curbing law student depression by paul hannan

Curbing Law Student Depression: Removing the Curve

Paul Hannan

Sacred Heart University

October 19, 2016

Running head: CURBING LAW STUDENT DEPRESSION 1

Abstract

There is a plethora of extant research evidencing the existence of deleterious elements in this

nation’s legal pedagogy. Yet no studies have succeeded in articulating the precise deleterious

elements at play. Thus, failing to identify these causal elements, it remains unsurprising that few

remedies have been offered to ameliorate these deleterious effects. To fight an enemy we must

know him, elsewise we will find ourselves aiming at the wrong target altogether. This study

believes that the most significant deleterious pedagogical element in today’s legal academy is the

ubiquitous grading curve. We suspect the severe grading curve utilized by all but a few law

schools, where as many as 70% of students are forced to possess a GPA of C+ or less, constitutes

the proverbial straw breaking the law student’s back; the psychological tipping point

precipitating stress-induced clinical depression for nearly half of law students nationwide. As

such, we expect the data collected will support our hypothesis that both law students approaching

graduation and lawyers two years into practice graded without a curve will show statistically

significant reductions in rates of clinical depression in comparison to the curve graded control

group. We further believe that the hypothesis stating there will be a 10 percent reduction in rates

of clinical depression among non-curved graduating law students in comparison to the curved

control group will be significantly realized. Moreover, we expect the hypothesis stating there

will be a 20 percent reduction in instances of clinical depression among non-curved practicing

lawyers two years after graduation, in comparison with the curved control group, will be

statistically supported. These findings, if achieved, will suggest a causal link between the

grading curve used by most law schools and the astonishingly high rates of depression found

among this nation’s law students and young lawyers.

CURBING LAW STUDENT DEPRESSION 2

Curbing Law Student Depression: Removing the Curve

Ever since the release of The Paper Chase (Osborn, 1971), the heightened stress levels

associated with the law school experience have become widely known. Yet few would suspect

that this pedagogical preparation is more stressful than any other graduate school experience

(Benjamin, Kaszniak, & Sales, 1986; Schiltz, 1999; Sheldon & Krieger, 2004), even the stress of

medical school (Sheehy & Horan, 2004). Astonishing to most, however, is that this stress causes

significant psychological injury where psychological health once prevailed. Yet what are the

particular elements of legal pedagogy that prove most stressful? Researchers have yet to explore

this question, let alone ascertain the mischievous deleterious elements at play. The purpose of

this study is to pick up where other researchers have left off. Thus, we seek to explore the causes

of legal pedagogical stress and identify the elements within the legal academy’s approach to

training lawyers that prove most harmful to the human personality.

Literature Review

Much has been written about the consequences of law school student stress (Alfini & Van

Vooren, 1995; Benjamin et al., 1986; Krieger, 1999; McKinney, 2002; Peterson & Peterson,

2009; Seligman, Verkuil, & Kang, 2005; Sheldon & Krieger, 2004; Tani & Vines, 2009) and the

staggering rates of clinical depression, rising toward 50 percent by the time of graduation, which

flow from these heightened stress levels (Agatstein, Arnold, Dempsey, Sonnenfeldt, & Weiss,

2014; Benjamin et al., 1986; Clark, 2015; Mauney, 2012; Schiltz, 1999; Sheldon & Krieger,

2007). Even more astounding, rather than stemming from a student population predisposed to

psychopathology, these high rates of depression derive from a graduate school populace as or

more psychologically robust than any other (Agatstein et al., 2015; Peterson & Peterson, 2007;


Sheldon & Krieger, 2007). Nonetheless, while assertions of psychic harm stand buttressed by a

plethora of scientific literature, social scientists have yet to adequately assess, and thus identify,

elements within the legal academy’s pedagogical approach that prove so deleterious to the

human personality. And while many researchers cursorily presume that the Socratic method

constitutes the most harmful of these elements (Alfini & Van Vooren, 1995; Benjamin et al.,

1986; Krieger, 1999; McKinney, 2002; Peterson & Peterson, 2009; Sheldon & Krieger, 2004,

2007; Tani & Vines, 2009), research evidencing an appreciable reduction in the use of that

pedagogical approach precludes this deduction (Kerr,1999). Nevertheless, the Socratic method,

where still in use, remains a considerable source of law student stress (Paul, 2012).

