Fortnight Publications Ltd.

A Brief History of StormontAuthor(s): R. ButlerSource: Fortnight, No. 377 (Mar., 1999), pp. 15-16Published by: Fortnight Publications Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25559647 .

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n CURRENT AFFAIRS I

offer a welcome gesture in the direction of participative democracy. Governance through part nership and inclusion may still be a long way off, but the (Civic Forum offers an arena where such concepts can be fostered. Hopef'ully when the large parties get the confidence to share power vertically as well as horizontally, the membership of the Civic Forum can facilitate them to do so in the practice. Notwith standing the cynicism of Fortnight's Insider in the February edition (376), the Cjivic Forum mayyet play a vital role in contributing to the formulation of the 'political drama' rather than being seen as 'the

plaything of the unelectable'. As a new venture, the Northern Ireland Women's

(oalition would welcome the location of the Civic Forum in the north-west, or certainly outside of the Greater Belfast area. It is important that the Forum

is not seen as the 'second chamber' model a la the

House of Lords or the Seanad. What is envisaged is an altogether more dynamic body thatwill bring new ideas and perspectives to the task of governance, and that will have the time to focus on economic, social and cultural issues. Such an approach would reject the concept of a second chamber acting as a genteel retirement home for politicians-but would place the emphasis instead on innovation, inclusion and the integration of policies.

From its inception, the Northern Ireland Wom en's Coalition has always argued that the scale of governance in Northern Ireland could allow for an imaginative and effective development of participative democracy in practice, which can be complementary to the more traditional representa tive democracy that is visited upon the electorate at regular intervals. However the Coalition has also added the caveat that participation must go beyond

the active involvement of those who have the time, the resources and the support to allow them the luxury of involvement. As the feminist theorist Iris

Young has argued-"We must develop participatory -, theory not on the assumption of an undifferentiated humanity, but rather in the assumption that there are group differences and that some groups are actually or potentially oppressed or disadvantaged." (Young cited in A. Philips Democracy and Differ

ence, 1993.) j

The challenge in identifying the composition of the Civic Forum is to ensure the participation of some of these disadvantaged groups.

The Coalition feels that this challenge goes far beyond the current discourse of how many employw-w; ers' groups might be represented on the Forum, or

which Church will be entitled to a seat. It is also disappointing that the main discussion to date has been around how many seats might each group have, rather than how organisations and sectors can

meet the requirement of gender and community balance within the Forum, or indeed how might they facilitate the inclusion of those who have been previously excluded from decision-making.

Another interesting and relevant debate might be how those individuals who do end up sitting in the Civic Forum might effectively use their posi tion to ensure as extensive an access as possible to others-through report back mechanisms; con sultation; Forum membership shadowing; etc. If the Civic Forum is to be a building block of participative democracy rather than a plaything for the unelectable, then we must ensure that it is quality-proofed in all its aspects, to deliver an effective means for as broad a participation in the political drama as possible.

Abrief history of Stomon

Stormont sure does scrub up well, its hallowed portals of white Porfiand stone, imported from Dorset during the seven years it took to build the place, well illuminated at night.

It wasn't always this way. During the Second World War, when the now disused Senate Room was an RAF operations room the gleaming whiteness became a prime security risk-which begs the question as to why the RAF needed the opulent damson and dam ask surrounds of the Senate Chamber in the first place. The spotter plane which spied the Bismarck, reported to the Senate Chamber, and the order to destroywas issued from the same room. So the whole building was painted black-a mixture of cow ma nure and bitumen paint. The symmetrical driveways of Sir Arnold Longley, the architect, were covered over with green ash and cinders. Not surprisingly, no photos exist of the place in that state.

It took three rounds of cleaning to get the muddy mix off the walls. But it did preserve the dear little building for our current consternations and delib

erations. And rather like our present day estimates for the operation of the Assembly, the initial costs spiralled to three times the estimate. The Imperial coffers were not pleased, and so the order was re duced from three planned buildings to one.

