peculiarly Alexandrian. This synthesis has, in turn, been absorbed into the Arab Islamic culture that is predominant in present-day Egypt. (p. 110)
Darwin Now
The “Darwin Now” project was implemented in 2009 and consisted of events designed to
provide a wide range of audiences worldwide with an opportunity in an open way to explore how
evolution and society are related (“British Council, Darwin Now,” 2009). This international
initiative consisted of a year-long program of exhibitions in schools and colleges, an interactive
website, youth summits, and media training and workshops (“British Council, Darwin Now,”
2009). The program involved 50 countries, including those in North Africa, Europe, East Asia,
the Americas, and Latin America (“British Council, Darwin Now,” 2009). The program
culminated in November 2009 at a three-day international conference on society and evolution at
the Bibliotheca Alexandrina in Alexandria, Egypt.
Research Questions
The purpose of this study is to examine how the British Council branded “Darwin Now”
in such a way so as to avoid negative spillover effects. This overall purpose is broken down into
five research questions:
RQ1: How are the British Council and the Bibliotheca Alexandrina perceived in Egypt? What type of associations does each brand generate?
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RQ2: How is the fit between the British Council and the Bibliotheca Alexandrina in terms of compatibility of their mission, line of activity, product/service offerings, and brand image perceived?
RQ3: Why did the British Council decide to co-brand the “Darwin Now” campaign together with the Bibliotheca Alexandrina?
RQ4: Do the “Darwin Now” media coverage or the Egyptian participants’ feedback surveys include anything negative about the British Council Egypt and/or the Bibliotheca Alexandrina in relation to “Darwin Now”?
RQ5: How was the “Darwin Now” conference branded?
Propositions
The following theoretical proposition guided the data analysis:
P1: The British Council in Egypt has a high level of awareness and a positive brand image.
P2: The Bibliotheca Alexandrina has a high level of awareness and a positive brand image.
P3: The two partner brands are perceived as being suited for collaboration for certain activities and projects (fit).
P4: Negative spillover effects were avoided as a result of partnering with a high profile national brand.
Summary
This chapter explored the branding literature as it relates to public diplomacy. Co-
branding and brand equity research were reviewed. A discussion followed about the British
Council, the Bibliotheca Alexandrina, “Darwin Now,” and the brand associations each of them
potentially generates. The review of the literature has brought to light key issues upon which
“Darwin Now” was co-branded. The following chapter will illustrate the design, data collection,
and data analysis that will be utilized in this study.
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CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY
Research Design
In this research, a single case study of the British Council Egypt’s “Darwin Now” 2009
campaign will be conducted. A case study refers to “a qualitative approach in which the
investigator explores a real-life, contemporary bounded system (a case) or multiple bounded
systems (cases) over time, through detailed, in-depth data collection involving multiple sources
of information” (Creswell, 2013, p. 97). This type of research is appropriate for “how” and
“why” type of research questions (Yin, 1981, p. 1). As Punch (1998) pointed out, the objective of
case study research is to examine a case “in its natural setting;” therefore, understanding the
context is key (p. 150). He mentioned that a researcher needs to take a holistic approach in order
to understand “the wholeness and unity of the case” (Punch, 1998, p. 150). This highly detailed
type of investigation offers a thorough understanding of a case that typically consists of a wide
range of variables (Yin, 2012).
Sample
The “Darwin Now” case in Egypt was purposively selected as it fits Patton’s (2002)
definition of “extreme” cases, which “are information rich because they are unusual or special in
some way, such as outstanding successes or notable failures” (p. 230). The controversial nature
of evolutionary theory in Muslim countries such as Egypt, coupled with the past colonial
relationship between Egypt and the U.K., make it extremely difficult for such campaigns to
communicate successfully with the public without generating negative responses. Gomm,
Hammersley and Foster (2000) asserted that there is value in selecting an atypical case as “an
illuminating case may make theoretical connections apparent which were formerly obscure” (p.
180).
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Unit of Analysis
This research is an embedded case study as it involves secondary units of analysis (Yin,
2012). The main unit of analysis is the 2009 “Darwin Now” co-branded campaign in Egypt.
Secondary units of analysis are the British Council Egypt’s brand equity, the Bibliotheca
Alexandrina’s brand equity, the fit between the British Council Egypt’s brand and the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina’s brand, and spillover effects.
Case Material
In this study, there are two main sources from which data was collected: interviews and
documented archival records. The latter consisted of media coverage, press releases, and
participants’ feedback surveys.
Unlike other types of research, case studies are not confined to a certain method of data
collection. In fact, using multiple data sources is a main principle when collecting data for case
study research, as it enables more accurate findings to be generated through triangulation
(Iacono, Brown, & Holtham, 2010; Yin, 1981). Bassey (1999) identified three main types of data
collection: “asking questions (and listening intently to the answers), observing events (and noting
carefully what happens), and reading documents” (p. 81). Data gathering methods such as
interviews, documents, artifacts, participant observation, archival records, and direct observation
can be used in a case study (Yin, 1994). Having multiple data sources is essential for the
triangulation of data, which enables a researcher to improve both validity and reliability (Iacono,
Brown, & Holtham, 2010). Table 3-1 provides a breakdown of the case study material methods,
and sources of evidence, in relation to the research questions.
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Table 3-1. Data collection sources Questions Method Source
British Council’s brand equity Bibliotheca Alexandrina’s brand equity
In-depth interviews In-depth interviews
General public Media Partner General public Media Partner
Brand fit In-depth interviews
General public Media British Council’s staff Bibliotheca Alexandrina’s staff
Spillover effects
In-depth interviews Content analysis
British Council staff Bibliotheca Alexandrina staff Media clippings Press releases Participants’ feedback survey
Conference branding
Content analysis
Media clippings Press releases
Data Collection Procedures
Yin (1994) mentioned that a case study is among the most difficult types of research. He
therefore recommended that the researcher develops a case study protocol and conducts a pilot
study prior to the actual data collection.
Protocol
The case study protocol provides the investigator with clear directions as to how to
conduct the case study and is a means for improving reliability (Yin, 1994). It outlines the
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procedures that the investigator needs to follow when using the study’s instrument (Yin, 1994).
More specifically, the protocol of this case study included:
1. An overview of the study’s objectives, relevant readings, and potential issues
2. Procedures, such as access to sources of information and to participants.
3. The questions that will guide data collection and the sources of information for answering those questions
4. Guidelines for the case study report’s format, outline, and bibliography (Yin, 1994, pp. 64-65).
Pilot Study
The pilot study enables the investigator to develop a better conceptual understanding of
the study, relevant questions, and an effective plan for collecting data (Yin, 1994). As Yin
(1994) noted, the pilot study is different from a pretest and therefore should not be viewed as a
“dress rehearsal” in the same way that a pretest is considered. This is because the pilot study is
remarkably broader than the actual case, the criteria for selecting it maybe quite different from
that used to select the actual case, and it is used to inform the actual case in general (Yin, 1994).
A pilot study was conducted during October 2013, and in-depth telephone interviews
were held with 20 Egyptian adults. The goal of the study was to investigate the brand equity of
the British Council Egypt and to examine the type of associations that the brand generates.
Participants were initially identified based on personal knowledge and contacts and those who
expressed interest in participation were emailed the informed consent form. Snowball sampling
was then conducted by asking those who were initially recruited to provide new potential
participants with the informed consent and the researcher’s contact information. This process
resulted in a sample of 12 males and 8 females who were of middle to upper middle socio-
economic class, and who lived either in Cairo or Alexandria. A screener was utilized in order to
exclude those who did not have minimal knowledge of the British Council and four people were
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excluded. Findings indicated that the British Council enjoys remarkably positive brand equity
and is associated primarily with English language teaching and cultural programming. Because
its name in Arabic is the British Cultural Center, it is perceived as a cultural center that offers
services to the public such as the library in the Agouza branch in Cairo that used to carry an
extensive book collection. The organization is perceived as being apolitical and non-
governmental. In addition, the U.K. has a positive COO effect, as it is associated with having
high quality education and being an established democracy.
In-depth Interviews
Interviews are a key element in qualitative research (Northcutt & McCoy, 2004). They
are particularly important to case study research, and are thus a main source of evidence in such
research (Yin, 1994). Representing multiple views is a key objective of qualitative research
(Stake, 1995). Stake (1995) mentioned that interviews enable a case study researcher to portray
different views and are hence “…the main road to multiple realities” (p. 64). Patton (2002)
emphasized the critical role an interviewer plays in obtaining quality information from
interviews. As he pointed out, when approaching an interview a researcher needs to assume “that
the perspectives of others is meaningful, knowable, and able to be made explicit” (p. 341). Yin
(1994) outlined three different types of interviews: less structured ones that have an “open-ended
nature,” “focused” interviews that follow a predetermined set of questions, and the more
structured type of interviews that resemble surveys (p. 84). He noted that while “focused”
interviews are also open-ended, they use a specific set of questions that are based on the case
study protocol (pp. 84-85).
In this study, thirty-six “focused” in-depth telephone interviews were conducted over a
three-month period during the summer of 2015 (Yin, 1994, p. 84). An interview guide (Creswell,
2013; Patton, 2002) was developed and consisted of open-ended questions that relate to the
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purpose of the study. The interview guide was piloted in order to refine and adapt the questions
(Creswell, 2013). The main function of the interview with the Egyptian public was to reveal the
participants’ reactions, understandings, and associations related to the British Council, and the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina. The media were interviewed in order to reveal their reactions,
understandings, and associations related to “Darwin Now”, the British Council, and the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina. The purpose of interviewing informants from the British Council and
the Bibliotheca Alexandrina was to develop insights regarding the “Darwin Now” co-branded
campaign.
The sample consisted of five British Council representatives and three members of the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina. Eight members of the media were interviewed all of whom either had a
role in “Darwin Now” or wrote a news story about it. All of the media participants were
Egyptian nationals and four of them were specialized in science. Twenty members of the general
public who have used any of the British Council services participated in the research and were
identified and approached through personal contacts. In total, the sample consisted of fifteen
females and thirty-one males whose ages ranged between 18 and 60 years.
Some of the interviews with informants from the British Council were carried out in
English, as three of the participants were native English language speakers, while all the
remaining interviews were carried out in Arabic. Three interviews were Skype interviews while
thirty-two were telephone interviews. One participant from the Bibliotheca Alexandrina
responded to the interview questionnaire by email. All telephone interviews were recorded after
getting participants’ approval, they were then transcribed immediately afterwards. Notes were
taken during Skype interviews.
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Documentation/Archival Records
The analysis of documentation is central to case study research as its purpose “is to
corroborate and augment evidence from other sources” (Yin, 1981, p. 87).
A content analysis was conducted to answer the research questions how the British
Council was able to brand the “Darwin Now” project in Egypt, also do the “Darwin Now” media
coverage or the Egyptian participants’ feedback surveys include anything negative about the
British Council Egypt and/or the Bibliotheca Alexandrina? The British Council and the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina in Egypt were approached to provide the “Darwin Now” media
coverage report, clippings, press releases, and participants’ feedback surveys of the “Darwin
Now” conference or any of the wrap around activities that took place before the conference in
2009. The British Council in Egypt provided the media coverage report for the Near East and
North Africa region, participants’ feedback surveys of the Darwin Now conference, and one of
the press releases, but was not able to retrieve media clippings. The Bibliotheca Alexandrina
provided 4 of the Darwin Now press releases and 25 of the news stories generated in Egyptian
media. An online search, conducted to retrieve the remaining stories, found 12 additional ones
were found. A total of 37 stories were included in the content analysis, two in English, the rest in
Arabic. The British Council provided a total of 171 feedback comments from conference
participants. Fifty-one were excluded as they included non-Egyptian participants and the
remaining 120 were included in the content analysis.