The vast majority of researchers choosing to assess the deleterious effects of the law

school experience have focused their analytical lenses on the question of whether law school is

harmful to the human personality (Agatstein et al., 2014; Alfini & Van Vooren, 1995; Benjamin

et al., 1986; Clark, 2015; Krieger, 1999; Mauney, 2012; McKinney, 2002; Peterson & Peterson,

2009; Schiltz, 1999; Seligman et al., 2005; Sheldon & Krieger, 2007; Tani & Vines, 2009).

Sheldon and Krieger (2004) discuss the many undermining psychological effects of a legal

education today. They do so, however, by assessing resultant student shifts in intrinsic

motivation as opposed to identifying the particular elements of this nation’s legal pedagogy that

prove so deleterious to the human personality (Sheldon & Krieger, 2004). Others have moved

slightly beyond this nascent stage. For instance, Agatstein et al. (2014) looked not only at the

psychopathology generated by law school pedagogy, but considered ways to ameliorate the

resulting psychological distress as well. Notably, Agatstein et al. (2014) recommended an

increase in the availability of mental health practitioners within law schools, while increasing the


quality of these counselors’ care as well. Moreover, after conducting research on the nexus

between clinical depression and the law school experience Peterson and Peterson (2009),

drawing from the wealth of knowledge that positive psychology affords, posited that an

intervention highlighting student strengths would prove efficacious. Further, research conducted

by Sheldon and Krieger (2007) evidenced that a specific type of self-efficacy intervention holds

great promise. Moving one step further, researchers Sheehy and Horan (2004) provided an

intervention designed to inoculate law students from the inevitable stress to come. And while

their sample size was minuscule, the intervention itself, which utilized improved teaching

methods, proved effectual (Sheehy & Horan, 2004).

While most of the aforementioned researchers readily confirm the existence of

deleterious elements in the legal academy’s pedagogical approach, and two studies (Peterson &

Peterson, 2009; Sheldon & Krieger, 2007) make recommendations for interventions, only one

study has, amidst all the extant research, taken the further step of providing an intervention

(Sheehy & Horan, 2004). Thus, the most profound gap in the scientific literature stems from the

reticence of researchers to point to any one particular causal element, or combination thereof.

Hence, contemporary researchers have merely confirmed what is widely known; law school has

a deleterious effect on the psychological well-being of those subjecting themselves to its rigors.

If we wish, however, to curtail the psychological casualties left in its pedagogical wake,

researchers must necessarily take their analysis of legal pedagogy one step further; the

deleterious elements within the legal academy’s approach to training this nation’s lawyers must

be identified. Once ascertained, scientifically informed pedagogical remedies must be


implemented. This is the task undertaken herein, as the specific elements of today’s legal

pedagogy that prove most deleterious are explored.

While researchers of the past (Agatstein et al., 2014; Alfini & Van Vooren, 1995;

Benjamin et al., 1986; Clark, 2015; Krieger, 1999; Mauney, 2012; McKinney, 2002; Peterson &

Peterson, 2009; Schiltz, 1999; Seligman et al., 2005; Sheldon & Krieger, 2004, 2007; Suvor &

Gibson, 2008; Tani & Vines, 2009) confirmed their suspicions that the legal academy’s

pedagogical approach is harmful to the human personality, their research falls short of

identifying which particular methodologies are likely to cause, or even contribute to the

significant psychological distress to follow. Thus, there remains this need for researchers to

identify the causal elements within the legal academy’s pedagogy that are most deleterious.

