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en.wikipedia.org http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ba'athist_Iraq

Ba'athist Iraq

Iraqi Republic

al-Jumhūrīyah al-‘Irāqīyah

← 1968–2003 →

Motto"Wahda, Hurriyah, Ishtirakiyah" (1968–1991)

(English: "Unity, Freedom, Socialism")

" Allāhu Akbar " (1991–2003)(English: "God is the Greatest")

Anthem" Ardulfurataini Watan" (1981–2003)(English: "The Land of the Two Rivers")

Capital Baghdad

Languages Arabic

Religion Islam

Government Ba'athist single-party stateTotalitarian state

President

- 1968–1979 Hassan al-Bakr (first)

- 1979–2003 Saddam Hussein (last)

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Prime Minister

- 1968 Abd an-Naif (first)

- 1994–2003 Saddam Hussein (last)

Legislature National Assembly

Historical era 20th century, 21st century

- Ba'athist coup July 17, 1968

- Iran–Iraq War 1980–88

- Persian Gulf War 1990–91

- 2003 invasion of Iraq April 21, 2003

Area

- 2003 438,317 km² (169,235 sq mi)

Population

- 2003 est. 25,175,000

Density 57.4 /km² (148.8 /sq mi)

Currency Iraqi dinar (IQD)

Internet TLD .iq

Calling code +964

Part of a series on the

History of Iraq

Ancient Iraq

Classical Iraq

Medieval Iraq

20th-century Iraq

Mandatory IraqKingdom of Iraq

Republic of Iraq

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Iraqi Republic (1958–68)

Ba'athist Iraq

Occupation of Iraq

Modern Iraq

Iraq portal

Ba'athist Iraq covers the history of the Republic of Iraq from 1968 to 2003, during the period of the Arab Socialist

Ba'ath Party's rule. This period began with high economic growth and soaring prosperity, but ended with Iraq

facing social, political, and economic stagnation. The average annual income decreased because of several

external factors, and several internal policies of the regime.

Iraqi President Abdul Rahman Arif , and Iraqi Prime Minister Tahir Yahya, were ousted during a July 17 coup d'état

led by Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr of the Ba'ath Party, which had previously held power in 1963 and was led primarily

by al-Bakr, its leader, and Saddam Hussein.[1] Saddam through his post as de facto chief of the party's intelligenceservices, became the country's de facto leader by the mid-1970s, and became de jure leader in 1979 when he

succeeded al-Bakr in office as President. During al-Bakr's de jure rule, the country's economy grew, and Iraq's

standing within the Arab world increased. However, several internal factors were threatening the country's stability,

among them the country's conflict with Iran and the Shia Muslim community. An external problem was the border

conflict with Iran, which would contribute to the Iran–Iraq War .

Saddam became President of Iraq, Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council , Prime Minister and Genera

Secretary of the Regional Command of the Ba'ath Party in 1979, during a wave of anti-regime protests in Iraq led

by the Shia community. The Ba'ath Party, which was secular in nature, harshly repressed the protests. Another

policy change was Iraq's foreign policy towards Iran, a Shia Muslim country. Deteriorating relations eventually led

to the Iran–Iraq War , which started in 1980 when Iraq launched a full-scale invasion of Iran. Following the 1979

Iranian revolution, the Iraqis believed the Iranians to be weak, and thus an easy target for their military. This notion

proved to be incorrect, and the war lasted for eight years. Iraq's economy deteriorated during the war, and the

country became dependent on foreign donations to fund their war effort. The war ended in a stalemate when a

ceasefire was reached in 1988, which resulted in a status quo ante bellum.

When the war ended, Iraq found itself in the midst of an economic depression, owed millions of dollars to foreign

countries, and was unable to repay its creditors. Kuwait, which had deliberately increased oil output following the

war, reducing international oil prices, further weakened the Iraqi economy. In response to this, Saddam threatened

Kuwait that, unless it reduced its oil output, Iraq would invade. Negotiations broke down, and on August 2, 1990,

Iraq launched an invasion of Kuwait. The resulting international outcry led to the Persian Gulf War , which Iraq lost.The United Nations (U.N.) initiated economic sanctions in the war's aftermath to weaken the Ba'athist Iraqi

government. The country's economic conditions worsened during the 1990s, and at the turn of the 21st century,

Iraq's economy started to grow again as several states ignored U.N. sanctions. In the wake of the September 11

attacks of 2001, the United States, under President George W. Bush, initiated a Global War on Terrorism, and

labelled Iraq as a part of an " Axis of Evil". The United States, along with several other allied countries, invaded

Iraq in March 2003, and the Ba'athist Iraqi government was deposed less than a month later.

