CODE-SWITCHING OF BILINGUALS_____________________A ThesisPresented to theFaculty of the Department of Languages and LiteratureCollege of Arts and SciencesUniversity of San CarlosCebu City, Philippines_______________________

In Partial Fulfillmentof the Requirements for the DegreeENGLISH 113: BILINGUALISM AND SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION________________________

ByEZRA HILARY CENIZADANE VALERIE MAGAWAYKEESHIA SAN JUANCESKA MARIE APALLASHIELA MAE PIALAGOSeptember 2014

Theoretical BackgroundFor over thirty years of code-switching in Filipino-English, such dialect is now an established lingua franca in the Philippines, Durano (2009). Being a multilingual community, it can be observed that Filipinos tend to use the different languages in their conversations. Multilingualism, is the result of the rich Philippines rich history that traces back even to the Spanish regime up to the modern Neo-colonialism. Multilingualism, comes hand in hand with code-switching. Philippines, abundant with 110 dialects and 2 other foreign languages, observe code-switching on a daily basis. Thus, such phenomenon, has already become a part and parcel of the linguistic repertoire of Filipinos,(Bautista 2004). During the American regime, English was heavily inculcated to the Filipinos as it was the sole language imposed by the Americans to be used in communicating whether in school, media or work. People from all walks of life, from all age groups, do code switching. And the most common languages that they can easily code-switch is the Filipino-English. Code-switching, according to Mesthie, Swann, Deumcut &Leap (2006), is the switching back and forth of languages or varieties of the same language, sometimes within the same utterance. When put into the Philippine context of Fil-English code-switching, it occurs when the interlocutor tries to utter an English phrase or word and is places side by side with a Filipino phrase or word. However, in the present study, since the locale is just in Cebu City, it is given that the predominant language being code-switched by the subject will be in Cebuano-Bisaya and English. Furthermore, this research endeavor would want to look into the features of code-switching in random conversations between three different age groups namely: elementary students, college barkadas and young professionals. The analysis of the study will utilize the framework of Poplack and Sankoff (1988) wherein they identified four mechanisms of code-switching. The first mechanism is Smooth Switching which is said to be the change in either or both languages in their syntactic level. There are several variations of smooth switching. It can happen between main clause and subordinate clause, between coordinate clause or switching to a prepositional phrase and it is exemplied in the example below.wala pa rin kaming nakitang sofa for the family roomAnother mechanism is the Flag or Non-Smooth Switching which is marked by hesitation, metalinguistics commentary or pauses. The third mechanism is Constituent Insertion wherein a grammatical constituent is inserted in pne language at an appropriate point. There are two types of Constituent Insertion: (1) tag expressions and (2) Enclitic adverbials. The example below presents how an English word is being inserted in the speakers utterance. Buti na lang, Jiffs group was the third numberThe last mechanism identified by Poplack and Sankoff (1988) is Nonce Borrowing, wherein the words are borrowed just for the time being or for a certain occasion. There are four types of Nonce borrowing: (1) Nouns, (2) Adjectives, (3) English make + Tagalog/Bisaya verb and (4) English words with Tagalog affixes. Some examples of Nonce Borrowing is shown below. I have more time to make bawi before I get back to work

A similar study conducted by Tiempo (2006), also looked into how code-switching is applied in text messages. However, the framework that was used were different from Poplack and Sankoff (1988), but the concepts and results are more or less the same. Tiempo (2006) analyzed the phenomenon of codeswitching, text jargon and fricative production in Short Messaging Services (SMS) among selected college students of the University of Cebu-Banilad campus and found out that the discourse functions of codeswitching for both male and female texters alike in their application of codeswitching in text messages embraced the six most common ranks: For Female Texters: a) for inquiry, b) for expressions of politeness; c) for giving information, d) for emphasis (command), e) for discourse marker, f) for quotation; For Male Texters: a) for inquiry, b) for emphasis c) for clarification, d) for expressions of intimate feelings, e) for expression of politeness, f) for giving information and for discourse markers. For the types of codeswitching that appears in the text messages: borrowing where most texters used borrowing in text messages; intrasentential codeswitching where texters codeswitched in the form of phrase or clause level codeswitching; and intersentential where texters codeswitched in the sentence level.He concludes that codeswitching is a natural bilingual behavior and it usually happens in informal conversation both direct and indirect. Furthermore, he adds that the reasons for codeswitching have nothing to do whether the context of the conversation is direct or indirect or is computer mediated. The participants codeswitch naturally in text messages as they codeswitch in direct informal conversation. Moreover, he continues, the participants consistently used more Cebuano than English in text messages.