The total content analysis sample consisted of 162 cases, 74% of which were
participants’ feedback (120), 23% were news stories (37), and 3% were press releases (5). Table
4-1 summarizes descriptive statistics for the main categories.
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Participants and Recruitment
The General Public
A purposive sample was developed and twenty Egyptian adult interviewees who have
previously engaged with the British Council were recruited. This target group is a key one for the
British Council. The participants are identified as T3s, and consist of those who use paid services
offered by the British Council, such as English language courses, IELTS exam, or IGCSE.
Demographic information about the interviewees was obtained during the interviews.
Participants were of middle to upper-middle socioeconomic classes, as those have the
appropriate level of knowledge about both the British Council and the Bibliotheca Alexandrina.
Egyptian Media
In addition to the general public, eight members of the Egyptian media who have either
generated stories about “Darwin Now” or attended any of its media training or wraparound
activities were recruited. Egyptian media workers are a key target group for the British Council’s
programs due to their ability to generate media coverage for such programs. For that reason,
public diplomacy initiatives such as “Darwin Now” typically have a media component that
consists of media training and relationship-building activities.
The British Council
A third group of interviewees are key informants from the British Council who had a role
in developing the “Darwin Now” campaign. An email was sent to the Director of the British
Council in Egypt, which included the IRB and the informed consent form. The Director of the
British Council in Egypt forwarded the email to relevant staff, and those who expressed interest
were recruited. A similar email was sent to other members of the British Council, involved in the
project but no longer located in Egypt, and those who expressed interest were recruited. This
group was recruited because informants have expert knowledge of details relating to the project,
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including communications and branding. They were also involved in the partnership with the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina, and are well aware of the context in Egypt.
The Bibliotheca Alexandrina
An email was sent to the Director of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina, which included the
IRB and the informed consent form. The Director of the British Council Bibliotheca Alexandrina
forwarded the email to relevant staff; those who expressed interest were recruited. Members of
the Bibliotheca Alexandrina involved in the “Darwin Now” international conference were
included in the study, to provide information regarding the partnership with the British Council
and how “Darwin Now” affected their own brand.
Instrument
According to Creswell (2013), the interviewing process includes the development of an
interview guide or interview protocol. Patton (2002) explained that the purpose of the interview
guide is to ensure that the researcher consistently adheres to the main topics while conducting the
interviews. Lofland and Lofland (1995) recommended that the first page of the guide consist of
factual information such as the interviewee’s name and demographic data, also date and place of
the interview. They pointed out that it would consist of topics that the interviewer wants to
ensure would be covered rather than “a tightly structured set of questions” (p. 85). For this
reason, the purpose is to have a “guided conversation” rather than an interview (Lofland &
Lofland, 1995, p. 85). Patton (2002) noted that the interview guide consists of topics as well as
probes and therefore, allows the interviewer to probe and explore certain subjects.
In this study, the interview guide questions were based on the theoretical framework and
the research questions. This is in line with LeCompte and Schensul (1999) who recommended
adhering to the study’s theoretical framework and hypotheses. The interview guide included
eight open-ended questions to which all respondent groups were asked to answer. These
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questions are designed to capture the brand equity of each of the two organizations and the brand
fit between them. In addition, informants from the British Council, the Bibliotheca Alexandrina,
and the media were asked an additional four questions relating to the “Darwin Now” partnership,
its co-branding, and the spillover effects resulting from it. The questions were based on the co-
branding theoretical framework and the study’s research questions.
Case Record
Analysis of the evidence gathered through case study research is a complicated task, as
there are no set rules to guide it (Yin, 2014). Creswell (2013) mentioned that the preparation and
organization of data before reducing it to codes is essential in data analysis. Patton (2002)
suggested that the researcher develops a case record that includes all the main information once
data collection has been completed. The purpose of the case record is to organize large amounts
of data in one place. He explained that all the information deposited in the case record should be
edited in order to exclude redundancies. The case record should then be organized either by topic
or chronologically. In this study, a case record was developed and organized by topic: the British
Council brand equity, the Bibliotheca Alexandrina brand equity, brand fit, and spillover effects.
Agar (1980) suggested that once the data are organized, the researcher would need to develop a
sense of the entire case record or database. As he noted, the researcher should attempt to absorb
the details included in the transcript as well as holistically capture the essence of an interview.
Data Analysis
In this study, data analysis was guided by the propositions of Simonin and Ruth (1998)
and Helmig et al. (2006) co-branding models. This is one of the strategies that Yin (2014)
suggested establishing prior to conducting the actual data analysis. Relying on the theoretical
propositions of Simonin and Ruth (1998) and Helmig et al. (2006) models facilitated data
analysis as the entire case was guided and organized around such propositions. These
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propositions were then compared to patterns that emerged from the data itself, a data analysis
process called “pattern-matching” (Yin, 2012, p. 151).
Data analysis in this research was conducted in parallel to data collection. Maxwell
(2013) mentioned that data analysis should begin after the first interview and should not be
discontinued until all interviews have been completed. This is consistent with Coffey and
Atkinson (1996), who explained that data collection and data analysis should take place
simultaneously.
Coding
Once the researcher has developed a sense of the case record, coding begins. Creswell
(2013) defined coding as the process of “aggregating the text or visual data into small categories
of information, seeking evidence for the code from different databases being used in a study, and
then assigning a label to the code” (p. 184). Miles and Huberman (1994) suggested that the
researcher should develop an initial list of codes before conducting the data collection. Codes in
such a list are based on the study’s theoretical framework and variables. However, Creswell
(2013) argued that using predetermined codes limits the development of others that emerge from
the participants’ views. He suggested that whenever predetermined codes are used, the researcher
also needs to consider those that emerge from the data itself. Miles and Huberman (1994) noted
the importance of mixing both approaches. Richards (1993) explained that existing theory as
well as the one that emerges during data analysis would need to be included.
In this study, both predetermined codes and those that emerge from the data were
developed. The former were based on the theoretical propositions of Simonin and Ruth (1998)
and Helmig et al. (2006) co-branding models and consisted of: Brand equity of the British
Council, brand equity of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina, fit, and spillover effects. This allowed the
data analysis to be structured, which is typically a complicated task in case study research. On
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the other hand, emergent coding provided the opportunity to uncover unexpected themes and
findings.
According to Miles and Huberman (1994), coding is a two-step process that involves
moving from first-level to second-level coding. They identified second-level coding as the
development of pattern codes. Pattern codes enable the researcher to group first-level codes into
themes (Miles & Huberman, 1994).
Interview Transcripts
As a first step, the thirty-six interview transcripts were coded by examining responses and
matching them with the four pre-determined codes: Brand equity of the British Council, brand
equity of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina, fit, and spillover effects. In the following step, responses
that did not fit under pre-determined codes were compared to one another in order to develop
codes that emerge inductively from the data. Emergent codes consisted of: the media, place,
clash narratives, faith and evolution debate, BBC debate, and scientific versus religious point of
view.
Content Analysis
Content analysis of news story and press releases was then conducted and data was
examined in comparison to predetermined codes: Brand equity of the British Council, Brand
equity of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina, fit, and spillover effects. Empirical data mostly did not fit
under the predetermined codes as the main purpose of the content analysis was to examine
spillover effects. New codes that emerged from the data were developed, which resulted in the
development of nineteen initial codes that were comprehensive and mutually exclusive: Medium
(news story, press release, participants’ feedback), British Council positive mentions, British
Council negative mentions, Bibliotheca Alexandrina positive mentions, Bibliotheca Alexandrina
negative mentions, the order in which the organizations were mentioned, evolution (positive,
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negative, neutral), story’s frame (science, religion, balanced), Arabic names mentioned, non-
Arabic names mentioned, British Council overall (positive, negative, neutral), Bibliotheca
Alexandrina overall (positive, negative, neutral), global project, international conference,
academics/scientists, evolution and religion, controversial, Dr. mentioned, and space for debate.
In the next step, content of participants’ feedback was evaluated and five additional
categories were created that closely reflected the main topics that the participants addressed:
conference in general, exhibition, conference organization, conference other, opportunities for
debate. Content was then coded according to all twenty-four categories and an independent
Arabic/English bilingual coder was trained in order to evaluate the validity of the categories. A
randomly selected sample of 17 that included news stories, press releases, and participants’
feedback was coded by the main coder for the study and the independent coder to determine
intercoder reliability. Krippendorff’s alpha values were calculated for each of the variables using
ReCal and values ranged between 0.76 and 0.83.
Evidence collected from all sources was then considered altogether in order to condense
codes and develop main themes. This resulted into nine themes: the British Council, the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina, fit, spillover effects, evolution, scientific conference, space for debate,
the media, and place.
Memoing
Memoing is conducted along with coding in order to develop connections and uncover
relationships within the data. Researchers write memos to themselves as a way of reflecting on
the codes and the data while analyzing them. According to Glaser (1978), a memo refers to “the
theorizing write-up of ideas about codes and their relationships as they strike the analyst while
coding” (p. 83). Creswell (2013) suggested that the analyst use memos to reflect on the
transcripts and field notes at the initial stages of data analysis. In this study, memos were utilized
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throughout the data analysis process in order to make connections between different ideas and to
emphasize important finding.
Pattern Matching
In this research, once pattern codes have been developed, the data analysis proceeded to
“pattern-matching” (Yin, 1994, p. 102). In pattern matching, themes that are uncovered from the
data were contrasted with the study’s four propositions, as well as with the literature (Lacona,
Brown, & Holtham, 2010). Trochim (1989) explained that in pattern matching, a theoretical
pattern needs to be specified, then matched with an observed that has been uncovered. A case
study’s internal validity can be enhanced as a result of corresponding patterns (Yin, 1994). If a
theory and an observed pattern correspond, this means that the theory can potentially predict
similar observed patterns (Trochim, 1989). Trochim and Cook (1992) defined patterns as:
the crucial link between theory and data. A theory describes what we believe happens, and perhaps why. It can consist of rough guesses or hunches, or it can be delineated formally or mathematically. Data depict some aspect of what is actually happening in reality. Data can range from informal observations or recollections, to a multivariate quantitative measurement structure. In order to see whether our theories make sense, we must put them up against data to look for a correspondence. (p. 49)
In this research, the four propositions that were based on the co-branding theoretical
framework were compared with the empirical patterns. The empirical patterns matched the four
propositions indicating support for the co-branding models. There were additional themes that
would fit under the forth proposition, spillover effects. However, those additional themes were
too specific and so were left on their own in order to provide more insights about the entire case.
These themes were: evolution, scientific conference, space for debate, the media, and
significance of place.
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Data analysis in this research continued until the point of saturation; this happens when
new data confirm the themes that have been already identified (Sutter, 2011). Data sampling was
discontinued at that point, as did not contribute to any new findings (Sutter, 2011).
Subjectivity Statement
There are several layers to my personal interest in the topic of British efforts in public
diplomacy in Egypt. Probably the most personal is that I am an Egyptian and have led the
Communications department of the British Council in Egypt for five years. I understand the
culture and the context in which “Darwin Now” took place more than a researcher who has not
had similar experiences. Further, I was involved directly in the “Darwin Now” project, as I
collaborated closely with my counterparts in the British Council in the U.K. to develop a
communications strategy for the Near East and North Africa (NENA). These experiences
familiarized me with the British Council and its work within the NENA region. As I have
experienced the development and implementation of “Darwin Now,” I already have insights and
propositions related to its success.