Contents

[hide]

History[edit]

1968 coup[edit]

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Main article: 17 July Revolution

In contrast to previous coups d'état in Iraq's history, the 1968 coup, referred to as the 17 July Revolution, was,

according to Con Coughlin, "a relatively civil affair". The coup started in the early hours of 17 July, when a number

of military units and civilian ba'athists seized several key government and military buildings; these included the

Ministry of Defence, the electricity station, radio stations, all the city's bridges and "a number of military bases". All

telephone lines were cut at 03:00, by which time several tanks had been commanded to halt in front of the

Presidential Palace. Abdul Rahman Arif , the then-President of Iraq, first knew of the coup when jubilant members

of the Republican Guard started shooting into the air in "a premature triumph". Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr , the leader of the operation, told Arif about his situation through military communication hardware at the base of operations.

Arif asked for more time, during which he contacted other military units to seek support. As he soon found out, the

odds were against him, and he surrendered. Arif telephoned al-Bakr and told him that he was willing to resign; to

show his gratitude, al-Bakr guaranteed his safety. al-Bakr's deputies, Hardan al-Tikriti and Saleh Omar al-Ali , were

ordered to give Arif this message in person. Arif and his wife and son were quickly sent on the first available flight

to London, UK. Later that morning, a ba'athist broadcast announced that a new government had been established.

The coup was carried out with such ease that no lives was lost.

The coup succeeded because of contributions made by the military; the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party was not stron

enough to take power by itself. The Ba'ath Party managed to make a deal with Abd ar-Razzaq an-Naif , the deputy

head of military intelligence, and Ibrahim Daud, the head of the Republican Guard. Both Naif and Daud knew that

the long-term survival of Arif's and Tahir Yahya's government looked bleak, but also knew that the ba'athists

needed them if the coup was to be successful. For his participation in the coup, Naif demanded to be given the

post of Prime Minister after the coup as a reward, and a symbol for his strength. Daud was also "rewarded" with a

post; he became Minister of Defence. However, not everything was going according to Naif's and Daud's plan; al-

Bakr had told the Ba'ath leadership in a secret meeting that the two would be liquidated either "during, or after, the

revolution".

al-Bakr, as the leader of the coup's military operation, retained his position as Regional Secretary of the Ba'ath

Party, and was elected to the posts of Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council , President and Prime

Minister. In the immediate aftermath of the coup, a power struggle developed between al-Bakr and Naif. In allpracticality, Naif should have had the upper hand; he was a respected officer and was supported by the common

soldier. al-Bakr, however, proved to be more cunning, persuasive and organised than Naif, Daud and their

supporters. One of al-Bakr's first decisions in office was to appoint over 100 new officers to the Republican Guard.

Saddam Hussein worked, in the meantime, to establish the party's security and intelligence organisation to

combat its enemies. On 29 July, Daud left for a tour to Jordan to inspect the Iraqi troops located there following th

Six Day War with Israel. The following day, Naif was invited to eat lunch at the Presidential Palace with al-Bakr,

during which Saddam burst into the room with three accomplices and threatened Naif with death. Naif responded

by crying out; "I have four children". Saddam ordered Naif to leave Iraq immediately if he wanted to live. Naif

complied, was exiled to Morocco. An assassination attempt in 1973 was unsuccessful, but he was assassinated in

London on the orders of Saddam in 1978. Daud shared a similar fate, and was exiled to Saudi Arabia. TheBa'athist were by no means ensured of victory; if any of Naif's supporters had known of the operation against him,

Baghdad could have become the centre, in the words of historian Con Coughlin, "of an ugly bloodbath".