On the other hand, code-switching in conversations is usually done because the speaker has an intention----either because they lack proficiency in one language and so they borrow a word from the other language to serve as a substitute or because one language has no direct equivalent word in the other language. In the present study, considering that the subjects were all bilinguals, it can be noted how they talk in alternate Cebuano-Bisaya and English without being so conscious at all. However, when it comes to analyzing codes, Gumperz (1982) points out that it is not necessary to assign equivalent codes in every language. He emphasizes the code-switching must be viewed as a mode of discourse and so code-switching must be viewed as an expressive means and a pragmatic notion (Barredo, 2013).To analyze the function of code-switching in the recorded conversations, Gumperz framework will be utilized. Gumperz (1982) has identified six functions of code-switching in bilingual conversation. One of them is Quotation, wherein the code-switch is identified as a direct quote or a reported speech.(provide example)Another function is the addressee specification, this occurs when the switch serves to direct the message to one of several possible addressees. (provide example)The third function is Interjection, wherein the speaker code-switch to mark an interjection or a sentence filler. (provide example)Reiteration is also another function of code-switching, wherein the speaker code-switch to repeat a message in both codes. (provide examples)Another function of code-switching is Message Qualification, where a code-switch is consist of a qualifying construction like a sentence and verb complement or a predicate following a copula. Lastly, personalization vs. objectivization is another function wherein the code-switch relates to such things as the distinction between talk about action and talk as action. The statement may come from an opinion or personal knowledge.A related study by Bautista (2004),also provides ample information on the functions of code-switching using Gumperzs (1982) framework. In Bautista (1999), her focus in this study is at code-switching as a pragmatic phenomenonnd interprets WHY we code-switch in the Philippines. She analyzed the functions of Tagalog-English Code-switching, in particular, at the linguistic structure and switch points in Tagalog-English code-switching in a sample of email messages written by seven brothers and sisters usin the framework of Poplack and Sankoff (1988). Scotton (1990:93-100) views three possible options to as to why people code-switch: a) switching as an unmarked choice, b)switching as a marked choice, and c) switching as a strategy of multiple identities. In her case, the code-switching in the emails belonged to the category of switching as an unmarked choice, over-all switching, which means that the speaker wishes operate within a context of unmarked rights and obligations and the use of code-switching throughout even without any changes in the situation because the participants have dual identities an dual languages at their disposal. She concludes that code-switching denotes communicative efficiency purposes. Meaning, the reason why they switch in this particular place rather than here is to perform or function effectively with the least waste of time, effort or resources.

Research MethodologyThis study is a qualitative method of research which will anchor on Poplack and Sankoffs (1988) functions of code switching and mechanics of code-switching.Research Environment This study was conducted in different campuses of the University of San Carlos in Cebu City .As for the first group, it was in the North Campus in General Maxilom Avenue, Kamputhaw. While the second group had it in the SSC office located in the Bunzel building at the Talamban campus. And for the last group, it was in room 402, Law building at the Downtown campus.Research ParticipantsThe participants were based on the following criteria: (1)should be bilingual or mulitligual, (2) should be highschool students for the first cluster, college students for the second cluster and young professionals for the last. Guided with the criteria, the researchers were able to find a pair of grade-10 students who were discussing and studying their Algebra; two male engineering students, and a group composed of a nurse, an instructor and a Psychology graduate who were law students at the same time.Research InstrumentThe recorded conversations were used as the main instrument in identifying and analyzing the functions of code-swtiching also, in categorizing according to the four mechanisms of Poplack and Sankoff (1988)..Research ToolThe conversations were recorded using different devices such as Samsung Galaxy for the first pair, Iphone 4s for the barkada and Iphone 5 for the last group. The recorded conversations were transcribed though express Scribe Transcription Software.Research ProcedureGathering of dataThis study used the convenient sampling procedure. The participants of this study were asked and informed that their conversations were only used for academic purposes specifically for the course of Bilingualism and Second Language Acquisition, which assured their privacy. In order for the researchers to record the conversations, participants were asked to record their own conversation however; the first five minutes were disregarded to avoid the observers paradox. Treatment of DataThe recorded conversation of each group were separately transcribed however not translated into English since the focus of this study is code-switching.These transcribed conversations were separately analyzed. As for each group, their conversations were classified according to the functions that they possess in Poplack and Sankoffs functions of code-switching and then, the mechanisms of the conversation were analyzed and identified. Afterwards, with the results given, each group were compared as to how functions of code-switching and mechanisms of code-swtiching were used in their conversation.