What the parliamentarians wanted in the twenties (as they languished in their temporary home of

Belfast City Hall) was a mini-Westminster. The build ing is designed on the same lines, though not quite the same scale. What some parliamentarians of to day want is a mini-Westminster-even down to a request for soft leather front bench seats. Even as they plan to wreck, they are simultaneously planning to provide comfort for the long hours on the rump.

On the ground floor (wood panel and white Ital ian marble) is where all the important people have their offices: the First Minister and Deputy First

Minister, the Speaker's office (soon to be vacated and a new resident installed), the Party Whips' offices and their officials. The most important have

magnificent views of the front lawn, and, beyond

POLITICS

R BUTLER presents an insiders view of the hallowed halls of Parliament buildings

MARCH 1999 FORTNIGHT 15

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I CURRENT AFFAIRS f

I t.

that, of the whole of Belfast City on clear days. On the second floor (forest and mint green painted plasterwork) are the party offices, and other civil servants. The third floor (candyfloss and dusky pink painted plasterwork-with claret woodwork) har bours the members' rooms, many with a permanent looking member's moniker, complete with full col our party logo. On the fourth floor (sunny yellows

and lots of glass) are the administrative and supplies offices. The basement (half tiled and covered, half concrete and exposed stainless steel piping-guess

which half the press are housed in) is where most people see other people. All the corridors are wide, and generally there are very few people on them on non-sitting days. It takes ages to get to recognise those who work in the building in the pleasant corridors of anticipated power.

All this glister does not, however, lead to golden relationships, neither between members nor be tween members and workers. The stench of elitism is recognisable about the place, wherever you go.

Choking formality based on status and privilege prevails to produce a staid atmosphere. For instance, the library, much underused, has a specific mem bers' reading room (sumptuous cherry leather so fas, big wooden desks) where the stressed member can while away their work in peace and quiet. But the other, open, part of the library has also been laid claim to by a (not discussed) decree from 'above' that keeps users (mainly Member's own staffers) out

when the Assembly is sitting. Yes that's right, when Members are meant to be in the chamber.

If these petty manifestations of power and privi lege, about decreeing boundaries and reserving space and status are readily exhibited when there is very little real power about, what will it be like when some power is transferred. Maybe a coating of cow dung and bitumen on the inside would focus the mind. *

Motherhood and fair

play at work

Christena Coiclough Surely there could be no problem in this day and age combining motherhood and a career, at least not in terms of getting a job.

But Vivien Palmer, a teacher at a Down high school discovered her employers regarded her preg nancy as an obstacle, which took her out of the running for a permanent post at the school.

Palmer, who trained for five years to become a qualified art teacher had been working for two years at the school on a part-time basis.

When a full-time art post became available she applied.

Although making the shortlist, Palmer came third out of the five candidates interviev _u.

She remains adamant the interview panel did not employ her on a full-time basis because they knew she was pregnant and were influenced by the princi pal's negative attitude towards this.

Angered and disillusioned by the school, Palmer decided to challenge the panel's decision. She was confident her qualifications, experience and skills in teaching made her the best candidate for the job,

which she felt would have been hers, had she not been pregnant.

Palmer decided to contact the Equal Opportuni ties Commission for Northern Ireland for advice.

The Commission took on her case. Problems around pregnancy and maternity rights remain the largest groups of complaints and enquiries received at the EOCNI.

An industrial tribunal concluded the school had taken the decision not to offer Palmer the job be cause she was pregnant. It said, "the applicant's pregnancy tainted the Board's selection procedure."

Palmer said the two year legal ordeal was difficult and at times traumatic. But she felt her professional record had been blackened and she needed to clear her name.

"The industrial tribunal's decision helped prove that I was professionally competent because doubts had been cast on that by the school. I felt that people were watching me publicly and wondering if I was capable of doing the job", she said.

And added, "The decision bolstered my self-es teem and my self-respect. It also meant the school's actions were not going to impact negatively on my career in the future".

According to an EOCNI survey, which covered a

WORK

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16 FO RTN I G HT MARCH 1999

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