Al-Bakr's rule and Saddam's rise to power (1968–1979)[edit]

al-Bakr strengthened his position in the party with the help of Saddam's newly established party security

apparatus and the intelligence services. Most of 1968 was used to repress non-Ba'athist thought and groups; for

instance, a campaign against Nasserists and communists was initiated under the Saddam's command. Several

spy plots were created by the government; spies who were "caught" were accused of being a part of a Zionist plot

against the state. The Iraqi Communist Party (ICP) was sceptical of the new Ba'athist government, as many of its

members remembered the anti-communist campaign launched against them by the Ba'athist government of 1963. After taking power, al-Bakr offered the ICP cabinet positions in the new government; the ICP rejected this offer. al-

Bakr responded by initiated a systematic campaign against the ICP and communist sympathisers. However, as

historian Charles Tripp notes in A History of Iraq , the campaign started "a curious game" whereby the government

alternately persecuted and courted the party until 1972–1973, when the ICP was offered, and accepted,

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Demoralized Iraqi PoWs at Khorramshahr.

membership in the National Progressive Front (NPF). The reason for this "curious game" was the Ba'ath Party's

belief that the ICP was more dangerous then it really was. When Aziz al-Haji broke away from the ICP, established

the Iraqi Communist Party (Central Command) and initiated a "popular revolutionary war" against the regime, it

was duly crushed. By April 1969 the "popular revolutionary" uprising had been crushed, and al-Haji recanted his

beliefs publicly. Another reason for this anti-communist policy was that many Ba'ath Party members openly

sympathised with communists or other socialist forces. However, at this stage, neither al-Bakr nor Saddam had

enough support within the party to initiate a policy unpopular within it; at the Seventh Regional Congress of the

Ba'ath Party, both al-Bakr and other leading Ba'athists expressed their support for "radical socialism".

By the mid-to-late 1970s, Saddam's power within the Ba'ath Party and the government grew; he became de facto

leader of the country, although al-Bakr remained as president, Ba'ath Party leader and Revolutionary Command

Council chairman. In 1977, following a wave of protests by Shi'ites against the government, al-Bakr relinquished

his control over the Ministry of Defence; Adnan Khairallah Tulfah, Saddam's brother-in-law, was appointed

defence minister. This appointment underscored the clannish character of the Ba'ath Party and the government. In

contrast to Saddam's fortunes, those of al-Bakr's were on the wane. Rumours of al-Bakr's bad health began to

circulate in the country. By the end of 1977, al-Bakr had little control over the country through his office as

president. The reason Saddam did not become president until 1979 may be explained by Saddam's own

insecurity. Before making himself de jure head of state, Saddam initiated an anti-communist campaign; the ICP

had no real power, and most of its leading officials had left the country or been imprisoned (or killed) by the regimeThe campaign was not centered on the ICP, but fellow Ba'athists who did not support Saddam. Saddam had

initiated a similar campaign in 1978, that time to check where the loyalties of certain left-wingers were: Ba'athism

or socialism. Following the campaign, Saddam entered the Arab-world stage for the first time under the banner of

Nasserism and Gamal Abdel Nasser by criticising the Camp David Accords between Anwar Sadat of Egypt and

the state of Israel.

In response to the Iranian Revolution, several Iraqi Shi'ites revolted against what they saw as a Sunni-led

government, which led to the collapse of the Ba'ath Party in certain areas of the country. It was in this situation

that Saddam took over the offices of president, Ba'ath Party leader and Revolutionary Command Council

chairman. Izzat Ibrahim al-Duri was promoted to the office of vice-chairman (equivalent to the post of vice-

president in the West). There were also rumours within the top echelons of power that al-Bakr (with the assistanceof Iraqi Ba'athists who opposed Saddam) was planning to designate Hafez al-Assad as his successor.

Immediately after Saddam seized power, over 60 members of the Ba'ath Party and the government leadership

were charged with fomenting an anti-Iraqi Ba'athist plot in collaboration with al-Assad and the Damascus-based

Ba'ath Party.