AnalysisTable 1. Poplack and Sankoffs (1988) Types of Code-Switching in Elementary Clique ConversationsTypes of Code-SwitchingFrequencyPercentage

Smooth Switching15.5%

Flagged or non-smooth code switching00

Constituent Insertion15.5%

Nonce Borrowing1688.9%

TOTAL1899.9% 100%

In the elementary clique conversation, the participants used nonce borrowing most extensively, occurring 16 times in the conversation or taking up 88.9% of the conversation. Although used minimally, occurring only once in the conversation or 5.5% of the conversation, the researchers found that the participants also used constituent insertion and smooth switching. The participants did not use flagged or non-smooth switching in the conversation. The participants in the elementary clique conversation was having a group study session. The reason why nonce borrowing code-switching occurred in their conversation is because they had to. As Scotton (1990) said, interlocutors code-switch because something occurs to change the situation, either in terms of participants or topic (sequential unmarked code-switching). In this case, the participants code-switch because of the topic.S1: Unya ra John, i-check sa nako balik, zero minus zero minus three negative three, one minus one minus two negative one minus three negative four negative two kuwang pa kog ((inaudible)) naglibog naman ko ani oy, two four minus four zero minus three sakto.The participants were trying to solve a math problem. Since math is generally taught in English in most schools in the Philippines, the participants in the conversation switch from Cebuano-Bisaya to English when discussing about the math problem. For them, it is the faster, easier and more effective to explain the mathematical problem in English than in Cebuano-Bisaya because they were used to math being explained and taught in English. However, it was also noticeable in the conversation of the participants that they code-switch even though the situation does not oblige them to. For instance, the participants used smooth switching in their conversation.S2:Mga genius di jud na kinahanglan ug libro. See ang babae moy, oh my god.They also used constituent insertion, such as S1:Ah lage, ako-a na lage sayup, sabi nga eh.where sabi nga eh, a Filipino comment, was inserted after the Cebuano-Bisaya utterance. Both the occurrence of smooth switching and constituent insertion proves Scottons (1990) theory that people code-switch because they have dual identities and dual languages at their disposal. These interlocutors find it efficient to use this convey the message that they want to express. In the words of Bautista (1999), sometimes, its just that a certain expression in a certain language seems so right, seems so appropriate. The absence of flagged switching in the conversation seems to be similar to the observation of Bautista (1999) in her study. Just like in the Manila community, it seems that code-switching in the Cebuano community, particularly in elementary cliques, is a normal mode of discourse.

Table 2 Functions of Code-Switching in Conversationsof Elementary Cliques (Gumperz, 1982)Functions of Code-SwitchingFrequencyPercentage

Quotation15.9%

Addressee specification00

Interjection317.6%

Reiteration00

Message qualification1270.6%

Personalization vs Objectivization15.9%

TOTAL17100%

The most dominant function of code-switching in the elementary clique conversation is message qualification. This function occurred 12 times in the conversation. Particularly, 70.6% of the code-switching used in the conversation functions as a message qualification. With an occurrence rate of 3, which is 17.6% of the identified code switches in the conversation, interjections followed next to message qualification as the most frequently used code-switching function. Though used minimally, personalization vs objectivization and quotation ranked third as the most extensively used code-switching function. Both only occurred once in the conversation. Particularly, both personalization vs objectivization and quotation consist only 5.9% of the conversation. Reiteration and addressee specification both did not occur as conversational functions of code-switching in the elementary clique conversation.Message qualification occurs when a message is expressed in one language and is then qualified or expressed in another language. Take for example the following utterance:S2:Mga genius di jud na kinahanglan ug libro.In that utterance, the speaker code switched to from Cebuano-Bisaya to English to qualify the proposition of his utterance - that genius people do not need books. Message qualification occurs several times in the conversation because the interlocutors found it efficient. This again proves Bautistas (1999) theory of communicative efficiency. Practically, the speaker above can translate genius in vernacular, but the impact of the utterance would be different. Truly, there are just some words or phrases in a certain language which seem so appropriate in an utterance.Similarly, interjections or expression in a particular language inserted into an utterance spoken in another language, were found in the conversation because of communicative efficiency. For instance, this utterance in the conversation used interjections:S2:Like nakakalurkey.Nakakalurkey is a Filipino gay lingo expression. The use of expressions such as what was given above, proves Bautistas (1999) claim that these expressions are pre-packaged, ready-made and easily available to be used as punch line. In the utterance given above, it was more appropriate to use the gay lingo expression than to translate it in English (Like crazy) because the gay lingo expression gives off a sense of humor. That utterance also is an example of a personalization vs objectivization code-switch function because the speaker wants to express through his utterance a personal opinion or a message.The utterance below shows quotation code-switching function: S2:Unsa man diay kung negative four?In that utterance, the reason why the speaker code-switched from Cebuano-Bisaya to English because the speaker implicitly quoted negative four from the previous speakers utterance.