To monitor my subjectivity, I recruited different groups of participants deliberately, some
of who were not involved with “Darwin Now” and were thus impartial to the issue under
investigation. Through in-depth interviews, I was able to collect rich data that helped reveal the
key issues that are involved in the case. This was achieved by transcribing the recordings of each
interview to include respondents’ verbatim statements (Maxwell, 2013). I also conducted
“member checks” (Lincoln & Guba, 1985) by asking participants to provide feedback on the
conclusions of the study. By seeking multiple sources of data, such as news stories, press
releases, participants’ feedback surveys, and interviews with people from diverse backgrounds, I
was able to triangulate the data (Maxwell, 2013). This enabled me to reduce bias and improve
validity.
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Validity and Reliability
Four different tests were utilized in this research in order to improve the quality of the
case study: construct, internal and external validity, and reliability (Riege, 2003; Yin, 1994).
Construct validity relates to the operationalization of the concepts included in the study (Riege,
2003; Yin, 1994). Yin identified three tactics for improving construct validity: operationalizing
key constructs, having “multiple sources of evidence,” and establishing a “chain of evidence”
(Yin, 1994, p. 34). In this study, unambiguous operational definitions of the relevant concepts
and constructs were developed. Also, “multiple sources of evidence” in the form of interviews,
press releases, news stories, and participants’ feedback surveys were utilized. Finally, a “chain of
evidence” was established and consisted of a case protocol and a case record (Yin, 1994, p. 35).
Internal validity relates to establishing causal relationships and is mostly related to
quantitative experimental research (Riege, 2003). Pattern matching is the referred data analysis
strategy according to Yin (1994), as it enables the researcher to improve the case’s internal
validity. In this study pattern matching was the data analysis strategy utilized (Yin, 1994). The
main empirical themes that emerged from the data matched with the predetermined ones that
were based on the study’s theoretical framework.
The third test, external validity, relates to the generalization of the case study’s findings
to other similar situations (Riege, 2003; Yin, 1994). External validity poses challenges,
especially when conducting a single case study, as generalizing from one sample to a larger
population is difficult. However, Patton (1990) argued that having a single case does not
compromise validity and asserted that, “The validity, meaningfulness and insights generated
from qualitative inquiry have more to do with the information-richness of the cases selected and
the observational/analytical capabilities of the researcher than with the sample size” (p. 185). In
case study research, as generalizing the findings is problematic, the focus is on establishing
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“analytical generalizations rather than statistical generalizations” (Riege, 2003, p. 82). Yin
(1994, p. 36) defined “analytical generalizations” as the process of generalizing results to a
certain theory; therefore, in this study, an attempt was made to generalize the findings to the
study’s main theories.
The fourth test, reliability, relates to the ability of other researchers to replicate the study
and arrive at similar findings if they follow the same procedures (Riege, 2003; Yin, 1994). In this
study, several measures were taken to ensure reliability. A case study protocol, which outlines
the rules and procedures involved in conducting the study, was developed. Also, a case record
was used, in which the data collected was organized and documented separately from the case
study report (Patton, 2002; Yin, 1994). Finally, all steps involved in the case study were
operationalized in order to clarify the process by which it was conducted.
Additionally, as recommended by Merriam (2002), member checks were performed and
interview participants were asked to review interview transcripts in order to verify that they
accurately reflect the interviews.
Summary
In this chapter, a justification for the use of a single case study was made. The research
design, methods of data collection and analysis, and concerns related to validity and reliability
were discussed.
In the first three chapters of this proposal, I have outlined the research to be conducted on
the co-branding of the “Darwin Now” initiative in Egypt. Chapter 1 was an overview of the
study. Chapter 2 was a review of the literature related to multiple disciplines and theoretical
frameworks relevant to the “Darwin Now” co-brand. Chapter 3 outlined the design of the study.
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CHAPTER 4 RESULTS
This chapter used “pattern-matching” (Yin, 1994, p. 102) and compared “empirically-
based patterns” (Almutairi, Gardner, & McCarthy, 2014, p. 241) with theoretical propositions of
two co-branding models: Simonin and Ruth (1998) and Helmig, Huber, and Leeflang (2006).
The following theoretical proposition guided the data analysis:
P1. The British Council in Egypt has a high level of awareness and a positive brand image
P2. The Bibliotheca Alexandrina has a high level of awareness and a positive brand image
P3. The two partner brands are perceived as being suited for collaboration for certain
activities and projects (fit).
P4. Negative spillover effects were minimized as a result of partnering with a high-profile
national brand
“Empirically-based patterns” (Almutairi, Gardner, & McCarthy, 2014, p. 241) were
developed from data collected from in-depth interviews, news stories, press releases, and
feedback surveys of those who attended the “Darwin Now” international conference at the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina.
In-depth interviews were the main source of evidence to measure attitudes about the
British Council, attitudes about the Bibliotheca Alexandrina, and fit between both partner brands.
Brand Equity
The first research question in this study asks how the British Council and the Bibliotheca
Alexandrina are perceived in Egypt and what type of associations each brand generates.
The British Council
One of the hypotheses of Simonin and Ruth (1998) co-branding model addresses the
positive relationship between prior attitudes about partner brands and attitudes about the co-
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brand. The first theoretical proposition in this study posits that the British Council in Egypt has a
high level of awareness and a positive brand image, which was measured during in-depth
interviews. Participants were asked about the things that come to mind when the British Council
is mentioned, the quality of service it offers, and its main activities. The British Council in Egypt
was mostly associated with English language teaching, cultural activities, capacity building
opportunities, and the library that closed down a few years back. Figure 4-1 indicates brand
associations that are related to the British Council in Egypt. As one member of the public said:
What I know about it is that it builds cultural relations between Egypt and the United Kingdom, however its main activity is English language teaching. If someone is not able to afford the British Council, they either go to the Armed Forces Institute or to the American University in Cairo (AUC). But the quality of teachers at those two places is not consistent, so in order to ensure quality, you go to the British Council.
Even though the British Council in Egypt is associated with colonialism, it is perceived to
be apolitical and not to represent British government or British foreign policy. As one journalist
mentioned:
The British Council stands for commitment, innovation, English culture, and science. I specifically mention English and not British culture because if I say “British” then it becomes more political. However, it is able to separate culture from politics and provides you with a package of choices and options. That’s why its activities add value and involve commitment from both sides: ours and the British Council’s.
As an organization, the British Council operates at an arms’ length policy from the
government. This has helped it to cultivate an apolitical image. As one member of the British
Council commented, “The British Council is seen as an honest broker with no political agenda.”
This was also confirmed by another journalist who expressed that the British Council is
an open organization that does not raise skepticism among the media:
Journalists perceive the British Council as an organization that belongs to Great Britain, which is an enduring image. However, the British Council provides journalists with very good communication: There are regular meetings and
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activities, which makes journalists much less skeptical about it, although it is a foreign organization.
Being able to dissociate itself from politics and from British foreign policy has enabled
the British Council to gain trust of the Egyptian media. One member of the media said:
The British Council is committed to its own mission and is committed to ensure that its activities are apolitical. Although it aims at reinforcing the image of the United Kingdom, it does not try to reinforce British policy. It does not serve the British government; this is what the embassy does, and the British Council is very different from the embassy. Overtime, it was able to cultivate a positive image.
In terms of quality of service, the British Council is associated with high quality of
service, as several of the participants have confirmed. One of the participants who used to be a
member of the British Council library and who works with schools that administer the IGCSE:
The first thing that comes to mind is that it is a very good place for English courses; I also associate it with IGCSE because of my work. In the old days I used to think of it as the “cape of treasure” because it used to have an amazing book collection in the library. In 2009, they closed the library, which disappointed a lot of people, so the library is the one of the first things that I associate with the British Council.
The British Council is associated with providing high-quality, expensive services, only
available for those who can afford them. One IGCSE student commented:
Its quality of service is perfect and excellent, I never faced any issue with the British Council, and they did not even delay providing me with my IGCSE certificate. Perhaps some would say that it is expensive because the exams are not cheap, but most of those who took them are those who plan to go to college abroad. In that sense it promotes education to those who could afford it.
Good English is essential for getting a good job in Egypt. As the British Council’s main
activity is English language teaching, it became associated with enabling people to get good jobs
and improve their standard of living. One of the journalists asserted:
The British Council is highly valued among the middle and upper classes in Egypt as these are able to engage and benefit from it. This has been cultivated over long years and decades as the first overseas operation for the British Council was in Cairo. English language in Egypt has become synonymous with social mobility and as a result, the British Council has become associated with social mobility.
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Figure 4-1. Brand associations of the British Council in Egypt
Based on the data collected from in-depth interviews, the empirical theme relating to
brand equity of the British Council match the theoretical proposition that posits that the British
Council in Egypt has a high level of awareness and a positive brand image.
The Bibliotheca Alexandrina
According to Simonin and Ruth (1998), prior attitude about partner brands affects
evaluation of the co-brand. The second theoretical proposition in this study posits that the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina has a high level of awareness and a positive brand image in Egypt.
Participants were asked during in-depth interviews about the things that came to mind upon
mention of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina, its main activities, and the quality of service it offers. In
general, a large number of respondents referred to the way in which the building is designed and
the history of the ancient library. One member of the public responded:
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Architecture, history of Alexander the Great, Cleopatra, and a great collection of books such as science, engineering, and arts. It is also located in the great city of Alexandria.
Participants expressed a fascination with the architecture and unique design of the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina, which is round and symbolic of the globe. One of the participants
asserted:
I am currently getting a degree in architecture and I find it very special. The way it is covered in glass from outside is pleasing to the eye. In addition, the fame that surrounds it makes me like it even more even though I never attended any of its events. The halls inside are grand, covered in wood, warm, and is a good environment to read. The one time I visited, there was an amazing sculpture. Its halls, high ceilings, and its quiet and organized environment gives you an impression that you are in a supernatural place as if you are entering something as grand as an ancient temple.
A number of participants mentioned that the Bibliotheca Alexandrina was in a way
similar to the Library of Congress due to its wide collection of books. A participant commented:
It is more than a library: it really is a cultural symbol in Egypt. It has books from all over the world such as technology books. It has excellent Internet access, it might be just like any other library but it is quite symbolic, just like the Library of Congress.
The Bibliotheca Alexandrina for the majority of Egyptian participants represents a source
of national pride as it reminds them of a time when Alexandria was a global cultural hub. When
asked what comes to mind when the Bibliotheca Alexandrina is mentioned, one of the
participants responded:
It is one of the things that I’m very proud of in Egypt. I visited there once and perhaps I did not spend enough time there, as I had very little time to spare, but I always hear about seminars that take place there. In addition, my friends told me it has a large book collection that is very special.
As a reincarnation of the ancient Library of Alexandria, participants have an expectation
that the Bibliotheca Alexandrina would similarly connect Egypt with the rest of the world. A
member of the media said:
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It is a cultural and scientific hub that has a wide variety of special activities, seminars, conferences that attract international interest, which we are currently in need of. It reminds me of a glorious past for Egypt when the library existed back then thousands of years ago and was burnt down and up until now there are questions as to who committed such a crime. Reincarnating the ancient library with help from UNESCO was one of the best things that happened during the Mubarak era. It has become a beacon that connects the future with the past in such a way that enables being open and receptive to other cultures.
Media participants were particularly interested in the Bibliotheca Alexandrina’s potential
to become a global player and to connect Egypt with the rest of the world. One of the media
informants mentioned:
The Bibliotheca Alexandrina was an Egyptian idea to reincarnate the ancient library so that the new one would include books and science, also events and conferences such as “Darwin Now.” Having international conferences and activities in addition to books is very good. But I believe it could play a bigger role as it could potentially become a global cultural hub.
Although the Bibliotheca Alexandrina is not a government agency, a large number of
participants mentioned that it is associated with the government of Egypt and is therefore very
influential. One of the participants said:
Perhaps the British Council has a better brand image worldwide but in Egypt the Bibliotheca Alexandrina has a much higher brand image than the British Council. This is because it has an endless number of ongoing activities and has access to the government.