Early years, Iran-Iraq War and aftermath (1979–1990)[edit]

Once he assumed the presidency, a cult of personality was created

around Saddam. He was represented as the father of the nation and,

by extension, of the Iraqi people. National institutions (such as theNational Assembly) were established to strengthen the image of him

fostered by the Iraqi propaganda machine. The Ba'ath Party also

contributed to the cult of personality; by 1979 it was a nationwide

organisation, and became a propaganda center for pro-Saddam

literature. The propaganda campaign (at least in the beginning) created

a common sense of nationhood for many Iraqis. The Shi'ite protests

were not quelled by these propaganda campaigns, and the

establishment of an Islamic Republic in Iran influenced many Shi'ites to

stand up against the Sunni-dominated government. At first relations between Iran and Iraq were fairly good, but

ideological differences could not remain concealed forever. The new Iranian leadership was composed of Shia

Islamists, while the Iraqi Ba'athists were secular . Another major obstacle in their relations was the Iraqi

government's continued repression of (and discrimination against) the Shi'ites. At the beginning of 1980, several

border clashes took place between the two countries. The Iraqi regime considered the newly established Iran to

be "weak"; the country was in a state of continued civil unrest, and the Iranian leaders had purged thousands of

officers and soldiers because of their political views.

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Retreating Iraqi forces sabotaged Kuwaiti oil

wells, causing massive fires across Kuwait's oil

fields.

The Iran–Iraq War was, in theory, going to be a quick Iraqi victory. Saddam's plan was to strengthen Iraq's position

in the Persian Gulf and on the Arab-world stage. A quick victory would restore Iraq's control over all of Shatt al-

Arab, an area which Iraq had lost to Iran in 1975. [21] Saddam abrogated the treaty of 1975 in a meeting of the

National Assembly on 17 September 1980. This abrogation was followed shortly afterwards by several preemptive

strikes on Iran and by the invasion of Iran. Saddam believed that the Iranian government would have "to

disengage in order to survive". Not only was this view faulty, but it overestimated the strength of the Iraqi military;

the Iranian government saw the invasion as a test of the revolution itself and all its achievements.[21] The military

plan proved to be elusive; the regime (Saddam included) believed that the Iranian government would quickly

disintegrate during the Iraqi invasion, this did not happen in practice. Saddam, "in a rare moment of frankness, [...]

admitted as much". While the war was not going as planned the regime reasserted its view of the situation, and

claimed that winning the war was a matter of "national honour". The majority of the Ba'athist leadership (and

Saddam himself) still believed that Iran would collapse under the weight of Iraqi force.

Donald Rumsfeld, as US special envoy to the Middle East, meets Saddam Hussein in December 1983 ( video).

In 1982, Iran counter-attacked and was successful in driving the Iraqis back into Iraq. That year alone, an

estimated 40,000 Iraqis were taken prisoner. The defeats of 1982 were a blow to both Saddam and the Ba'ath

regime. With the economic situation worsening because of falling oil prices (and the rising military budget), the

Iraqi standard of living worsened. The Revolutionary Command Council and the Ba'ath Military Command,

Regional Command and National Command met in an extraordinary session in 1982 (with Saddam absent), to

discuss the possibility of a ceasefire proposal to the Iranian government. The ceasefire proposal made at the

meeting was rejected by the Iranian government. If the proposal had been accepted Saddam would have not

have survived politically, since it was supported by all members of the Regional Command, National Command

and the Revolutionary Command Council. It was at this time that rumours started circulating that Hussein would

step down as president to make way for al-Bakr, the former president. As events proved, this did not happen and

al-Bakr died in 1982 under mysterious circumstances. Bloodshed during the conflict nearly led to a mutiny led by

Maher Abd al-Rashid , father-in-law of Saddam's second son. Rashid began public criticism, and claimed that loss

of life could have been averted if not for Saddam's meddling into military affairs. This confrontation with the

military led to the greater independence of military planning from Ba'athist-leadership interference. Shortly

afterwards, the Iraqi Air Force once again established air superiority. These changes in organisation led to

Saddam focusing most of his energy on Iraqi Kurdistan, which had revolted. Saddam appointed his cousin Ali

Hasan al-Majid as military chief in Kurdistan. al-Majid initiated the al-Anfal campaign; chemical weapons were

used against civilians. In April 1988, after a series of Iraqi military victories, a ceasefire was agreed on between

Iraq and Iran; the war is commonly considered status quo ante bellum.