Table 3 Poplack abd Sankoffs (1988) Types of Code-Switching in Conversations of Young ProfessionalsTypes of Code-SwitchingFrequencyPercentage

Smooth Switching23.8%

Flagged or non-smooth code switching00

Constituent Insertion47.5%

Nonce Borrowing4788.7%

TOTAL53100%

In the conversation of young professionals, the participants used nonce borrowing most extensively, occurring 47 times in the conversation or taking up 88.7% of the conversation. For instance, nonce borrowing is evident in the utterance below:T2: di pa man tingay mo kareport ugma kay wa pa mi kasugod sa amo report In that utterance, the speaker used the English word report with a Cebuano-Bisaya affix ka in his utterance. The phenomenon of nonce borrowing code switching, which is evident throughout the conversation establishes Bautistas (1999) claim that interlocutors code-switch from one language to another because the other language has a better way of expressing this particular idea and he/she can achieve communication efficiency with it. In the utterance above, instead of saying kareport in vernacular, the speaker used kareport not only because it is a better way of expressing the idea but also because the English word report is mostly used in conversations than its Cebuano-Bisayan counterpart pagbalita.Constituent insertions followed, appearing in the conversation for 4 times or basically 7.5% of the conversation. The example below shows this phenomenon:T1: wala pa gyud ka ever nilampag sa timbangan?The speaker inserted the English word ever in the utterance. It served as an expression to accentuate the speakers emotion in the utterance either disbelief or awe while confirming whether the listener has not yet tried to use a weighing scale. Actually, the utterance will still be okay without the word ever, but the affective meaning would be different. Basically, the occurrence of constituent insertions in the conversation shows that sometimes, English words in a Cebuano-Bisaya statement can communicate and idea more quickly and easily. Although used minimally, occurring only twice in the conversation or 3.8% of the conversation, the researchers found that the participants also used smooth switching in the conversation. An example below shows an effortless and flawless switch from one language to the other, unmarked by hesitation markers and repetitions:T1: Kuan na siya. mao nay ginaingon nga getting getting fat together.In the utterance, the speaker smoothly switched from a Cebuano-Bisaya clause to an English prepositional phrase. This phenomenon, together with the absence of flagged or non-smooth switching in the conversation, leads the researchers to conclude that code-switching, just like in Bautistas (1999) study of CS in Manila, is a natural mode of discourse in the Cebuano-Bisaya community, particularly in Cebuano-Bisaya young professionals.Table 4 Functions of Code-Switching in Conversationsof Young Professionals (Gumperz, 1982)Functions of Code-SwitchingFrequencyPercentage

Quotation12%

Addressee specification12%

Interjection24%

Reiteration00

Message qualification4590%

Personalization vs Objectivization12%

TOTAL50100%

The most dominant function of code-switching in conversation of young professionals is message qualification. This function occurred 45 times in the conversation. Particularly, 90% of the code-switching used in the conversation functions as a message qualification. T1: ge lang. nag gluta man ko gudThe speaker of that utterance was trying to qualify that she was gaining weight because she was taking glutathione pills. This code-switching function, usually used with nonce borrowing code switching in the current studys conversation, still proves Bautistas (1999) theory of communicative efficiency. aside from the fact that gluta does not a have a direct Cebuano-Bisaya equivalent, the code-switching phenomenon above shows that the speaker found it easier to say the idea in one language (English) instead of the other (Cebuano-Bisaya). With an occurrence rate of 2, which is 4% of the identified code-switches in the conversation, interjections followed next to message qualification as the most frequently used code-switching function. T3: di man gud kay si (Max) kung mangaon mi ba kay kaon jud na niya like tag tulo ka-Like was used as a sentence filler in the Cebuano-Bisaya utterance. Basically, interjections in this conversation were used to assist in explaining an idea. The speaker could have used murag instead of like, but since the speaker (a Cebuano-Bisaya English bilingual) have dual identities and dual languages at her disposal, she opted to code switch from Cebuano-Bisaya to English because she found it more efficient communicatively. Though used minimally, quotation, addressee specification and personalization vs objectivization ranked third as the most extensively used code-switching function. These only occurred once in the conversation. Particularly, quotation, addressee specification and personalization vs objectivization consist only 2% of the conversation. Reiteration, a code-switching function where a speaker repeats a message from one code to another code either literally or in modified form, did not occur as conversational functions of code-switching in the conversation of young professionals. Its absence seems to prove the notion that code-switching is a normal mode of discourse in Cebuano-Bisaya speech communities and that there is no need to repeat the intended message in different codes be because the speakers in the conversation fully understand each other.