Figure 4-2 indicates associations that are related to the Bibliotheca Alexandrina brand.
Based on the evidence collected from in-depth interviews, the Bibliotheca Alexandrina has a
high level of awareness and a positive brand image in Egypt. Therefore, the second proposition
is supported.
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Figure 4-2. Brand associations of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina in Egypt
Brand Fit
The second research question in this study asks how about the perceived fit between the
British Council and the Bibliotheca Alexandrina. Simonin and Ruth (1998) and Helmig, Huber,
and Leeflang (2006) models indicate that attitudes toward a brand alliance are affected by
product fit and brand fit between partner brands. The third theoretical proposition in this research
states that the two partner brands are perceived as suited for partnership. Interview participants
were asked how they perceived the fit between the British Council Egypt and the Bibliotheca
Alexandrina in terms of compatibility of their mission, line of activity, product/service offerings,
and brand image. The majority of participants believed the organizations have matching
interests: cultural and educational programming and activities. An informant from the British
Council said:
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There is a good match between the Bibliotheca Alexandrina and us: We are the embassy’s cultural department and they are into international cultural programming. It is a perfect match as we share similar contacts and activities.
When asked about the fit between both partners, a member of the media replied:
Yes, but one will always be a British organization and the other Egyptian. This is especially true nowadays as there is growing fear of the other and of cultural imperialism. This could make the Bibliotheca Alexandrina worried about partnering with a foreign organization. However, there is huge overlap in the science communication agenda.
Participants pointed out that while there is an overlap in certain aspects, there are also
differences between the organizations. An informant from the British Council maintained:
Slightly different organizations, but in terms of the belief in knowledge and sharing knowledge they do. The British Council is about building relationships and you do that through the exchange of knowledge, so considering that aspect, it is a good match.
Responses given by Egyptian participants reflected that both organizations aim to
cultivate soft power. One of the media contacts said:
Yes, there is a match for sure, although the scope of each organization is different, but they both play similar roles. The British Council presents the United Kingdom to the world while the Bibliotheca Alexandrina presents Egypt to the world. They both deal in culture, they sometimes play similar roles, and they are both highly regarded: The British Council is highly regarded on a global level, while the Bibliotheca Alexandrina is highly regarded locally and regionally and aspires to also have global influence.
Some participants believe that both partner brands bear similarities in terms of their
corporate values and management style. When asked whether both organizations could partner
together, one member of the public responded:
Yes, definitely, they are run by the same style: Western style of doing things and providing public service. They speak the same language. They are probably run by similarly minded Egyptians who have similar education, are Westernized, and value Western style of management.
In terms of mission, interview participants found that the two organizations are similar in
certain aspects but different in others, as emphasized by one member of the public:
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I believe that both organizations share similar values: spreading knowledge, providing access to information, and preserving cultural heritage. But their goal is different: the British Council is much more focused on education and school education than the Bibliotheca Alexandrina.
Considering their line of activity, participants perceived an overlap between both
organizations relating to their cultural and science agenda. When asked whether or not both
organizations could collaborate together, a participant said:
Of course they could, you have the umbrella of culture and science. It could be an intercultural alliance: for example the British Council could organize an activity at the Bibliotheca Alexandrina for scientists or artists, why not? They have a lot in common.
Overall, both organizations were perceived to be compatible in terms of knowledge
sharing, cultural programming, and quality of service. Figure 4-3 indicates aspects that make
both brands perceived as being suited for co-branding.
Figure 4-3. Perceptions of fit
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The evidence from in-depth interviews matches the theoretical proposition that posits that
the two partner brands are perceived as suited for collaboration for certain activities and projects
(fit). Therefore, the third proposition is supported.
Partner’s Significance
The third research question in this study asks why the British Council decided to co-
brand “Darwin Now” together with the Bibliotheca Alexandrina. From the perspective of the
British Council, the Bibliotheca Alexandrina is a partner that has credibility in Egypt and one
that is internationally recognized. A member of the British Council commented:
The Bibliotheca Alexandrina is no less than one of the ministries. It is very well connected locally and internationally. Locally, it is the type of organization that you could be proud of inviting people to and, internationally, it is a trusted partner.
The ancient Library of Alexandria was a global learning center for scholars. This made
the Bibliotheca Alexandrina a suitable venue for hosting an international conference such as
“Darwin Now.” As one member of the British Council noted:
History, the old Alexandria library, the “Darwin Now” conference, and Egypt as a center of knowledge. The building itself is so modern and forward so it is trying to position Egypt as a center of learning, going forward, old and new. It is a library, a resource for people but also worked very well as a conference center, gathering scholars, seminars, figure head for the idea of the importance of knowledge in Egypt.
Other informants emphasized the importance of partnering with the Bibliotheca
Alexandrina to avoid public skepticism. One member of the British Council said:
I think it was crucial, that is what we try to do. We cannot generate conferences and events into a vacuum; we need to consider the context and what the partnership will bring. Walking around the conference I could tell that co-branding was essential, it would have been viewed more negatively if it were only British Council. It would have been seen as the UK imposing instead of seeing that science and knowledge is a global pursuit. The fact that we work with a partner stresses that we are not imposing our own ideas.
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For the British Council, having the Bibliotheca Alexandrina as a partner was symbolic
not only because of its history, but also because of its close connection with former President
Mubarak. Such a connection would create an impression that “Darwin Now” was officially
endorsed. One member of the British Council pointed out:
At that time, the Bibliotheca Alexandrina had official credibility, was a big venue, and was government funded. It is very important for a very large, controversial conference that an Egyptian partner is on board: a government-funded organization that comes directly from the president’s office. The event happening at the Bibliotheca Alexandrina is symbolic that the people of Egypt believe that this is important to discuss.
One of the important elements in a project from perspective of the media is whether it
involves a local partner. A national partner on board is essential to generate media coverage. One
member of the media commented:
Co-branding was very obvious and it gave credibility to the entire project. At the end of the day the British Council is a foreign organization while the Bibliotheca Alexandrina is a national one. I am not talking only from my perspective as a journalist but also from the point of view of the audience: There is a very big difference between announcing that the British Council is organizing something and that the Bibliotheca Alexandrina is the organizer of that thing. In addition, if I write a story about a foreign organization’s event, my boss will ask me what has it got to do with us? There needs to be a local element as you are directing your message to Egyptians or to people in the region.
Media informants pointed out that the controversial nature of the project made partnering
with the Bibliotheca Alexandrina crucial. One of the media participants mentioned:
I see this co-branding as something positive, the Bibliotheca Alexandrina is a huge organization with a huge potential. It is being done in Egypt, the British Council is a foreign organization and so doing it with an Egyptian organization of an international repute adds to the image and gives it credibility and strength as it is a local organization. This is especially true because it is about a topic as sensitive as evolution. If the British Council partners with such an organization, it gives it credibility as it will be dealt with sensitively and is something that is not imported but rather something that is being developed in Egypt.
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In addition to evolutionary theory being controversial, having a Western entity promote it
was bound to raise skepticism even further among the public in Egypt. As noted by one of the
media informants:
Having a reputable national partner was a must because a lot of the Western cultural or political projects suffer from initial skepticism within the Middle East. This is part of the culture in the Middle East and, for this reason, I believe that having a national entity highly regarded by the public enabled the project to overcome a lot of the risks. The Bibliotheca Alexandrina was the most suitable local partner.
Access to new and different audiences was also mentioned by many of the participants as
one of the benefits of co-branding “Darwin Now.” A science journalist commented:
The British Council would not have been able on its own to reach audiences from Egyptian universities and network of researchers who have an interest in science in the Arab World and Africa. The partnership enabled us to overcome the challenges and enabled “Darwin Now” to have this level of reach. We were worried there would be protests outside the Bibliotheca Alexandrina and considered how to deal with such a situation.
Several informants from the media and the British Council mentioned that the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina has very strong connections with the media, which finds it a credible
national organization. One of the journalists mentioned:
We at Al Ahram are very fond of dealing with the Bibliotheca Alexandrina because it is a credible organization. It attracts anyone with an interest in knowledge and is a source of disseminating knowledge locally as well as regionally.
In addition to its credibility, the Bibliotheca Alexandrina has a proactive media team that
communicates with media informants regularly. Asked whether partnering with the Bibliotheca
Alexandrina added value to the project, a media informant replied:
For sure, it is an entity that has a board of trustees from all over the world, all of whom are renowned. Therefore, we are dealing with an entity that has a progressive nature and so partnering with it lends credibility to the project. The Bibliotheca has its own audience and has media that is dedicated to covering its news, its presence makes an event much more attractive to the media.
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The head of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina is a high-profile figure in Egypt and thus has a
strong influence on the media. A member of the British Council noted this influence:
The Bibliotheca Alexandrina has access to the Egyptian media that would cooperate with it more readily than they would with the British Council. This is because the Bibliotheca Alexandrina has far better connections with the media than the British Council. Also, the head of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina has the status of a minister and therefore has access to both state owned and private media.
The high profile of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina affected the results of the content
analysis. The order in which the partner organizations were mentioned in news stories and press
releases (1 = Bibliotheca Alexandrina, 2 = British Council) would indicate which organization
gets more weight. As shown in Table 4-3, the Bibliotheca Alexandrina was mentioned first in
76.2% of the cases while the British Council was mentioned first in 9.5% of the cases (n = 42).
In the remaining 14.3% of the cases, both partners were not mentioned together. In most news
stories and press releases, the Bibliotheca Alexandrina was included in the headline as the venue
for the “Darwin Now” conference, given priority over the British Council, the owner of the
project. Participants’ feedback was excluded when examining the order of the organizations’
inclusion as they were not mentioned together in any of the feedback comments.
Another indication of the importance of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina to “Darwin Now” is
the extent to which it was mentioned in the media alongside the British Council. An evaluation
of the correlation between mentions of both partners in news stories and press releases was
conducted. A Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient was computed and a positive
correlation was found between the two variables, r = .405, n = 42, p = .008. Increases in positive
mentions of the British Council correlated with increases in positive mentions of the Bibliotheca
Alexandrina. This suggests most press releases and news stories mentioned both partner brands.
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Alexandria
While most of the informants agreed that partnering with the Bibliotheca Alexandrina
was a critical element for the success of the project, some of them touched on the significance of
the city of Alexandria, which had a glorious past symbolic of tolerance, diversity, and
multiculturalism. A member of the media commented:
It was a very good partner and a good choice that the British Council chose to have it in Alexandria in particular because it is a historical city and having it in such a place makes a big difference, as it is associated with enlightenment and culture. Therefore it recreates a certain history and mood. This is the way the British Council usually operates, it creates a total experience. Alexandria is a metropolitan city and a neutral space, Darwin Now was not a British project, it was an international and humanitarian project for all people.
An informant from the British Council also brought up the importance of Alexandria and
its significance as a place for the conference:
Let’s do the conference in a city where cultures cross. It’s a great city which brings together Islam, Judaism, and Christianity, a crossroads city that has the venue the Bibliotheca Alexandrina. That is meant to be a recreation of the ancient library: a repository of the ancient world.
The fourth proposition in this study posits that negative spillover effects were minimized
as a result of partnering with the Bibliotheca Alexandrina. The empirical theme of partner
significance emerged as a result of evidence collected from in-depth interviews, news stories,
press releases, and participants’ feedback. The empirical theme reflects the level of influence and
credibility of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina that helped prevent negative spillover effects. The
empirical theme match the theoretical proposition, therefore, the fourth proposition is supported.