The Law School Grading Curve

Extant literature incontrovertibly supports the assertion that stress levels within the legal

academy lead to significant levels of psychopathology both during law school and in the many

years to come (Alfini & Van Vooren, 1995; Benjamin et al., 1986; Krieger, 1999; McKinney,

2002; Peterson & Peterson, 2009; Seligman et al., 2005; Sheldon & Krieger, 2004, 2007; Tani &

Vines, 2009). And there are, undoubtedly, elements of the legal academy’s pedagogical approach

that exacerbate the already off the chart stress levels inherent to the traditional law school

experience. Apart from any, arguably superfluous, stress-inducing teaching and grading

methodologies implemented, there stands the invariably crushing workload, where twelve hours

of devoted study per day, each day of the week, may prove insufficient for many. Thus,

whatever free time exists proves scant, if at all.


Amidst this seemingly insurmountable workload stands two stress-inducing pedagogical

elements that are most pronounced. The first of these, the Socratic method, is a pedagogical

approach made infamous by The Paper Chase (Osborn, 1971). The heightened and never ending

stress associated with the fear of being called upon, a consequence of the intellectual and

emotional berating to invariably follow, is enough to create PTSD-like symptoms in most

(Peterson & Peterson, 2009; Sheehy & Horan, 2004; Sheldon & Krieger, 2004). And the

subsequent humiliation suffered when a student mishandles this Socratic encounter adds further

insult to injury. In the hands of the wrong professor, an unconscionable few taking sadistic

pleasure in observing their markedly inferior plebes buckle under their relentless interrogations,

this pedagogical tool turns into a psychological weapon, leaving shattered personalities in its

wake (Benjamin et al., 1986; Osborn, 1971).

There is, however, evidence that this most infamous form of Socratic pedagogy is being

watered down appreciably, with law professors seeking to distill its virtues while discarding its

dross (Kerr, 1999). Further, the application of the Socratic method is experiencing diminished

use among law schools nationwide (Kerr, 1999). Yet the shockingly high rates of clinical

depression among this country’s law students have in no way diminished (Alfini & Van Vooren,

1995; Benjamin et al., 1986; Krieger, 1999; McKinney, 2002; Peterson & Peterson, 2009;

Sheldon & Krieger, 2004, 2007; Tani & Vines, 2009). And instances of clinical depression

among practicing lawyers is on the rise (Beck, Sales, & Benjamin, 1995; Flores & Arce, 2014;

Krill, Johnson, & Albert, 2016; Lukasik, 2016; Mauney, 2012; Weiss, 2009, 2013). Thus,

causality between the Socratic method and the stupefying rates of clinical depression discovered

within the law student population (Alfini & Van Vooren, 1995; Benjamin et al., 1986; Gibson,


2010; Krieger, 1999; McKinney, 2002; Peterson & Peterson, 2009; Sheldon & Krieger, 2004,

2007; Tani & Vines, 2009) and legal profession (Krill et al., 2016; Lukasik, 2016; Mauney, 2012;

Weiss, 2009, 2013) can hardly be established. Thus, while the noxious aftereffects of the

Socratic method may, in its purest forms, be adding fuel to the psychopathological fire that

exists, it cannot plausibly be accused of setting the blaze. Yet if the infamously stressful Socratic

method does not constitute the primary cause of these astonishingly high rates of clinical

depression, psychological injuries making future lawyers twice as likely to succumb to

reoccurrences of this same psychopathology in the future (Shank, 2006), then what is? The

present study believes that it is another markedly stressful element within the legal academy’s

pedagogy that constitutes that foremost cause. We believe that the grading curve, which forces

as many as 70 percent of a law school’s student body to possess a GPA of C+ or less, may prove

to be that causal element (Hannan, 2015).

Undergraduate grade inflation exacerbates curve generated stress. Juxtaposed with

forcing the vast majority of law students to reside in these lower echelon GPA tiers, stands the

unyielding tide of grade inflation among this nation’s undergraduate institutions (Grant, 2016).