Table 5 Poplack and Sankoffs (1988) Types of Code-Switching in College Clique ConversationsTypes of Code-SwitchingFrequencyPercentage

Smooth Switching26.4%

Flagged or non-smooth code switching13.2%

Constituent Insertion00

Nonce Borrowing2890.3%

TOTAL3199.99% 100%

In the college clique conversation, the participants used nonce borrowing most extensively, occurring 28 times in the conversation or taking up 90.3% of the conversation. The utterance below serves as an example:B1: Oy nganu ni change target man ka gud. Patay siya.The speaker temporarily borrowed the English term change target and mixed it in a Cebuano-Bisaya utterance. Take into consideration that the speaker and his friends were playing video games and in this utterance, the speaker was giving a comment on the choice of action of his friend. The speaker could have used a vernacular term but opted to use the English term. This seems to be because there is no popular vernacular equivalent for the term change target and more because the term is a jargon for video game players.Smooth switching followed, having 6.4% of the data or particularly occurring twice in the conversation. For instance, the speaker in the following utterance used this kind of code-switching:B1: Oh, walay gamit. Fail! In that utterance, the speaker easily switched from Cebuano-Bisaya to English. The speaker was commenting on the actions of his friends. The occurrence of this phenomenon again proves that speakers code-switch because of it is communicatively efficient. In the context of the utterance above, since the video game is in English, speaker seems to have found it efficient to use an English expression to describe the fate of his friends game.Although used minimally, occurring only once in the conversation or 3.2% of the conversation, the researchers found that the participants also used flagged or non-smooth switching in the conversation. B2: red ug kuanNotice that the utterance ends with a Cebuano-Bisaya hesitation marker, kuan. This phenomenon does not imply that the speaker is not fluent in both languages. It seems that he cannot verbally describe what was happening in the game. His hesitation can also mean that he is so engrossed in the game that he cannot immediately find words to describe what was happening. Constituent insertion was not used in the college clique conversation. Throughout the whole conversation, the speakers used Cebuano-Bisaya expressions in Cebuano-Bisaya utterances and English expressions in English utterances.

Table 6 Functions of Code-Switching in Conversationsof College Cliques (Gumperz, 1982)Functions of Code-SwitchingFrequencyPercentage

Quotation00

Addressee specification00

Interjection00

Reiteration39.7%

Message qualification2890.3%

Personalization vs Objectivization00

TOTAL31100%

The most dominant function of code-switching in the college clique conversation is message qualification. This function occurred 28 times in the conversation. Particularly, 90.3% of the code-switching used in the conversation functions as a message qualification. B2: kaybaw ko musteal ka ..kaybaw koThe utterance above is an example of code-switching which has a message qualification function. Instead of using the Cebuano-Bisaya term mukawat, the speaker used the English term steal along with the Cebuano-Bisaya affix mu. This again is because of communicative efficiency. the speaker used a video game player jargon steal along with a Cebuano-Bisaya affix because he deemed it to be the fastest, easiest and most appropriate term to describe the action of his friend. With an occurrence rate of 3, which is 9.7% of the identified code switches in the conversation, reiteration followed next to message qualification as the most frequently used code-switching function. B1: oh, walay gamit. Fail! Walay gamit is a Cebuano-Bisaya phrase which, in the context of the utterance, can translate into the English word fail. This code-switch occurred because the speaker wanted to emphasize that his friend did a wrong move in the game and in the end, failed.Quotation, addressee specification, interjection, and personalization vs objectivization did not occur as conversational functions of code-switching in the college clique conversation.Conclusion