Persian Gulf War, the 1990s and the Iraq War (1990–2003)[edit]

In the aftermath of the Iran–Iraq War , Kuwait intentionally increased

the country's oil output; this led to an international price decrease in oil.Saddam reacted by threatening to invade Kuwait if it continued to

increase its oil output (which Kuwait did nevertheless). Saudi Arabia,

frightened by Saddam's military strength, then persuaded Kuwait to

lower its oil output. However, when Kuwait lowered its oil output

Venezuela increased its output. Saddam then ordered the invasion of

Kuwait to solve the country's economic problems, with the professed

goal of uniting Iraq; Kuwait was considered by many Iraqis as part of

Iraq.[31] On 18 July 1990 Saddam demanded that Kuwait repay Iraq for

the oil it had (according to Saddam) stolen, and nullified Iraq's debt to

Kuwait. The Kuwaiti leadership failed to respond, and on 2 August1990 the Iraqi military began the invasion of Kuwait. The invasion led to an international outcry; the United

Nations, United States and the United Kingdom condemned the invasion and introduced sanctions against Iraq,

and the Soviet Union and several Arab states also condemned the invasion. George H. W. Bush, President of the

United States, demanded the immediate withdrawal of Iraqi troops from Kuwait and restoration of the Kuwaiti

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government; Saddam responded by making Kuwait an Iraqi province.[32] The Gulf War was initiated by a United

States-led coalition, which succeeded in winning the war in less than a year. [33]

On the evening of 24 February, several days before the Gulf War ceasefire was signed in Safwan, the Saudi

Arabia-based radio station Voice of Free Iraq (funded and operated by the Central Intelligence Agency) broadcast

a message to the Iraqis to rise up and overthrow Saddam. The speaker on the radio was Salah Omar al-Ali , a

former member of the Ba'ath Party and the ruling Revolutionary Command Council . Al-Ali's message urged the

Iraqis to overthrow the "criminal tyrant of Iraq". Al-Ali's radio broadcast encouraged Iraqis to "stage a revolution"

and claimed that "[Saddam] will flee the battlefield when he becomes certain that the catastrophe has engulfed

every street, every house and every family in Iraq".[34] Believing that the United States was on its side, a

nationwide uprising against Saddam's rule began in March 1991 [35] which was repressed by Saddam's loyalist

forces. The United Nations successfully established a no-fly zone to halt the advance of Saddam's forces. Instead

of occupying Iraqi Kurdistan, the Kurdish Autonomous Republic was established, with thousands of Iraqi troops

stationed at the Iraqi-Kurdish border.[36] The suppression of the rebellion led thousands of people to flee their

homes, most to Turkey or Iran. On 2 and 3 April 1991 Turkey and Iran, respectively, raised the issue at the UN

Security Council. The Security Council adopted Resolution 688, which stated that Iraq had to allow access for

international humanitarian organisations and report openly about government repression.[37]

Iraq experienced another period of unrest in early 1999 following the killing of Mohammad Mohammad Sadeq al-

Sadr by Iraqi security forces.[38]

In the aftermath of the September 11 attacks, U.S. president George W. Bush included Saddam in his Axis of Evil.

In 2002 the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1441, which stated that Iraq had failed to fulfill its obligations

demanded by the UN. The United States and the United Kingdom would use Resolution 1441 as a pretext for war.

The 2003 US-led invasion of the country forced the Ba'ath Party and Saddam to go underground.[39] Saddam was

captured later that year , and was executed in 2006.[40]

Politics[edit]

Political system[edit]

Further information: Regional Command of the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party – Iraq Region

The 1970 Iraqi Constitution stated that Iraq was in a transitional phase of development; in Ba'athist ideology, the

transitional stage is the time when the Arab people unite to establish one Arab nation. The end of the transitional

era would be marked by a permanent constitution; the 1970 constitution was only temporary. The Ba'ath Party

dominated all government institutions, and the top decision-making body in the country was the Revolutionary

Command Council (RCC). The RCC was controlled by the Ba'ath Party; RCC members had to be members of the

Ba'ath Party's Regional Command. Saddam Hussein, as President of Iraq, was also RCC chairman and GeneralSecretary of the Ba'ath Party's Regional (and National) Command. All decisions within the RCC had to be decided

by vote; a proposition could only be enacted if two-thirds of RCC members voted in favour of it. A Council of

Ministers, the cabinet, was established on the orders of the RCC to execute RCC orders submitted to it. A Nation

Assembly existed, which was (in theory) democratically elected by the Iraqi people; the problem was that the RCC

had the authority to decide how much (or little) power the National Assembly should have.