Recent evidence suggests that nearly half of all college students are receiving grades within the

A range (Grant, 2016). Surely, students accustomed to garnering all A’s in college who

subsequently find themselves unable to exceed a GPA of C in law school, where these students’

personal identities are invariably intertwined with their intellectual selves, will suffer

psychological injury.

Laid upon this injury is the considerable financial stress accorded to an all but certain loss

of merit scholarships when a student’s GPA falls below a B (Segal, 2011). Nonetheless, what


may constitute the greatest source of curve related stress has yet to be addressed. It stems from

the likelihood that these students will face expulsion whenever their GPA falls, however

temporarily, below a C. And it is, perhaps, the act of being forced to hover so close, and for so

long, to that dreaded mark that constitutes the lion’s share of curve generated stress.

After all the elements of curve related stress are tallied, this patently superfluous grading

methodology may prove to be the psychological tipping point for many, precipitating their slide

into a stress-induced clinical depression from which few will be fully extricated (Lukasik, 2016;

Shenk, 2006). Indeed, this psychopathological event is no triteful matter, for even one incident

of clinical depression irreparably harms a student’s person, making that student twice as likely to

suffer episodes of clinical depression as a practicing attorney over the many years to come

(Shenk, 2006). And for lawyers, these depressive reoccurrences are too often expressed through

alcoholism or suicide.

While numerous extant studies assess the dependent variable of clinical depression

among law students and new lawyers (Alfini & Van Vooren, 1995; Benjamin et al., 1986;

Krieger, 1999; McKinney, 2002; Peterson & Peterson, 2009; Seligman et al., 2005; Sheldon &

Krieger, 2004, 2007; Tani & Vines, 2009), researchers have yet to investigate the independent

variable of the law school grading curve. Thus, researchers have failed to assess the probable

deleterious effects of grading curve generated stress on the psychological well-being of law

students, let alone ascertain whether that stress constitutes the primary causal element to the

extraordinarily high clinical depression rates discovered.

The research question is whether the stress generated by the ubiquitous law school

grading curve constitutes the primal causal element for the staggering instances of clinical


depression found in today’s law students and new lawyers. Hence, this study seeks to examine

whether removing the grading curve will produce statistically significant reductions in rates of

clinical depression among law students and young lawyers.

Hypothesis 1: Law students approaching graduation and lawyers two years into practice who

were graded without a curve will, based on the administration of the Beck Depression Inventory-

II (BDI-II, 1996; Beck, Steer & Brown, 1996), show a statistically significant reduction in rates

of clinical depression when compared to the curve graded control group.

Hypothesis 2: There will be a 10 percent reduction in rates of clinical depression, as measured

by the Beck Depression Inventory-II (BDI-II, 1996; Beck, Steer & Brown, 1996), among non-

curved graduating law students in comparison to the curved control group.

Hypothesis 3: There will be a 20 percent reduction in instances of clinical depression, as

measured by the Beck Depression Inventory-II (BDI-II, 1996; Beck, Steer & Brown, 1996),

among non-curved practicing lawyers two years after graduation in comparison with the curved

control group.

Method

Participants

Participants in this study will be law school students attending a small private law school

in Montgomery, Alabama. Approximately 35 percent of the students in attendance will be from

Alabama, while the remaining student body will come from as many as 20 different states. The

ages of these students will range from 21 to 49. Participation will be voluntary.

Students in the first year’s entering class will be graded without the curve used by the law

school since its ABA accreditation 10 years ago. The intervention group will be comprised of


law students who volunteer to be participants in the study. All intervention group participants

will be required to sign an informed consent form.

Students in the subsequent year’s entering class will constitute the control group, who

will be graded with the same curve used prior to its removal. As with the intervention group, the

control group will be comprised of law students who volunteer to participate in the study. All

control group participants will be required to sign an informed consent form.