Spillover Effects
The fourth research question in this study asks whether “Darwin Now” media coverage
or the participants’ feedback surveys include anything negative about the British Council, Egypt,
and/or the Bibliotheca Alexandrina. According to Simonin and Ruth (1998), greater brand
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familiarity lowers the extent to which spillover effects influence partner brands. Co-branding
research shows that a national brand that partners with a private unfamiliar brand does not suffer
from negative spillover effects (Vaidyanathan & Aggarwal, 2000). Negative feedback by
Egyptian participants in feedback surveys and/or media stories critical of either partner due to
their involvement in “Darwin Now” would indicate negative spillover effects.
Positive Versus Negative Mentions
To evaluate spillover effects, it is necessary to examine whether mentions of each partner
were positive or negative. A count of the number of times each of the partner brands was
mentioned in news stories, press releases, and feedback surveys was conducted. Descriptive
statistics outlined in Table 4-1 indicate that positive mentions of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina had
the highest frequency, 47, representing 29% of the cases, followed by positive mentions of the
British Council, 43, representing 26.5% of the cases. A paired-samples t-test compared the
number of positive mentions of the British Council and the Bibliotheca Alexandrina in news
stories, press releases, and attendees’ feedback. There was a significant difference in the number
of positive mentions of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina (M = .65, SD = 1.23) and the British
Council (M = .50, SD = 1.10); t(162) = -2.26 , p = 0.025. These results suggest that the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina has a positive effect on the number of mentions.
An additional variable helped measure spillover effects in media stories and participants’
feedback survey: British Council overall / Bibliotheca Alexandrina overall (positive, negative,
and neutral). This variable evaluated each news story’s and feedback comment’s overall tone and
qualified them as either positive, negative, or neutral. As indicated in Table 4-4, British Council
overall had 42 positive and one neutral, while the Bibliotheca Alexandrina overall had 47
positive and no negative or neutral ones. The neutral mention of the British Council was a news
story in the English newspaper Al Ahram Weekly. The journalist is an award winning
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internationally renowned one. He expressed skepticism regarding the reason for the British
Council to engage in such a project in Egypt suggesting it was possibly interested in promoting
secular values. These results suggest that the Bibliotheca Alexandrina was more resistant to
negative spillover effects than the British Council.
Evolution
There were no negative comments in participants’ feedback survey about either partner
brand. Also, all of the news stories examined were positive of both partners except for one story
neutral about the British Council. This indicates no negative spillover effects resulting from
“Darwin Now.” As evolution is a highly controversial topic, we measured attitudes about it
(positive = 1, negative = 2, neutral = 3) to further examine potential negative comments or
publicity relating to “Darwin Now.” As shown in Table 4-3, evolution had 46 positive mentions,
10 negative, and 13 neutral. These results indicate that negative comments were directed towards
the topic of the conference rather than at the partner brands. Also, compared to news stories in
which agenda setting applies, participants could express their thoughts freely in the feedback
surveys and some of the comments about evolutionary theory were very negative. For example,
one of the participants said, “I like the British Council but I do not agree with evolution.”
We analyzed whether evolution (positive = 1, negative = 2, neutral = 3) and media (news
stories = 1, attendees feedback = 2, press releases = 3) are independent of one another. A chi-
square test of independence was performed (Table 4-5) and the relation between these variables
was significant χ² (4, N = 69) = 20.07, p < .005. Evolution was more likely to be negative in
attendees’ feedback surveys (33.3%) than in news stories (2.7%) or in press releases (0%).
Another chi-square test of independence was performed to examine the relationship between the
same variables; however, attendees’ feedback was excluded from media. The relation between
these variables was not significant. The distribution of evolution was not likely to be more
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negative in news stories than in press releases, which suggests that there are no significant
differences between news stories than in press releases.
Informants included in this study noted that the aspect about evolution that the public
would find problematic was human evolution. One member of the British Council said:
I asked people during the conference in Alexandria: Do you teach Darwin’s evolution? Yes, they responded. They believe in it in all except for human evolution.
Discussions between informants and “Darwin Now” conference attendees revealed that
evolution has limited acceptance. One of the media informants who interacted with university
students during the conference mentioned:
I spoke with students during the conference and they said: look, I don’t believe in evolution but I would like to know more.
Results of the in-depth interviews regarding evolution are consistent with those of the
content analysis. They both indicate that evolution in Egypt continues to be a controversial topic
that some would find problematic.
Positive Spillover Effects
While this study examines negative spillover effects, informants from the media and from
both partner organizations were asked whether or not “Darwin Now” created a positive impact.
Results were mixed, for example, one informant from the British Council noted that “Darwin
Now” was considered one of the most successful large-scale projects in five years. Another
British Council informant pointed out that “Darwin Now” enabled the British Council in Egypt
to come across as having a serious science communications agenda. On the other hand, other
members from both partner organizations mentioned that the impact created by “Darwin Now”
was limited perhaps to those who have attended the conference or wrap around activities.
Members of the media had a more positive impression of the impact resulting from “Darwin
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Now” in Egypt. One media informant mentioned that protests were expected to take place
outside the Bibliotheca Alexandrina, instead, the conference was successful and media coverage
was positive. Other media informants noted that media coverage was much more positive than
expected and that the project enabled discussing a difficult topic, which they considered a
success.
The Media
To better understand spillover effects, informants from the media were asked whether
there were any negative news stories and if there were not, then how this could be explained
given the controversial nature of Darwin’s evolution. A member of the media said:
Perhaps the team involved in the project was worried. but that is because they do not realize that the British Council and the Bibliotheca Alexandrina have an extremely positive image. Such an image was fifty percent of the success; the other fifty percent was the way the project was presented and means of persuasion used. I know this because I work in the media so I am aware of how the media perceives these organizations.
Some participants believed that there were no negative spillover effects because the
media that engaged with the project were well prepared and carefully selected. One science
journalist mentioned:
There are several reasons why this was a success. The media that were invited were knowledgeable and were not the type who would create trouble for its own sake. The second reason is it is an elitist rather than a popular type of topic. The media who attended were the ones who wrote stories and that’s it, it was not too controversial for them. This is especially true as the topic is not new and people are able to write about it whether or not they believe in evolution. It was a topic for the elite, did not take place in the capital city, and the media were carefully selected. Had it taken place in the capital city, there would have been a higher chance of getting media who would not be as positive about the conference.
Informants also pointed out that media training was a key element for the success of the
project. One member of the British Council commented:
I did not get a feeling at any point in time that the media were skeptical, probably because they were science journalists who have attended a lot of things with a lot of
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organizations and so were well exposed to different ideas. We had worked with them already in numerous occasions. Also, we had been working with the Syndicate of Journalists for a while and had a strong working relationship with them.
The British Council in Egypt invests in journalists’ training and exchanges. Such
activities enable it to build strong ties with the media, as one of the journalists noted:
The British Council has very good activities for the media such as the English language courses it offers them. Also, it proactively communicates with the media and so it reaps the benefits of such effort that has been exerted over the years. The first activity I got involved in with the British Council was training 28 journalists, which culminated in the selection of six of them being sponsored to travel to the United Kingdom. These eventually become a supportive target audience for the British Council, as they understand its mission and key messages.
These results show that the positive relationship that the British Council has with the
media also contributed to minimizing negative spillover effects. However, this would not have
been sufficient to avoid negative spillover effects, given that the British Council is Western and
the controversial nature of the project.
Branding
The fifth research question asks how the “Darwin Now” conference was branded. Data
collected from news stories and press releases helped analyze the specific elements that branded
“Darwin Now.” Such evidence complemented insights collected from in-depth interviews.
A Scientific Conference
Evidence collected from the content analysis indicates that “Darwin Now” conference
was primarily branded as an international scientific one. As indicated in Table 4-2, the most
frequently occurring words and phrases in news stories and press releases included the phrase
international conference, appearing in 36 (85.7%) of the cases, scientist/academic/researcher in
35 (83.3%) of the cases, and Dr./Professor in 28 (67%) of the cases. Evidence from in-depth
interviews further supported these results.
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A media informant specializing in covering cultural events and who attended the
conference in 2009 was asked whether “Darwin Now” made the media skeptical back then. He
pointed out that evolution was considered from a purely scientific point of view and therefore it
was not considered problematic:
No, because when you deal with science there are no absolute conclusions, there could be some evidence that support it and others that refute it. Therefore, there is no fear of discussing an issue that has undergone scientific testing and being pro or against it is not absolute, as science could provide new evidence in the future. I personally have nothing against evolutionary theory or about discussing it, for me it is just like any other scientific discovery.
Emphasizing that Darwin’s evolution is a scientific endeavor and avoiding narratives
about its clash with religion was a strategic decision, according to one of the media informants
involved in the project:
We mainly emphasized that this is a celebration of science, that science puts forward certain questions, the answers to which change over time, and that this [Darwin’s evolutionary theory] was an answer relevant to the time in which it was developed.
One of the recurring responses provided by the media when discussing potential negative
publicity was to avoid any clash with religion. A science journalist said:
Perhaps the reason news stories were positive is that they avoided discussing the topic from a religious point of view. Therefore, the media did not have to judge the project from a religious point of view especially, that there is social pressure, and so the media would not be able to attack religion and claim there was no God.
An Egyptian/British Initiative
Content analysis of news stories and press releases shows that they included a balance of
Arabic and non-Arabic names. Those are names of mostly conference speakers who were a
combination of Egyptian, Arabic, and international scholars. In addition, there were Arabic
names of top-level Bibliotheca Alexandrina officials who were frequently quoted. Arabic names
had a frequency of 25 and a mean of 1.00, while non-Arabic names had a frequency of 20 and a
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mean of 1.85. These figures were calculated excluding participants’ feedback cases, as they did
not mention any conference speakers. Also, the outlier news story of Al Ahram Weekly was
excluded as it had a lot of names of Arabic medieval scientists who contributed to evolutionary
science that did not relate to conference speakers or to the project. A paired-samples t-test was
conducted to compare the number of Arabic and non-Arabic names mentioned in news stories
and press releases. There was a significant difference in the number of Arabic names (M = 1.00,
SD = 1.02) and non-Arabic names (M = 1.85, SD = 2.99); t(40) = -2.23, p = 0.032.
Space for Debate
Results of the content analysis indicate that space for debate was one of the most
frequently occurring words. It was emphasized in news stories and press releases as an
opportunity being offered to participants and young researchers during the conference. As shown
in Table 4-2, it appeared in 29 (69%) of the cases.
A one-way between subjects ANOVA was conducted to compare the effect of media
(news stories, attendees feedback, press releases) on space for debate (Table 4-6). There was a
significant effect of media on space for debate at the p < .005 level [F(2, 159) = 40.81, p = .000].
Post hoc comparisons using Tukey HSD test indicated that the mean score for attendees’
feedback (M = .058, SD = .24) was significantly different from news stories (M = .84, SD = .90)
and from press releases (M = .80, SD = .45). However, press releases did not significantly differ
from news stories. Taken together, these results suggest that both news stories and press releases
emphasized the “Darwin Now” conference’s provision of a space for debate. This however, was
not one of the main issues addressed by attendees in their feedback about the conference.
In-depth interview informants noted that space for debate was a key element in the
branding of “Darwin Now” in Egypt. To create opportunities and a safe space for debating
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evolutionary theory, the British Council organized a faith and evolution debate and Muslim
clerics as well as representatives from the different churches in Egypt were invited to attend. One
member of the British Council said:
One of the science professors explained the theory in detail. He invited attendees to ask questions after he was done explaining and asked for feedback. Attendees said that they were initially planning to have a confrontation and that was the reason they had attended. Instead, they were thankful and had friendly discussions with us and with the professor. The reason they were receptive is that they were confident we have no agenda and that we are not trying to convince them of Darwin.