The constitution of 1970 proclaimed Ba'athist Iraq as "a sovereign people's democratic republic" dedicated to the

establishment of a Ba'athist socialist society. Although the state was officially secular, Islam was proclaimed the

country's state religion (although freedom of religion was tolerated). Natural resources and the principal means of

production were defined as belonging to the Iraqi people. The Iraqi government was responsible for directing and

planning the national economy. If the RCC chairman died or was incapacitated, first in the line of succession wasthe RCC deputy chairman. There were only two RCC deputy chairmen under Ba'athist rule: Saddam (1968–1979)

and Izzat Ibrahim ad-Douri (1979–2003).

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Ba'ath Party[edit]

Main articles: Ba'ath Party (Iraqi-dominated faction) and Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party – Iraq Region

Further information: Regional Command of the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party – Iraq Region

Iraq, under the rule of the Iraqi-led Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party, was a single-party state.[45] The Regional

Command (RC, the leading organ of the Iraqi Regional Branch of the Ba'ath Party) was the party's top decision-

making body; Regional Command members were elected for five-year terms at the party's regional congress. The

Regional Secretary (commonly referred to as the General Secretary) was the head of the Regional Command,

chaired its sessions and was leader of the Ba'ath Party Regional Branch in Iraq. In theory members of the

Regional Command were responsible to the party congress, but in practice they controlled the congress, and the

leadership often decided results beforehand. The party's National Command was, in theory, the highest decision-

making body. It was responsible for coordinating the pan-Arab Ba'ath movement. All National Command members

came from their distinct regional (meaning "country" in Ba'athist etymology) branch; for instance, there was

always a member who represented the Ba'ath Party's Jordanese Regional Branch. Because of the 1966 Ba'ath

Party schism (which split the Ba'ath movement into an Iraqi-led branch and a Syrian-led branch), the National

Command never controlled the whole Ba'ath movement; there was a National Command headquartered in Syria,

which commanded another Ba'ath movement. Another problem was the fact that the National Commands in Iraq

and Syria were under the control of the country's respective regional commands.

National Progressive Front[edit]

Main article: National Progressive Front (Iraq)

The National Progressive Front (NPF) was a popular front led by the Iraqi Ba'ath Party, established on 17 July

1973 (the fifth anniversary of the 17 July Revolution). The NPF charter was signed by Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr

(representing the Ba'ath Party) and Aziz Muhammad (First Secretary of the Iraqi Communist Party, or ICP). In Al-

Thawrah, a Ba'athist newspaper, the charter was hailed as a success for the revolution. [48] The ICP was the most

prominent party to join; however, it left the NPF in March 1979. While officially an independent organisation (and

the only non-Ba'athist political forum), the NPF's leadership consisted entirely of Ba'athist members or Ba'athist

loyalists. The organisation's purpose was to give the Ba'athist regime a semblance of popular support. Throughou

the NPF's existence, Naim Haddad was its general secretary.[50]

Opposition[edit]

Main article: Iraqi opposition (pre-2003)

The Iraqi opposition manifested itself in three forms: guerilla warfare against the regime, acts of sabotage,

terrorism and desertion from the Iraqi Army or the country's paramilitary forces; the Popular Army; and FedayeenSaddam. The largest opposition forces were headquartered in Iraqi Kurdistan, represented by the Kurdish

Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan . Other organisations who opposed the regime were

the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP), the al-Da'wa Party (headquartered in Teheran) and the Umma Party (based in