As participation in the study remains optional, a modest financial incentive will be

offered in an attempt to bolster student participation. Thus, eight $100 gift cards will be awarded

to randomly selected participants who complete all three phases of the study. Funding for the

gift cards will be provided by the law school.

Materials and Measures

The Beck Depression Inventory-II (see Appendix A) will be used as the study’s measure.

The Beck Depression Inventory (BDI-II, 1996; Beck, Steer, & Brown, 1996) is a pencil and

paper test comprised of 21 groups of assertions. Participants are asked to choose one of 4 answer

choices that best describes their moods, appetites, and levels of physical exhaustion.

An example of a test question includes the following: (0) I make decisions about as well

as I ever could; (1) I put off making decisions more than I used to; (2) I have greater difficulty in

making decisions more than I used to; or, (3) I can't make decisions at all anymore.

Once acquired, the depression-indicative scores allocated to each answer choice will be

added up using the BDI-II scale (see Appendix B). In accordance with the rubrics of that scale,

participants scoring in excess of 20 will be deemed to be suffering clinical levels of depression

(BDI-II, 1996). The Beck Depression Inventory-II is now the most widely used test in the world


for identifying clinical depression among individuals, as its reliability and validity has been

shown to be impressive in previous research (Kumar, Steer, Teitelman, & Villacis, 2002; Osman,

Kopper, Barrios, Gutierrez, & Bagge, 2004; Steer et al., 1999; Subica et al., 2014). After testing

for reliability, Steer et al., (1999) found a coefficient alpha of .91.

Procedure

All participants will receive an informed consent form (see Appendix C). For the

intervention group, which involves participants graded without a curve, an email inviting them to

participate in the study will be sent out five days prior to orientation week. For the subsequent

year’s class, constituting the control group that has the grading curve reinstated, an identical

invitation procedure will be utilized.

The Beck Depression Inventory-II (BDI-II, 1996; Beck et al., 1996) will be administered

to all volunteers during orientation week, when academic stress is scant. After baselines for the

intervention and control groups are established, the Beck Depression Inventory-II (BDI-II, 1996;

Beck et al., 1996) will be administered as a posttest one month prior to these law students’

graduation. Further, to assess the extent to which heightened levels of depression carry on into a

young lawyer’s life, the Beck Depression Inventory-II (BDI-II, 1996; Beck et al., 1996) will be

administered as a second posttest two years after graduation. Once the results from the second

posttest are assessed, participants will be debriefed. The debriefing session will provide

information about the purpose of the study and whether the original hypotheses were realized.

Proposed Data Analysis

The data analysis will focus on the relationship between the grading curve and depression

as measured by the Beck Depression Inventory-II (BDI-II, 1996; Beck et al., 1996). The first


hypothesis states that both law students approaching graduation and lawyers two years into

practice that were graded without a curve will, based on the administration of the Beck

Depression Inventory-II (BDI-II, 1996; Beck et al., 1996), show a statistically significant

reduction in rates of clinical depression in comparison to the curve graded control group.

Statistical significance will be measured by employing a dependent t test. Several researchers

(Seggar, Lambert, & Hansen, 2002; Tingey, Lambert, Burlingame, & Hansen, 2010) recommend

this test for assessing Beck Depression Inventory results. Because the study involves only one

independent variable, a one-way ANOVA will be employed to further assess the data, with alpha

set at 0.05, two-tailed.

It is anticipated that the next hypothesis, that there will be a 10 percent reduction in rates

of clinical depression as measured by the Beck Depression Inventory-II (BDI-II, 1996; Beck et

al., 1996) among non-curved graduating law students in comparison to the curved control group,

will be supported by statistically significant findings. We expect that rates of clinical depression

will appreciably decrease among the non-curved group of law students. Statistical significance

will be measured by employing a dependent t test. A one-way ANOVA will be used to further

assess the data, with alpha set at 0.05, two-tailed.