The faith and evolution debate had the potential to create a lot of tension, as Muslim and
Christian clerics were not necessarily supportive of evolution. An informant from the British
Council pointed out that there was none, because the public generally trusts the British Council:
The faith and evolution debate took place at the British Council seminar room. People were forthright in their views, but nobody was offended because the British Council is seen as an honest broker with no political agenda.
Participants of the faith and evolution debate were under the impression that whether or
not they supported evolution, their views were valued. One media attendee recounted:
I remember attending some sort of seminar and there was a faith and evolution debate that included a religious perspective and a secular perspective. It was an open debate, I was very excited because it was respectful and people could express their views and listen to different ones, which is quite unexpected when you deal with such controversies. I was expecting people getting more defensive and feeling that their beliefs were being attacked, but the presenter was very good in explaining evolution. Part of it is that it was not presented as a debate where you get two people trying to prove themselves.
In addition to faith and evolution debate, another major opportunity for debate was
offered during the “Darwin Now” conference at the Bibliotheca Alexandrina. Two BBC debates
were held one in English and another in Arabic. Panel of the Arabic debate consisted of Arabic
scholars who spoke during the conference as well as Islamic scholar Zaghloul El-Naggar. El-
Naggar was invited to participate in the debate as he had announced earlier that year on
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Aljazeera TV that the discovery of the oldest hominid skeleton Ardi disproved Darwin’s
evolution. The Arabic debate was aired on BBC Arabic TV and radio. A science journalist said:
What was nice about the conference is that the theory was tackled from different viewpoints. For example, if I attend a lecture about Darwin at the School of Science, only one angle will be discussed. Instead, the conference presented policies, education, and BBC sessions simultaneously. The conference included a science debate, which is useful for a science journalist, because it is not one-track-minded, so the topic becomes dynamic rather than historical.
When asked about his opinion about the BBC debate, one media member responded:
It was a great idea: we were always seeking partners on the ground and it’s not something that we underestimate because we widened the case by broadcasting it on Arabic TV all over the region, so the scope of distribution enables the partner to have a wider reach.
A member of the British Council pointed out:
Being conscious and sensitive about the cultural context but having debates where people can bring their own opinions. The BBC debate was a space where students can bring opinions, not just scientific [data].
These results show that “Darwin Now” was branded in news stories as an international
scientific conference, bringing together Egyptian, Arabic, and Western scholars. It also offered a
space for debate so that all views relating to evolution could be represented. Finally, it was
branded as an Egyptian/British initiative, to which both cultures were equally important.
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Table 4-1. Descriptives of content analysis categories Object Frequency Percentage M SD Bibliotheca Alexandrina positive mentions 47 29 .65 1.23 British Council positive mentions 43 26.5 .50 1.10 International conference 36 22.2 .45 .98 Scientists/Academics 41 25.3 .92 2.32 Controversial 33 20.4 .28 .65 Evolution and religion 43 26.5 .44 1.24 Space for debate 35 21.6 .25 0.58 Dr./ Professor 28 17.3 .69 2.00 Arabic names 26 16 .34 1.27 Non-Arabic names 21 13 .53 1.85 Global project 16 9.9 .14 .48 Note: n = 162
Table 4-2. Descriptives of frequently occurring topics in news stories and press releases Object Frequency Percentage M SD International conference 36 85.7 1.74 1.21 Scientists/Academics 35 83.3 3.40 3.53 Controversial 33 78.6 1.07 .89 Evolution and religion 32 76.2 1.43 2.11 Space for debate 29 69 .83 0.85 Dr./ Professor 28 67 2.67 3.22 Arabic names 26 61.9 1.31 2.25 Non-Arabic names 21 50 2.05 3.21 Global project 16 38.1 .52 .83 Note: n = 42
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Table 4-3. Descriptives of order of mentions Order of Mentions Frequency Percentage Bibliotheca Alexandrina first 32 76.2 British Council first 4 9.5 Missing 6 14.3 Total 42 100
Note: n = 42
Table 4-4. Descriptives of spillover effects Frequency
(Percentage)
Positive Negative Neutral Total Bibliotheca Alexandrina overall 47
(100) 0
(0) 0
(0) 47
(100) British Council overall 42
(98) 0
(0) 1
(2) 43
(100) Evolution 46
(67) 10
(14) 13
(19) 69
(100) Note: n = 162
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Table 4-5. Cross tab medium by evolution Evolution
Medium Positive Negative Neutral Total News stories 31 1 5 37
Participants’ feedback 10 9 8 27 Press release 5 0 0 5
Total 46 10 13 69 Note: n = 162
χ² (4, N = 69) = 20.07, p < .005.
Figures are indicated in counts
Table 4-6. One-way Analysis of Variance of space for debate by medium Source df SS MS F P Between groups 2 18.69 9.35.81 40.81 .000 Within groups 159 36.42 .23 Total 161 55.11
Note: n = 162
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CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION
This chapter discusses the interpretations and implications of the study’s results.
Limitation of the study and contributions to the fields of branding and public diplomacy are also
presented. The overall aim of this research was to examine how the British Council branded
“Darwin Now” in Egypt in such a way so as to avoid negative spillover effects. The findings of
the study conclude that it was possible to overcome negative spillover effects mainly because of
co-branding “Darwin Now” together with a reputable national partner. The results of qualitative
and quantitative research presented in chapter four, answer the research questions:
RQ1. How are the British Council and the Bibliotheca Alexandrina perceived in Egypt? What type of associations does each brand generate?
RQ2. How is the fit between the British Council and the Bibliotheca Alexandrina in terms of compatibility of their mission, line of activity, product/service offerings, and brand image perceived?
RQ3. Why did the British Council decide to co-brand the “Darwin Now” together with the Bibliotheca Alexandrina?
RQ4. Did the “Darwin Now” media coverage or the Egyptian participants’ feedback surveys include anything negative about the British Council Egypt and/or the Bibliotheca Alexandrina?
RQ5. How was the “Darwin Now” conference branded?
Co-branding and Public Diplomacy
Prior Attitudes and “Darwin Now”
This study extends co-branding theories to the field of public diplomacy and is based on
the Simonin and Ruth (1998) and the Helmig, Huber, and Leeflang (2006) co-branding models.
As noted in the literature review in Chapter 2, there is a wide body of literature that already
exists that demonstrates how perceptions of a parent brand influence the perceptions of a co-
brand, and how co-branding enables positive associations to transfer between brands (Besharat,
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2010). Previous research also indicates that the act of brands pairing has a positive influence on
perceptions of the newly formed brand (Washburn, Till, & Priluck, 2004). In accordance with
Simonin and Ruth (1998) and the Helmig, Huber, and Leeflang (2006) co-branding models, this
research investigated the moderators of positive evaluations of the co-brand “Darwin Now,”
which are prior attitudes toward partner brands and compatibility of partner brands in terms of
product categories, and brand image consistency of partner brands.
The first research question in this study asked how the British Council and the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina are perceived in Egypt and what type of associations each brand
generates. In this research, all members of the general public and the media who were
interviewed were well aware of both partner brands whether or not they had used their services.
In terms of brand associations, findings show that both partner brands have positive brand
associations and their services are perceived to be of high quality. Therefore, this study indicates
that both partner brands have positive brand equity.
The second research question in this study asked whether participants perceived fit
between the partner brands. The majority of participants perceived an overlap between both
organizations, especially in relation to cultural programming and knowledge sharing. Some
participants mentioned that both organizations were involved in developing soft power: one for
the United Kingdom and the other for Egypt. Participants were generally positive about any
potential collaboration between both organizations. Furthermore, media informants expressed
that they valued intercultural collaborations, as they added value to and enriched cultural
activities and projects. These results showed perceived fit between partner brands in services
they offered and brand image.
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In terms of the moderating effect of prior attitudes and brand fit on attitudes about
“Darwin Now,” this study shows that such moderators positively influenced the media
participants’ evaluations of “Darwin Now.” This finding therefore supports the co-branding
literature in terms of the link between parent brand and co-brand perceptions. This however, does
not apply to members of the general public, as they did not participate in any of the “Darwin
Now” activities in Egypt. Therefore, a link between positive prior attitude about partner brands
and the co-brand could not be established. Nor could it in participants. This is because only the
responses to open-ended questions in the feedback surveys were examined rather than responses
to closed-ended questions that specifically asked, “This conference met my expectations” and
“This conference was of a high quality.” The majority of responses/comments to the surveys’
open-ended questions related to the organization of the conference and the food. A minority of
comments related to evolution as a topic and those were negative. Very few comments
mentioned, “We like the British Council” or “Please let us know about future Bibliotheca
Alexandrina events.” Therefore, those comments were used as an indication of spillover effects
rather than an indication of a link between prior attitudes about the partners and attitudes about
“Darwin Now.”
In sum, this study shows positive attitudes about both partner brands and perceived
compatibility between them. However, in terms of linking such attitudes to “Darwin Now,” the
co-brand results support its existence among media informants only due to the limitations of the
evidence provided and collected in this research.
Spillover Effects
The fourth research question in this study asked whether the “Darwin Now” media
coverage or the Egyptian participants’ feedback surveys included anything negative about the
British Council Egypt and/or the Bibliotheca Alexandrina. Evidence collected from in-depth
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interviews, news stories, and participants’ feedback surveys show generally no negative spillover
effects resulting from “Darwin Now.” Findings indicate that the positive brand equity of both
partner brands is a main contributor to this lack. This is consistent with previous research that
shows that strong brands are more resistant to spillover effects than weaker brands (Simonin &
Ruth, 1998).
According to Simonin and Ruth (1998), partner brands with high familiarity are equally
affected by spillover effects. Although this study shows that both partner brands are highly
familiar, findings do not support this thesis: the only “Darwin Now” news story that was not
positive was skeptical of the British Council rather than of both brands. It implied that the British
Council was attempting to promote secular values. Informants mentioned another news story
critical of the British Council. Furthermore, in-depth interview results show that a Western
public diplomacy actor suffers from association with Western imperialism and thus has a
stronger “liability of foreignness” than non-Western entities (Hymer, 1960; Zaheer, 1995). This
further supports the findings that the British Council is more susceptible to negative spillover
effects than the Bibliotheca Alexandrina.
The third research question asked why the British Council decided to co-brand “Darwin
Now” together with the Bibliotheca Alexandrina. In-depth interviews results indicate that the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina had two main advantages: its official credibility as it is government
funded and its status as a source of national pride for the public in Egypt due to its historical
background. Taken together these advantages leveraged “Darwin Now,” lent it credibility, and
minimized negative spillover effects. In news stories, all of its mentions were positive, it was
mentioned in the majority of headlines, and it was mentioned before the British Council. Also,
there were no significant differences between news stories and press releases. This suggests that
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press releases sent out to the media were published without significant changes. This is an
indication of the influence of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina due to its government status. These
results support the literature that indicates “semi-official” newspapers are government-controlled
and independent newspapers are government allies (Hamdy & Gomaa, 2012).
Furthermore, this study’s informants noted that had the British Council not partnered
with such a high-profile and credible partner, it would have been suspected of promoting
Western secular values. This suggests that co-branding a Western controversial public diplomacy
initiative together with a national influential partner is essential to avoiding negative spillover
effects. This is consistent with previous co-branding research that shows national brands as more
resistant to spillover effects than private brands (Vaidyanathan & Aggarwal, 2000). These
findings also support the culture attack theory included in the literature review in Chapter 2,
which posits that Muslims have a strong fear of Western cultural imperialism, as it could erode
Islamic values (Binder, 1988; Haddad, 1999; Rajaee, 2007; Shavit, 2014). This suggests that
Western public diplomacy initiatives, especially controversial ones, face more challenges and
higher reputational risks than non-Western ones.