London). One problem with the Iraqi opposition was the lack of alliances between opposition groups (although

some alliances did exist—for instance, that between the ICP and the KDP). This alliance led the ICP to move its

headquarters to Iraqi Kurdistan, since their activities in other areas of Iraq were routinely repressed. The Ba'athist

regime was never able to take full control of the situation in Iraqi Kurdistan, with the exception of an interregnum

between the end of the Iran–Iraq War and the 1991 uprising.[51] Another problem was that the Iraqi opposition had

frequent problems with internal strife; for instance, the ICP was forced to hold a party congress in 1985 to stabilise

the party. A more immediate problem was the strength of Iraq's secret services, renowned in the Arab world as themost efficient.[52]

In contrast to the secular opposition, the religious opposition was better organised and stronger. Several religious

opposition groups could appeal to Iraqis, because of the secular nature of the Ba'athist government. During the

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Iran–Iraq War the government allowed some degree of religious freedom, but only to win support from the

populace.[53]

State ideology[edit]

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Party ideology[edit]

The Ba'ath Party was based on the ideology of Ba'athism, a Syrian ideology founded by Zaki al-Arsuzi, Michel

Aflaq and Salah al-Din al-Bitar , but evolved into neo-Ba'athism. Clause six of the Ba'ath Party's "Permanent

Principles" stated "The Ba'ath is a revolutionary party. It believes that its principal aims in [the process of] realising

an Arab national renaissance and of building socialism will not be attained except by revolution and struggle".

Revolution was not the key aspect of Ba'ath Party ideology; it was its clear ideological platform. Ba'athism was by

nature secular , even if its ideological founders had borrowed elements from Islam. The Ba'ath Party first began to

talk openly of Islam during the 1990s. Considering that the term "ba'ath" comes from Islamic scriptures, the Ba'ath

Party claimed that all Muslims were Ba'athists even if they were not party members. As with the original Ba'athParty, the Iraqi-led Ba'ath Party's key slogans were "A single Arab nation with an eternal message" and "Unity,

freedom, socialism". The first slogan refers to pan-Arabism and Arab nationalism. Al-Arsuzi believed that unity of

the Arab people, and the establishment of an Arab nation, would lead to its becoming as strong as (or stronger

than) the Soviet Union and the United States. Liberty, in the Ba'athist sense of the word, does not mean political

liberty for the individual. Instead, when Ba'athists use the term "liberty" they refer to national independence from

imperialism. Socialism in Ba'athist parlance means Arab socialism. Arab socialism is distinct from the international

socialist movement, opposing Marx's rejection of nationalism. According to Aflaq, socialism is a means to

modernise the Arab world but not a system (as generally considered in the West) which opposes private property

or supports economic equality.

Saddamism[edit]

Saddamism (Saddamiyya) is a political ideology based on the politics related to (and pursued by) Saddam

Hussein.[61] It has also been referred to by Iraqi politicians as Saddamist Ba'athism ( Al-Ba'athiyya Al-

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Saddam Hussein (left) talking with Michel Aflaq in 1979.

Saddamiyya).[62] It is officially described as a distinct variation of Ba'athism. [61] It espouses Iraqi nationalism and

an Iraq-centred Arab world that calls upon Arab countries to adopt Saddamist Iraqi political discourse, and reject

"the Nasserite discourse" which it claims collapsed after 1967. [61] It is militarist, viewing political disputes and

conflict from a military standpoint as "battles" requiring "fighting", "mobilization", "battlefields", "bastions" and

"trenches". Saddamism was officially supported by Saddam Hussein's government and promoted by the Iraqi

daily newspaper Babil , which was owned by Saddam's son Uday Hussein.[61]

Saddam Hussein and his ideologists sought to fuse a

connection between the ancient Babylonian and Assyrian

civilizations in Iraq to Arab nationalism by claiming that

the Babylonians and ancient Assyrians are the ancestors

of the Arabs. Thus, Saddam Hussein and his supporters

claim that there is no conflict between Mesopotamian

heritage and Arab nationalism.[64]

Saddam Hussein based his political views and ideology

upon the views of Aflaq, Ba'athism's key founder. Saddam

was also an avid reader of topics on moral and material

forces in international politics.[64] His government wascritical of orthodox Marxism, opposing the orthodox

Marxist concepts of class conflict, the dictatorship of the proletariat and atheism; it opposed Marxism–Leninism's

claim that non-Marxist–Leninist parties are automatically bourgeois in nature, claiming that the Ba'ath Party was a

popular revolutionary movement and the people rejected petit bourgeois politics. Saddam claimed that the Arab

nation did not have the class structure of other nations, and class division was more along national lines (between

Arabs and non-Arabs) than within the Arab community. However, he spoke fondly of Vladimir Lenin and

commended Lenin for giving Russian Marxism a uniquely Russian specificity which Marx alone was incapable of

doing. He also expressed admiration for other communist leaders (such as Fidel Castro, Kim Il-sung, Ho Chi Minh

and Josip Broz Tito) for their spirit of asserting national independence, rather than for their communism.