ReferencesBooksAgha, Asif. (2009). What Do Bilinguals Do? A Commentary.Beyond Yellow English: Toward a Linguistic Anthropology of Asian Pacific America. (2009). Oxford University Press. P. 253-258Tiempo, Arnold L. (2006). Cebuano-English Codeswitching, Text Jargon and Fricative Production in Short Messaging Services (SMS). University of San Carlos: Cebu City, Philippines (Unpublished Thesis) T T443ar c.3Transmonte-Paz, J. E. (2002). Cebuano-English Code-Switching in Selected English 2 Classes at the University of San Carlos. University of San Carlos: Cebu City, Philippines (Unpublished Thesis) T T69jDurano, F. (2009). Attitudes towards English and Fil-English code-switching amongst high school students in Ormoc City, Philippines University in Malm Municipality: Malm, Sweden, p. 1-49Barredo, I. Pragmatic Functions of Code-Switching Among Basque-Spanish Bilinguals. University of Illinois: Illinois p. 528-541 [Retrieved last September 18, 2014]Durano, F. (2009). Attitudes Towards English and Fil-English Code-switching Amongst High School Students in Ormoc City, Philippines University in Malm Municipality: Malm, Sweden, p. 1-49 Appendix TRANSCRIPTIONBARKADA: ELEMENTARY STUDENTS TRANSCRIPTION (10:00 15:00)S1: Ako na sad diha mga alas dyis ate ha.. ((inaudible) in de air and well never be royals. Sure ka negative four?S2:Unsa man diay kung negative four?S1:SigeS2:Sakto man gudS1:HehehehS2:May ing-ana oh, concert mi ugmaS1:One minus two, negative one minus three negative four bati-a sad ug porma ana oy ngano mana?S2:Naglinog sa kuan noh? S1:Unsa man? Unsay sunod inig w negative three?balik nasad ug solveS2:Naglinog man sa GuamS1:Awa daw na imong zero oh, aw sige unya nalang, sig nawani rakoS2:Sakto ka? Sakto noh?S1:Ang negatib one daw John?S2:Positive, positive, negativeS1:Aw one man diay sa, ah sakto ra lageS2:Three zero , kani moy sayup ganinaS1:Ah lage, ako-a na lage sayup, sabi nga ehS2:Aw mao baS1:Positive oneS2:Ako i-anaS1: Unya ra John, i-check sa nako balik, zero minus zero minus three negative three, one minus one minus two negative one minus three negative four negative two kuwang pakog ((inaudible)) naglibog naman ko ani oy, two four minus four zero minus three sakto. Three squared nine minus six three negative sige game negative twelve five zero ((murmur)) ge tiwasa lang sa ang number 2 usa ka mu kuan sa graph ((sound)) unsay pasabot maximum or minimum point? Nagda-wala ka nagdala ug libro john sa?S2:Wala, genius man. Hahah S1:HeheheS2:Mga genius di jud na kinahanglan ug libro. See ang babae moy, oh my godS1:Oh god. What happened to the world? GagobellsS2:Like nakakalurkeyS1:((makes sound)) wala nakoy load ((murmur)) negative nine ako ang nagwagi

Biling transcription (College friends)Time start: 0:17B1: idol juds apple sa inapasay baB2: niya daog gyud mo?B1: daog mi. kai timaing man sad pagB2: hugaw kay ang timing. Naigo ang boang. Hugaw gae ang timing hugaw naB1: kay sakto man sad kaaio naB2: naB1: pagbalik nako, namalik man pod ang uban nakong kauban.. patay ka. Oy nganu ni change target man ka gud. Patay siyaB2: nganu gud tawn, nidagan siya ug kausa so alkansi siyag kahapak. B1: di paka muadto? Lapas nato siya.. gamit man ang melearly game gudB2: oh kai dili biya ingon ato. B1: nay dakog creek baB2: mu yield ka ato?B1: di mana siya musud, mubalik man gihapon na siyaB2: maghuwat kuno siya na mugawas ka..kay mu bat mana gamay..gamay lang gudB1: pangita rag apps. Kitas kuan na walay, givanguard na pero walay gi life stealB2: giunsa man?B1: gi daiso ran aB2: unsa?B1: si lanaya baB2: vanguard?B1: uhmm vanguard nya daiso ra. BuresaB2: ay oh diay daiso diay. Samoka. Gbutangan ug kilay draybera. Gi in ana ay..B1: sakit kay, sakit kay ang daiso B2: red ug kuanB1: giletteB2: gilettekaybaw ko musteal kaB1: dafuq dafuqB2: kaybaw ko musteal ka ..kaybaw koB1: giatayB2: adto na padung ang leeway. Mana mana..B1: tira na pod. B2: kabaw ko musteal kaB1:Agay ka sakit!B2: ahh, kaabot man! Wa nay gamitB1: oh, walay gamit. Fail!B2: mura raman kanang..nay gibatol, ig tindog mu effect rag iyaha. Karun ka lang..send nlng nakoB1: gi tumblingB2: animal. B1: kadali ka kadrive giatayB2: wa man pod nay heat bunB1: palit na palit na daangalinga uy!B2: galinga uyB1: nay meaningB2: hugaw niana. remote natopaluparon na nako siya ay. Ako nyay palupadB1: kanang was item mura magB2: hala maigo man diay nas kuan diayB1: pamutola walay uyB2: igo na uyB1: tay meaning napod. Pabutha pabutha! Sus sayanga!B2: not clear..la! laina oh di palibre ganina. Ganina rapod toh ah!B1: fra! Fro! Patay na na. idol jeprey!B2: laughsB1: di ko musud klaseB2: ako giingnan ako uyab naa koi klase hangtod 6:30..daiso diay noh ataya..pwede ra daiso noh niya wala nalay kuan butterflyB1: sa asa dae 27 janelle diay.B2: nganu diay?B1: Paulion ko niyas amoa..B2:wala diay mui internet?B1: ha? paminaw nako naas amoa niya kuhaon niya runB2: kuwangolB1: agay oh! Nasayop Wrong timing man ka ana. niya kung mka ties miming! Gali timing pajud! Timinga uyB2: buhi pa diay ka ? daan diri daan para mahibaw-an ta baB1: windmill..ig-a creeps baB2: kuwang nlngB1: na! lihok ko way gamit. Di man ko pwede mulihok gud. B2: di na cave nako. Ang clickkwanggol! Naa naman diay koi kuan diayappstoreB1: asa naman to imong kuan dri.B2: nay daghanB1: diba katung gbutang nimo dri ganina baaw ganina pa tohTime end: 6 minutes