Western Public Diplomacy Actors and Political Agenda
As a non-domestic organization operating in Egypt, the British Council would typically
experience a “liability of foreignness” (Hymer, 1960; Zaheer, 1995). Accordingly, the public in
Egypt may scrutinize its actions more heavily than the actions of domestic organizations. As a
Western, and especially British organization, it has negative associations related to British
colonialism and Western imperialism in general. When making judgments about the British
Council’s behavior, the public may use country-of-origin (COO) effect as a cue (Arpan & Sun,
2006) and develop certain attitudes based on stereotypes. However, the results of this study show
that over time, the British Council was able to establish a strong and consistently apolitical
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image. This helped it overcome potential negative associations with Britain’s colonial history in
Egypt and its recent foreign policy in the Middle East.
Members of the media that were included in this study have repeatedly engaged with the
British Council. They valued such engagement and perceived it as trustworthy and committed to
its mission. Although they associated it with Great Britain, which had colonized Egypt until the
1950s, they trusted the British Council, as they perceived it as truly apolitical and non-
representative of the British government. They mentioned that it frequently communicates with
them openly, unlike some other Western cultural centers. Some of them were more specific: they
trusted it and did not trust American organizations such as the U.S. embassy or the USAID in
Egypt, suspecting them of a political agenda. As one of the media informants noted:
People that are doing the work at the British Council are Egyptians and when they approach such projects they are sensitive. The Egyptian staff have strong ownership of the these projects and so the sense you get when you deal with the British Council is that you are dealing with Egyptians rather than a British entity, so I don’t feel it’s about Britain and ulterior motives. I have trust in the British Council staff as they have full ownership of projects and I think that’s why it’s very successful in Egypt. This is not the case with other foreign organizations that are more obviously foreign. Some of the work I’ve done, I dealt with U.S. Embassy and USAID, there’s always something in the back of your mind and you are always trying to balance between their agenda and what you are trying to achieve.
These results show that being apolitical is one of the main sources of brand equity of the
British Council in Egypt. Over time, it has been able to consistently come across as having no
political agenda, which has had a positive influence on its brand equity. This is consistent with
previous research, which shows that the public perceives the British Council as being trustworthy
because of its independence from the government and its cultural activity (Leonard, Small, &
Rose, 2005). The public diplomacy literature indicates that U.S. foreign policy is the main source
for anti-Americanism within the Middle East (El-Nawawy, 2006). Although such research is not
specific to the United Kingdom, it is applicable to it, as its foreign policy is typically allied with
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that of the United States. This suggests that to establish credibility among the public in the
Middle East, Western public diplomacy actors have to distance themselves completely from their
governments and their foreign policy.
Furthermore, these findings indicate a region-of-origin effect (ROO) when it comes to
public diplomacy organizations in Egypt (Garcia-Gallego, Chamorro-Mera, & Garcia-Galan,
2015). Accordingly, such organizations are categorized as either Western or non-Western. This
is possibly the result of major encounters between the Muslim and the Western worlds over the
centuries. Such encounters include such things as the Crusades, Western imperialism, and
Western foreign policy in the Middle East (Haddad (1999). Such negative encounters resulted in
negative associations related to the West and a fear of Western cultural imperialism. Middle East
populations use the region-of-origin to judge behavior of Western organizations, especially those
suspected to have a political role. This suggests that Western public diplomacy organizations
would find it more challenging than non-Western ones to build positive brand equity. For this
reason, having no political agenda is essential for a Western public diplomacy organization
operating in the Middle East.
Taken together, these results suggest the British Council is perceived in Egypt as a non-
state actor rather than a state actor. This study supports findings of previous research that
indicates that non-state actors have a higher credibility than state actors (Melissen, 2005, 2011;
Zatepilina-Monacell, 2012) and that European non-state actors have been more successful than
government actors in the Middle East (Melissen, 2011).
Place Fit
One of the main findings in this study is related to the symbolic historical significance of
the Bibliotheca Alexandrina due to its connection with the ancient Alexandria library. This
created a perception that the Bibliotheca Alexandrina was a suitable site for discussing a
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controversial topic such as evolution, as its mission is essentially enlightenment. Thus,
discussing a topic that typically clashes with religious beliefs at the Bibliotheca Alexandrina was
acceptable. This is consistent with Foucault’s (1986) “heterotopology” and his conceptualization
of heterotopias as “counter-sites” (Foucault, 1986, p. 24). As a heterotopia, the Bibliotheca
Alexandrina has a specific role society has selected for it: enlightenment (Foucault, 1986). Also,
similar to heterotopias, the Bibliotheca Alexandrina is linked to a certain point in time, the time
when the ancient library existed, and can only function when individuals divorce themselves
from “traditional time” (Foucault, 1986, p. 25). As a library and museum, it is concerned with
“indefinitely accumulating time” and therefore has a collection of books and manuscripts that
represent different historical periods (Foucault, 1986, p. 26). This makes the Bibliotheca
Alexandrina an ideal site to discuss controversial topics, because in a heterotopia, “all the other
real sites that can be found within the culture are simultaneously represented, contested, and
inverted” (Foucault, 1986, p. 24). Therefore, religious views could be represented at the
Bibliotheca Alexandrina side by side with secular theories such as evolution.
In addition, this study shows that as a place, Alexandria has contributed to the symbolic
value of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina. It is a place where cultures cross due to its Hellenistic
heritage. Historically, it has been established as a multicultural society and is place where Islam,
Christianity, and Judaism were represented side by side until the first half of the twentieth
century. Similar to the Bibliotheca Alexandrina, Alexandria is linked to a specific point in time:
the Ptolemaic era when the city and the ancient library were established. For this reason,
Alexandria is also a heterotopia where opposite things are all represented (Foucault, 1986). Such
a heterotopia could accommodate a revolutionary scientist with controversial ideas, such as
evolution. These findings suggest that for controversial public diplomacy initiatives, a
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heterotopia is the most suitable place to discuss such topics as the audience is more receptive.
This is particularly true where misunderstanding and mistrust exist between the country initiating
the project and the public at the receiving end, as a heterotopia divorces individuals from
“traditional time” in which such mistrust exists (Foucault, 1986, p. 25).
Branding and Cultural Communication
According to Malone, cultural communication aims to improve understanding between a
nation and its foreign public and promote appreciation of the nation’s culture among that public
(as cited in Signitzer & Coombs, 1992). Piesert offered four different models of cultural
communication. In the “exchange and cooperation” model, two partners work together to
overcome cultural, scientific, and social problems; they have equal rights; and the aim is to
substitute national loyalties for international ones (as cited in Signitzer & Coombs, 1992, p. 143).
The fifth research question in this study asked how the “Darwin Now” conference was
branded. Findings indicate that branding reflected Piesert “exchange and cooperation” model (as
cited in Signitzer & Coombs, 1992, p. 143). This is because the aim of the conference was to
solve a scientific problem, biological evolution, which often causes misunderstanding between
the two cultures involved. To solve such a problem, clash narratives between Islam the main
“episteme” in Egypt and evolution were avoided and a scientific point of view as adopted instead
(Foucault, 1970). Frequently using the words scientists, academics, researchers, Dr. and
Professor, “Darwin Now” was branded a primarily scientific initiative.
Also, both partners had equal rights as results show that branding reflected a strong
Egyptian presence. For example, names of Arabic scientists/academics were mentioned in press
releases side by side with non-Arabic scientists/academics and names of high-ranking officials
from the Bibliotheca Alexandrina were frequently mentioned and quoted in news stories.
Emphasizing the participation of Egyptian and Arabic scholars in the conference implied that all
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views related to evolution would be represented. In addition, the Bibliotheca Alexandrina was
mentioned before the British Council as well as in the headline in the great majority of news
stories.
Another indication that both partners had equal rights is offering a space for debate
around evolution. The Students’ Track, introduced by the Bibliotheca Alexandrina, provided
Egyptian university students the opportunity to attend the conference and engage in debates
around evolution. The faith and evolution debate was another opportunity and the main speaker
was an Egyptian academic. The third opportunity was two BBC debates; one in English and the
other in Arabic, at the Bibliotheca Alexandrina during the conference. The Arabic one provided
an Islamist scholar who was against evolution the opportunity to present his views.
Findings of this study show that those branding elements made the media and the public
less skeptical about “Darwin Now” and helped avoid negative spillover effects. This suggests
that the “exchange and cooperation” model of communication is suitable for controversial
initiatives such as “Darwin Now.” This is particularly true for Western initiatives implemented in
the Middle East where skepticism about the West and fear of cultural imperialism exist.
Research Limitations
One of the limitations of this study is related to participants. Media informants were
mainly science journalists who either believed in evolution or at least did not have a problem
with it. All of the media in this study mentioned that they were happy to have participated. They
believed it was positive that the project exposed the public and especially students in Egypt to
controversial ideas and got them to think about evolution from a scientific point of view. They
were not skeptical of the British Council, as all of them have engaged with it for some time and
have had a very positive experience. They represent the elite of media contacts as they are highly
educated, and some of them specialize in science, a specialization very rare in Egypt, as the
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majority of journalists are not specialized. This introduces a certain bias, as the opinions of other
types of journalists who oppose Darwin’s evolution, or who are possibly Islamists were not
represented in this study. Controversial British Council projects such as “Darwin Now” typically
generate a few news stories in Egypt that are critical of the project and organization. This
particularly applies to Western public diplomacy organizations in Egypt, sometimes viewed as
cultural imperialists. Such a situation can create very negative word of mouth for the
organization involved. Getting the media to participate in a study is quite difficult if they are not
already familiar with the researcher. Several attempts were made to reach other journalists who
wrote about “Darwin Now” but would not be considered the elite; however, it was not possible
to reach them. In addition, members of the general public included in this study are users of
British Council services. They were selected as they had better familiarity with the organization
than non-users, but their views may be more positive than non-users. This could introduce bias.
Another limitation is the British Council itself, which has exceptional credibility and
positive perceptions in Egypt although it is a Western organization. It is difficult to generalize
the findings of this study to other Western public diplomacy organizations either in Egypt or in
the Middle East. For example this study shows that the British Council has a much better image
than U.S. public diplomacy organizations in Egypt. Some of the media informants mentioned
skepticism of and difficulty engaging with either the U.S. embassy or any U.S. public diplomacy
organization. Another media informant mentioned that the British Council is more transparent
and its communication with the media more frequent and open than other foreign centers in
Egypt such as the Swedish one. This suggests that one cannot generalize that other Western
public diplomacy actors in Egypt would have such strong brand equity.
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A third limitation is the participants’ feedback surveys included in this study. The ones
provided by the British Council were those collected during the conference at the Bibliotheca
Alexandrina. Several wraparound activities took place before the conference such as the faith
and evolution debate and media training in relation to “Darwin Now.” It is possible that the
surveys provided by the British Council were more positive than others because the conference
took place at the Bibliotheca Alexandrina. As the project took place six years prior to this study,
other feedback surveys were not available.
Implications and Future Research
In this study, a co-branding theoretical framework was used to investigate how the British
Council branded “Darwin Now” in Egypt to avoid negative spillover effects. This study shows
that the co-branding models upon which it was based provide is applicable to the field of public
diplomacy. As major public diplomacy initiatives typically involve local partners, examining the
moderators of positive evaluations of such initiatives could contribute to making them more
effective. As this research demonstrates, co-branding a controversial Western initiative with a
national high-profile partner enables positive associations and credibility to transfer between
brands. Also, a national partner is more resistant to negative spillover effects than a Western
public diplomacy actor. This is because Western diplomacy actors in the Middle East face initial
skepticism and are suspected of having a political agenda and practicing cultural imperialism. To
gain credibility, especially for a controversial project, Western diplomacy actors need reputable
local partners. Otherwise, those initiatives become risky and can generate spillover effects that
could harm the actor’s brand equity. To date, public diplomacy scholarship has examined
credibility of state versus non-state actors. Extending co-branding theories to the public
diplomacy field provides opportunities for examining credibility of an actor as a result of co-
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branding. This could provide opportunities for new research and generate new public diplomacy
theories.