We expect our third hypothesis, that there will be a 20 percent reduction in rates of

clinical depression, as measured by the Beck Depression Inventory-II (BDI-II, 1996; Beck et al.,

1996), among non-curved practicing lawyers two years after graduation in comparison to the

curved control group, will be statistically bolstered. We expect that rates of clinical depression

will significantly decrease among the non-curved new lawyer group. Statistical significance will

be measured by employing a dependent t test. Because the study involves only one independent


variable, a one-way ANOVA will be used to further assess the data, with alpha set at 0.05, two-

tailed.

Discussion

It is anticipated that the study will show a significant difference in levels of depression

between the control and intervention groups, both at graduation and two years post-graduation.

Specifically, we anticipate that depression levels in the non-curved intervention group will be

significantly lower in comparison to the control group. Researchers have, over the last few

years, discovered that high levels of chronic stress often precipitate clinical depression

(Hildebrandt, 2012; Hsu, 2012; Seo et al., 2016). Thus, we expect that by reducing stress levels

rates of clinical depression will decrease and our hypotheses will be supported.

Strengths of the Research Study

Strengths of the study include a relatively large sample size, volunteers derived from a

class size of 130. The benefit of using a large sample size is that it produces results that are more

statistically sound; with more variety to sample from, the deductions hold more weight. Small

sample sizes, conversely, often produce questionable results, even where the deductions show

statistical significance. Moreover, as both the control and intervention groups will come from

the same law school, and thus nearly identical sample pools, opportunities for data conflation

will be minimized. Because of the similarities involved, countervailing explanations for

statistically significant results will be lessened. For instance, a concern regarding disparate IQ

range effects on the data will be minimized where the sample is derived from individuals

inhabiting quite similar intelligence ranges. Further, because findings from the intervention

group will be compared with data obtained from a control group, the validity of these data will


be increased. By contrasting control group data with data obtained from an intervention group

the null hypothesis is more readily disproved.

A further strength of the study is that measurements will be assessed by administering the

Beck Depression Inventory-II (BDI-II, 1996; Beck et al., 1996), now the most widely used test in

the world for identifying clinical depression among individuals, as its reliability and validity has

been shown to be impressive in previous research (Kumar et al., 2002; Osman et al., 2004; Steer

et al., 1999; Subica et al., 2014).

Weaknesses of the Study

One potential weaknesses of the study is the possibility that the intervention and control

groups will appreciably differ in their academic credentials upon matriculation. Over the last

four years law schools have been lowering their admissions standards to fill seats that would

otherwise be left empty (Hansen, 2016; Rivard, 2015). And while there is evidence this trend is

reversing (O’Connor, 2015), there is no assurance that any rebound in academic credentials will

continue, or whether the law school that is the subject of this study will experience similar

resiliency in the credentials of students deciding to matriculate there.

A further weakness of the study is that it is limited to a small, lower-ranking private law

school in the South. Factors such as lower average intelligence ranges in comparison to most

other law schools, low teacher-student ratios that provide a more personal academic atmosphere,

and more efforts by law school administrators to curb the effects of law school stress, may

produce results that are atypical in comparison to most other law schools.


Future Research Directions

While data in this present study will be drawn from a sample of students attending a

small private law school that is ranked in the bottom quartile of the 205 law schools in existence

(Startclass, 2016), future data should be drawn from a panoply of law schools (ABA, 2016).

For instance, research gleaned from state law schools should be juxtaposed with data from

private schools. Moreover, greater geographic diversity should be achieved. And studies of high

ranking law schools should be conjoined to data derived from schools residing in the more

humble ranking echelons. Outcomes from moderately ranked law schools should be assessed as

well.