1 nurse and 1 teacher and ang 1 kay graduate sa psych.. and then sila tulo kay nag law student pd at the same time..sa room 402 law school sa USC main.Gamit kay Iphone 5

Nagstart ko sa 5minutes to 10minutes

0:05:00.8 T1: kuan siya. kanang..0:05:01.2 T2: ma carry over ang bill sa next sa new trial?0:05:04.4 T1: new trial man siya so ang bill nimo is mu apply na sad to the new0:05:07.8 T2: new trial? 0:05:11.2 T1: kay. kaun baya siya, kanang di ba. ang ang end baya sa imohang ang lifetime baya sa imohang bill kay promulgation baya sa RTC0:05:19.6 T3: if if na conjudgement na ang RTC...0:05:23.7 T4: ((naa man to silas babaw ganiha))0:05:24.8 T3: if nakajudgement na ang R ang R.T.C, mubill napud kag lain sa CA?0:05:29.6 T1: depende. kung unsa ang imohang kuan judgement0:05:34.8 T3: ah.. ((noise))0:05:35.4 T1: kung before, kung wala pa natransfer ang record, sa RTC ra gihapon ka mu apply og bill, kUng strong ang evidEnce. pero ay o ay kung katong kato nga.. unsa tawag ani? kung kato nga.. grading something. pero if kato lage from bailable to non bailable. ay from bailable to non bailable dapat ay dili from [non bailable] to bailable before pa (xxx) ay sa (xxx) court0:05:53.5 T3: [non bailable (xxx)]Hon,nagtuon naka ani?0:06:00.6 T2 naa raba ta (xxx) class (xxx)0:06:04.3 T1: nine to... twelve0:06:07.6 T2: di ka musud ugma?0:06:09.7 T3: naa ra bay oraals0:06:09.8 T1: lage0:06:10.2 T5: when? sa 32 sa (xxx)((noise))0:06:16.5 T2: di paman tingay mo kareport ugma kay wa pami kasugod sa amo report0:06:20.1 T5: di ako kay mag andam nalang kay patay inig abot niya namo0:06:25.4 T1: pero basin sad kay paspason ni sir ba kay gaapas baya siyag oras. pila nalang. group two pa baya ha...group two pa baya ta [dayon kay kapila nalang ka weeks...((noise))0:06:36.3 T2: unsa mani?0:06:36.2 T1: chopstick nga iyag gihimog kuan uhm 0:06:40.5 T2: nindot baya ni. ganahan ko ani0:06:42.1 T5: [hala, asa ni gikan?0:06:41.9 T1: [di ko kabalo [mo0:06:44.9 T3: ew...feel nako. chocolate na siya0:06:48.1 T2: tilawi daw to (Mark)0:06:50.9 T4: asa ni siya gikan? ngano naabot man diri? yu..cks0:06:58.0 T3: giunsa nimo pag paniwang (xxx)? exercise ra na?0:07:04.0 T4: (xxx) kanang ning gain gyud kog five pounds0:07:05.4 T1: ako kay naglose ko og weight0:07:07.4 T4: uy grabiha oi! timbang gali gahapon sa buntag bitaw jud. one seventy tree0:07:10.8 T1: oy naglose ko og..0:07:12.4 T4: ay one eighty tree pounds0:07:13.3 T2: huwat sa nganong ing ana imong timbangan?0:07:14.6 T4: nagproblema nakog kaon pariha ato gabii, nagtimbang ko ganihang buntag one eighty [(xxx)]0:07:18.1 T1: [naa kay timbangan sa inyo?] bayota nimo oi0:07:20.5 T2: di huwat sa nganong ing ana..0:07:21.3 T1:oi naglose ko og six point six phounds0:07:23.1 T3: ahh ako wala. hadlok na bitaw ko mustep. hadlok na bitaw ko mu step og timbangan0:07:28.9 ((xxx))0:07:30.0 