Another implication relates to brand equity of public diplomacy actors. This study
indicates that COO of a public diplomacy actor operating in Egypt largely affects that actor’s
brand equity. Western public diplomacy organizations are scrutinized more than non-Western
ones. The COO could either have a positive or negative influence on brand equity of the actor
depending on the extent to which the actor is perceived to be apolitical. This is especially true in
a situation where a Western public diplomacy actor operates in the Middle East. Therefore, being
perceived as having no political agenda is a main source of brand equity of Western public
diplomacy actors. Those actors suffer from skepticism more than non-Western actors, especially
after September 11 and its aftermath. Accordingly, an actor not perceived as apolitical would
find difficulty in achieving positive brand equity. Therefore, for Western public diplomacy
actors, the five dimensions of brand equity provided by Aaker (1991) (brand awareness, brand
associations, perceived quality, brand loyalty, and other proprietary assets such as trademarks
and patents) are not exhaustive and need to include an additional dimension: apolitical. This
could be an opportunity for future research studies that would examine how a brand could
separate itself from negative associations with its COO. In fact, this study indicates that British
culture is aspirational in Egypt. For example, participants in this study perceived British
education to be of higher quality than American education. The implication of this study is that
cultural engagement with foreign publics can reverse COO effect from negative to positive,
provided that the entity that delivers such engagement is clearly apolitical.
Another implication is the effect of place and site on the success of controversial public
diplomacy initiatives such as “Darwin Now.” This study demonstrates that a profane site (Eliade,
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1959) and a heterotopia (Foucault, 1986), such as the Bibliotheca Alexandrina, have remarkable
significance as a venue for promoting intercultural dialogue. In addition, the city of Alexandria
carries associations of multiculturalism and hence generates secondary associations relevant to
the controversial nature of “Darwin Now.” The co-branding theoretical models could be adjusted
when applied to public diplomacy so that they would include an additional type of fit: the extent
to which place and site where the initiative will take place is suited for its topic. This is
particularly important to controversial initiatives as the place and site could either encourage or
discourage controversial ideas. Had “Darwin Now” taken place at Al Azhar University in Cairo,
a sacred space (Eliade, 1959), the strong Islamic influence would compromise its odds of
success. Future studies of public diplomacy may examine the differential effect of sacred and
profane sites on the acceptance of intercultural dialogue initiatives. Such research would be
valuable, especially for initiatives between the West and the Muslim world.
This case study revealed that the elite media in Egypt are receptive to controversial
initiatives and intercultural dialogue, provided that such initiatives are considerate of cultural
sensitivities and initiated by a trustworthy actor such as the British Council. Gaining media trust
is challenging for a Western actor, but it is critical for the success of public diplomacy projects.
Trust needs to be cultivated between this particular group of stakeholders and the public
diplomacy actor. This study shows demand among this group to engage with different cultural
centers such as the British Council. But there are barriers. One such is the lack of open and
frequent communication between some actors and the media in Egypt. This study also revealed
that the public and the media are driven by different motives when dealing with an entity such as
the British Council. While the public is driven by price and quality of service, the media is
driven by the quality of engagement over time. Media training and engagement was one of the
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main elements that prevented negative spillover effects, according to this study’s informants.
Therefore, initiatives such as “Darwin Now” need to include a comprehensive program for the
media that consists of training, exchanges, and participation in debates.
This study extends the co-branding theoretical framework to the field of public
diplomacy. To reach analytic generalization, two or more case studies are needed to replicate the
results of this single-case study. Achieving such generalization would enrich public diplomacy
scholarship, as it would provide a new perspective for investigating high-risk initiatives such as
“Darwin Now.” The co-branding theoretical framework could then help explain how a public
diplomacy actor’s brand equity, brand equity of its partner, and compatibility between both
partners affects attitudes toward a new initiative. It would also explain how the new co-brand in
turn affects brand equity of the partner brands. To date, public diplomacy scholarship has
considered credibility of actors and has compared credibility of state actors with non-state actors.
Extending co-branding theories from marketing and adding an anthropological perspective to the
field of public diplomacy would enrich its scholarship. As Gilboa (2008) noted, the field of
public diplomacy would benefit from theoretical frameworks of other disciplines.
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APPENDIX A INTERVIEW GUIDE
Time of interview:
Date:
Interviewee:
Age:
Gender:
Position of interviewee:
(Briefly describe the study)
A. Questions: (All participants, however, informants from each organization will not be asked
brand equity questions related to their organization).
1. What comes to mind when I mention the British Council? Why?
2. What are the British Council’s main activities?
3. What do you think of the quality of the British Council’s products/services? Why?
4. What comes to mind when I mention the Bibliotheca Alexandrina? Why?
5. What are the Bibliotheca Alexandrina’s main activities?
6. What do you think of the quality of the Bibliotheca Alexandrina’s products/services?
Why?
7. Do you think the British Council and the Bibliotheca Alexandrina can partner together
sometimes to form some type of brand alliance? Why/why not?
8. Do you believe there is a match between the organizations in terms of their image and/or
their product/services? Why/why not?
B. Questions: (British Council and Bibliotheca Alexandrina informants)
9. What was your role in the “Darwin Now” project?
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10. What do you think about co-branding it together with the Bibliotheca Alexandrina/ The
British Council? Why/why not?
11. What type of impact did “Darwin Now” conference and wrap around activities generate
in Egypt? Why/why not?
12. How did co-branding it affect your organization’s brand image? Why/why not?
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APPENDIX B INFORMED CONSENT- ENGLISH
Protocol Title: Co-branded Diplomacy: A Case Study of the British Council’s Branding
of “Darwin Now” in Egypt
Please read this consent document carefully before you decide to participate in this study.
Purpose of the research study:
The purpose of this study is to examine how the British Council was able to brand the 2009 “Darwin Now” project in Egypt in such a way that it avoided negative spillover effects on its brand equity.
What you will be asked to do in the study:
You will be interviewed about your perceptions of a) the British Council and the Bibliotheca Alexandrina in Egypt, and b) the extent of compatibility between both brands in terms of product offerings as well as brand image. Following a brief 5-minute warm-up, you will be asked to answer some questions related to those two organizations.
Time required:
1 hour
Risks and Benefits:
There would be no risk of harm that would result from disclosure of participation or identifiable responses. There would be no benefits of participation.
Compensation:
You will not be paid for participating in this research.
Confidentiality:
Your identity will be kept confidential to the extent provided by law.
Voluntary participation:
Your participation in this study is completely voluntary. There is no penalty for not participating.
Right to withdraw from the study:
You have the right to withdraw from the study at anytime without consequence.
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Whom to contact if you have questions about the study:
Dr. Wayne Wanta, Professor, Journalism Department, College of Journalism and Communications, Gainesville, Florida, phone 352-392-0500.
Amal Bakry, Ph.D. Candidate, College of Journalism and Communications, Gainesville, Florida, phone 352-256-0048.
Whom to contact about your rights as a research participant in the study:
IRB02 Office, Box 112250, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611-2250; phone 392-0433.
Agreement:
I have read the procedure described above. I voluntarily agree to participate in the procedure and I have received a copy of this description.
Participant: ___________________________________________ Date: _________________
Principal Investigator: Dr. Wayne Wanta Date: _______June 2015 Professor - Journalism College of Journalism and Communications University of Florida [email protected] Tel: +1 (352) 392-0500
Co-investigator:
Amal Bakry Ph.D. Candidate College of Journalism and Communications University of Florida [email protected] Tel: +1 (352) 256-0048
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APPENDIX C INFORMED CONSENT- ARABIC
إستمارة الموافقة المطلعة
الدبلوماسیة و الدعایة المشتركة: دراسة حالة للحملة الدعائیة للمجلس الثقافي البریطاني عن مشروع "داروین ناو" عنوان البروتوكول:
في مصر
ھذا البحث في الوافي على ھذا النموذج قبل الموافقة باالشتراكالرجاء االطالع
الطریقة التي تمكن من و ۲۰۰۹یھدف ھذا البحث إلى دراسة الحملة الدعائیة لمشروع "داروین ناو" في مصر في عام ھدف البحث: تأثیر السلبي المحتمل لصورتھ الذھنیة.خاللھا المجلس الثقافي البریطاني أن یتخطى ال
ھذا البحث: ا سیطلب منك فيم
التشابھ بینھم (ب) درجة و ومكتبة االسكندریة،المجلس الثقافي البریطاني سیتم إجراء مقابلة معك لفھم تصورك عن (ا) كل من الصورة الذھنیة المكونة عنھم لدى الجمھور. من حیثالمنتج /الخدمة المقدمة و من حیث
الوقت المطلوب:
ساعة واحدة
والفوائد:المخاطر الربط بین اإلجابات و األشخاص. عنأوالكشف عن المشاركة لن یكون ھناك خطر من الضررالذي قد ینتج عن
لن یكون ھناك.
التعویض: .في ھذا البحثلن یكون ھناك تعویض في مقابل المشاركة
السریة :
حد المنصوص علیھ في القانون.لاستبقى ھویتك سریة إلى
الطوعیة:المشاركة مشاركتك في ھذه الدراسة الطوعیة تماما.
الحق في االنسحاب من الدراسة:
لدیك الحق في االنسحاب من الدراسة في أي وقت دون عواقب .
:باألشخاص التالیةاالتصال یمكنك إذا كان لدیك أسئلة حول الدراسة ۳٥۲-۳۹۲-۰٥۰۰دینة جینسفیل، والیة فلوریدا، تلیفون م، االتصاالتكلیة الصحافة ود./ وین ونتا، أستاذ، قسم الصحافة،
۳٥۲-۲٥٦-۰۰٤۸مدینة جینسفیل، والیة فلوریدا، تلیفون ، االتصاالتكلیة الصحافة و، الدكتوراه طالبة ،أمل بكري
119
باألشخاص التالیة:االتصال یمكنك حول حقوقك كمشارك في ھذه الدراسة أستفسارات إذا كان لدیك 2250; phone -IRB02 Office, Box 112250, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611
0433. -392-352
االتفاق: النموذج.لقد تلقیت نسخة من ھذا و، ھذه الدراسةلمشاركة في ا على طواعیةاوافق و، الموضحة أعاله اتلقد قرأت اإلجراء
التاریخ:__________ ___________________اسم المشارك:
:باحث رئیسي د./ وین ونتا
قسم الصحافة -أستاذ
االتصاالتكلیة الصحافة و
جامعة فلوریدا
[email protected] :ایمیل ۳٥۲-۳۹۲-۰٥۰۰تلیفون:
باحث مساعد: أمل بكري
الدكتوراه طالبة االتصاالتكلیة الصحافة و
جامعة فلوریدا
[email protected] :ایمیل ۳٥۲-۲٥٦-۰۰٤۸تلیفون:
120
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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Amal Bakry was born in Cairo in 1970. She attended Helwan University between
October 1986 and June 1990, and graduated from the Faulty of Commerce and Business
Administration. Upon her graduation, she joined Americana Advertising, the largest privately
owned advertising agency in Egypt at the time. In 1994, she received the Chevening Award, a
scholarship that is offered by the British Council. She started a postgraduate diploma in
advertising in West Hertz College, UK in September 1994 and completed the diploma in May
1995. The author started the master’s program in advertising at Michigan State University in
August 2002 and graduated in May 2003.
She joined DDB Egypt in 2004 where she worked as Account Director. She joined the
British Council in Egypt where she was head of the communications department between March
2006 and November 2010. Afterwards, she started the doctoral program in mass communication
at the University of Florida in August 2012.