While opportunities for improving the present study undoubtedly exist, a different

approach to this research would be helpful as well. For instance, Harvard Law School--where

the prevalence of Socrates-like existential depression likely has an exacerbating effect on rates of

student depression (Troia, 2013)--grades its students on an Honors, Pass, Low Pass, or Fail basis

during all three years of law school (HLS, 2016). Moreover, Harvard utilizes neither curve nor

rankings in its grading pedagogy (HLS, 2016). And, impressively, Harvard, takes great pains to

ensure their law students receive high quality mental health care; treatment and availability on

par with or superior to the many law schools studied (Agatstein et al., 2014). Thus, Harvard

Law’s decision to grade its students on a more relaxed grading scheme, during what is,

incontrovertibly, the most stressful period of any American student’s life (HLS, 2016), begs the

question of whether this pedagogical approach significantly reduces instances of stress-induced

depression among its law students. Regrettably, studies assessing what effect, if any, Harvard

Law’s more comfortable pedagogy has on ameliorating the depressive link discussed herein have


yet to be initiated. Surely, research evaluating the ameliorative effect of this grading

methodology on instances of law student depression would be helpful in moving this body of

research one step further. And if the results of the aforementioned research prove consistent with

our own beliefs, Harvard Law School’s grading pedagogy, with its quality mental health services

to match, should likely be employed elsewhere, perhaps even at all law schools in general

(Agatstein et al., 2014).

To fight an enemy one must know him, and to know that enemy is to identify him. This

study believes that the most significant deleterious pedagogical element, and thus enemious

source, in today’s legal academy is the ubiquitous grading curve. As such, we expect the data

collected will support our hypotheses that reductions in law student stress will reduce instances

of stress-induced clinical depression among law students. These findings, if realized, will

suggest a causal link between the grading curve used in law school and the astonishingly high

rates of depression found in this nation’s law students and young lawyers.


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Appendix A

The Beck Depression Inventory-II

This depression inventory can be self-scored. The scoring scale is at the end of the questionnaire.

1.

0 I do not feel sad.

1 I feel sad

2 I am sad all the time and I can't snap out of it.

3 I am so sad and unhappy that I can't stand it.

2.

0 I am not particularly discouraged about the future.

1 I feel discouraged about the future.

2 I feel I have nothing to look forward to.

3 I feel the future is hopeless and that things cannot improve.

3.

0 I do not feel like a failure.

1 I feel I have failed more than the average person.

2 As I look back on my life, all I can see is a lot of failures.

3 I feel I am a complete failure as a person.

4.

0 I get as much satisfaction out of things as I used to.

1 I don't enjoy things the way I used to.

2 I don't get real satisfaction out of anything anymore.

3 I am dissatisfied or bored with everything.


5.

0 I don't feel particularly guilty

1 I feel guilty a good part of the time.

2 I feel quite guilty most of the time.

3 I feel guilty all of the time.

6.

0 I don't feel I am being punished.

1 I feel I may be punished.

2 I expect to be punished.

3 I feel I am being punished.

7.

0 I don't feel disappointed in myself.

1 I am disappointed in myself.

2 I am disgusted with myself.

3 I hate myself.

8.

0 I don't feel I am any worse than anybody else.

1 I am critical of myself for my weaknesses or mistakes.

2 I blame myself all the time for my faults.

3 I blame myself for everything bad that happens.


9.

0 I don't have any thoughts of killing myself.

1 I have thoughts of killing myself, but I would not carry them out.

2 I would like to kill myself.

3 I would kill myself if I had the chance.

10.

0 I don't cry any more than usual.

1 I cry more now than I used to.

2 I cry all the time now.

3 I used to be able to cry, but now I can't cry even though I want to.

11.

0 I am no more irritated by things than I ever was.

1 I am slightly more irritated now than usual.

2 I am quite annoyed or irritated a good deal of the time.

3 I feel irritated all the time.

12.

0 I have not lost interest in other people.

1 I am less interested in other people than I used to be.

2 I have lost most of my interest in other people.

3 I have lost all of my interest in other people.


13.

0 I make decisions about as well as I ever could.

1 I put off making decisions more than I used to.

2 I have greater difficulty in making decisions more than I used to.

3 I can't make decisions at all anymore.

14.