T1: wala pa gyud ka ever nilampag sa timbangan?0:07:24.2 T4: (xxx) katong tumbangan 0:07:32.9 T3: ka nice. hoy kaybaw ba ka [(xxx)high school. niya ako forty five man gud ko0:07:35.0 T2: [(xxx) timbangan 0:07:38.5 T1: kuan ko pag high school, forty six0:07:39.3 ((napay (xxx)))0:07:39.5 T3: HA??!! mas niwang pako nimo?0:07:42.2 T1: wala ko niniwang wala ko nitambok basta kana ra gyud. ako bitawng ako bitawng mga tshirt sa elementary igo pa nako ron0:07:49.7 T3: hoi niwang kau ko sa una Lei0:07:51.8 T4: ahahahah ikaw? hahaha picture beh0:07:55.2 T3: niwang man ko gud. sa una kay five gud ko ana.. and then nanambok ko0:08:05.1 T1: kuan na siya. mao nay ginaingon nga getting getting fat together0:08:07.1 T3: di man gud kay si (Max) kung mangon mi ba kay kaon jud na niya like tag tulo ka, di jud na siya musugot nga usa ra ka rice akong kan on dapat tulo jud na unya ang sud an pud niya kay lima pud kabuok sud an 0:08:20.7 T4: (nidaot) bitaw ka Shine0:08:23.8 T1: di oi katong pag0:08:25.5 T2:lisura di ay oi0:08:28.1 T2: di ba naa siyay (xxx)0:08:29.2 T4: asa ka naligo?0:08:31.3 T1: whoa! kabalo lage ka? naligo bitaw ko pag iintrams0:08:34.0 T2: kami kaya kuyuga unya (xxx)0:08:34.8 T1: o0:08:35.6 T2: di. kada.. mutuo ka?[ (xxx)]0:08:38.4 T1: [salbahis lage ka doh]0:08:39.9 T4: o kato lage. pakita lage sa picture (xxx)0:08:42.7 T2: abot kog seventy two0:08:45.6 T1: ge lang. nag gluta man ko gud0:08:49.0 T4: o nag gluta na siya pag summe..r0:08:49.6 T1: niundang ko kay labad jud kayu akong u kay tag tulo man ka 0:08:54.3 T4: pero effective baya kay namuti si Shine ato ((laugh))0:08:57.1 T1: tagtulo. Jul.. kay kuan man ka Jul noh nurse0:09:03.4 T4: (hala kay kuywa na siyag (xxx))0:09:04.3 T1: tagtulo ka..0:09:05.3 T4: puti kay dili daw tagduha(xxx)0:09:07.0 T2: murag powder (xxx)(mara kag kadako ni Chen)0:09:11.3 T4: huh?0:09:12.2 T1: di sad ing ana (xxx)0:09:13.6 T2: promise0:09:14.6 T4: kita kas picture wa pa?0:09:16.1 T1: kita ko pero dili na[ (xxx)0:09:17.0 T2: [ahh (xxx) lage si Joey niana nga..hay! mura gyug dili ikaw. as in sa Facebook0:09:23.9 T3: waa.. napa di ay ni pag asa ako lawas sa?0:09:24.9 T5: ((laugh))0:09:26.2 T2: ani mana, kabalo ka ang lawas flexible baya kayo. imohang frame is imoha ra bayang bones [so pwede pwede (xxx) mudaot gyud ka pag ayo..]0:09:31.3 T1: [ahhh.] nya gamay man kog bones[0:09:36.2 T3: [giunsa nimo pag discipline ang 0:09:37.8 T2: kuan.. di man siya disiplina Char. more on gicut down nako [ang... (xxx)]0:09:42.7 T1: [imong bone beh?]0:09:42.7 T3: disiplina mana0:09:45.7 T2: maanad raka. suwayi lage(xxx) one week walay walay soft drinks. di ba mada rana nimo0:09:53.9 T1: hoi ako man lagi0:09:56.5 T4: kabalo ka ngano ngano tambok ko?0:09:55.2 T3: ngano?0:09:55.3 T4: kay (xxx) kay grabe kayo ko katambok? we have to man gud sa akong uyab. if bulag nami, muniwang nako