0 I don't feel that I look any worse than I used to.

1 I am worried that I am looking old or unattractive.

2 I feel there are permanent changes in my appearance that make me look

unattractive

3 I believe that I look ugly.

15.

0 I can work about as well as before.

1 It takes an extra effort to get started at doing something.

2 I have to push myself very hard to do anything.

3 I can't do any work at all.

16.

0 I can sleep as well as usual.

1 I don't sleep as well as I used to.

2 I wake up 1-2 hours earlier than usual and find it hard to get back to sleep.

3 I wake up several hours earlier than I used to and cannot get back to sleep.


17.

0 I don't get more tired than usual.

1 I get tired more easily than I used to.

2 I get tired from doing almost anything.

3 I am too tired to do anything.

18.

0 My appetite is no worse than usual.

1 My appetite is not as good as it used to be.

2 My appetite is much worse now.

3 I have no appetite at all anymore.

19.

0 I haven't lost much weight, if any, lately.

1 I have lost more than five pounds.

2 I have lost more than ten pounds.

3 I have lost more than fifteen pounds.

20.

0 I am no more worried about my health than usual.

1 I am worried about physical problems like aches, pains, upset stomach, or

constipation.

2 I am very worried about physical problems and it's hard to think of much else.

3 I am so worried about my physical problems that I cannot think of anything else.


21.

0 I have not noticed any recent change in my interest in sex.

1 I am less interested in sex than I used to be.

2 I have almost no interest in sex.

3 I have lost interest in sex completely.


Appendix B

Interpreting The Beck Depression Inventory-II

To interpret the Beck Inventory Depression score, add up the scores for each of the

twenty-one questions by counting the number to the right of each question you marked. The

highest possible total for the whole test would be sixty-three. This would mean you circled

number three on all twenty-one questions. Since the lowest possible score for each question is

zero, the lowest possible score for the test would be zero. This would mean you circles zero on

each question. You can evaluate your depression according to the Table below.

Total Score____________________Levels of Depression

1-10____________________These ups and downs are considered normal

11-16___________________ Mild mood disturbance

17-20___________________Borderline clinical depression

21-30___________________Moderate depression

31-40___________________Severe depression

over 40__________________Extreme depression


Appendix C

Consent Form for Anonymous Study Participation

You are being invited to participate in a research study about law student and young

lawyer depression, and how proposed changes in pedagogical approaches to training lawyers

may ameliorate those conditions. This research project is being conducted by Paul Hannan, J.D.,

a candidate for an M.S. in Psychology. Participation in the study will give you an approximate

10% chance to win a $100 gift card. Funding for the gift cards is provided by your law school.

There are no known risks if you decide to participate in this research study, nor are there

any costs for participating in the study. As a new lawyer who sat in your shoes quite recently,

your anonymity is extremely important to me. Like the many law school exams to come, you

will be allocated a number to protect your anonymity. All connections between your personal

identity and your assigned number will be destroyed once the participation group is established.

Your anonymity will be further protected in that the tests administered will be online and

processed through an organization independent of the law school and our study.

The information you provide will help us understand how approaches to legal education

can be improved, making for a happier and healthier generation of lawyers in the years to come.

The information collected may not benefit you directly, but the information gleaned from the

study should provide a general benefit to future law students and lawyers alike.

This study is anonymous. If you choose to participate, you will not have the ability to

write your name, or otherwise indicate your identity, anywhere in the 21 prompt questionnaire.

As such, no one will be able to identity you, nor will anyone be able to determine whether you

participated in the study. Nothing you say on the questionnaire will in any way influence your


present standing as a law student, nor will it in any way effect your opportunities for future

employment in the legal profession or elsewhere. To be included in this study, you must check

the consent box on the first page of the questionnaire emailed to you.

If you have any questions about participating in the study you may email me at

[email protected].

The format and some of the content is derived from Michigan Tech (2016) consent forms page.