The Return to Faith Campaign[edit]

Main article: Faith campaign

In 1993, the Iraqi regime embarked on the Return to Faith Campaign (al-Hamlah al-Imaniyyah), under the

supervision of Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri. The ultimate aim of this new policy was to encourage popular devotion to

Islam within Iraqi society.[68]

Up until the invasion of Kuwait in 1991, the Iraqi regime had espoused the secular ideology of Ba'athism. This

started to change when Saddam, who wished to bolster the Iraqi government's Islamic credentials, implemented a

variety of reforms. The Iraqi flag had the takbīr added on to it. The Ministry of Endowments and Religious Affairs

appointed clergy, approved the building and repair of mosques and approved the publication of Islamic literature.

The Faith Campaign allowed Sunni mosques more freedom in practicing religious ceremonies and rites, which

reduced substantially the opposition to the regime among Sunni Islamists.[69]

Saddam coordinated the media and educational system to put heavy emphasis on Islamic identity. Religious

academic institutions were opening up across the country, and Qu'ranic and Islamic studies were introduced into

the curriculum at all school levels. A religious radio station, al-Qu'ran al-Karim Radio was set up to expand and

promote Islam in Iraqi life. Aspects of the Shari'ah were adopted into the Iraqi judicial system. Judges were

required to study courses on Islamic jurisprudence. The selling and consumption of alcohol was curtailed by the

state. Establishments which involved the vices of gambling or alcohol were restricted or closed. [70] Prostitution

was deemed illegal and punishable by death. The Fedayeen Saddam, the paramilitary force loyal to the regime

were well known for beheading suspected prostitutes. Thieves were punished with amputation. [71] Saddam

Hussein introduced in a new penal code article 111, exempting from punishment a man who kills a woman in

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defense of the honour of his family.[72]

This new influx of religious involvement into the government had sectarian undertones. The regimes attempt to

cloak itself in Islamic conservatism saw it launch attacks on Iran, which were perceived by Shia Iraqis as being

veiled attacks on their community, due to the shared faith between them and Iran. Sunni rhetoric emitting from the

Iraqi government sought to discredit Iran, with scathing criticism stating that they were subscribing to a " foreign

and heretical form of religion". The Iraqi newspaper Babil, which was owned by Saddam Hussein's eldest son

Uday Hussein, referred to the Shi'ites as rafidah, an epithet used to describe Shia by ultraconservative Salafi

Muslims.[73]

Foreign policy[edit]

Relations with the Soviet Union[edit]

The Ba'ath Party policy towards the Soviet Union was, at first, one of neutrality and the party's seizure of power in

1968 was not considered an important event in Moscow. The Soviet Union (which remembered the Ba'ath Party's

anti-communist purge during its 1963 stint in power) gradually improved its relations with Iraq; in 1969, it

guaranteed Iraq a sizable amount of modern arms and technical aid.[74] Relations improved during the

nationalisation drive of the Iraqi Petroleum Company (IPC) (see "Economic growth" section). Saddam Husseinvisited the Soviet Union in the early 1970s, and the visit led to the signing of the Iraqi–Soviet Treaty of Friendship

and Co-operation and the establishment of trade relations.[75] In April 1972 Alexei Kosygin, Chairman of the

Council of Ministers, visited Iraq and met with high-ranking officials. Kosygin's visit forced the Iraqi Communist

Party (ICP) to improve its relations with the Ba'ath Party; two ICP members were given cabinet positions and

repression of the ICP ended. Relations between Iraq and the Soviet Union were at its zenith during al-Bakr's rule.

Iraq became a member of the Comecon (the Eastern Bloc trading organisation) as an observer in 1975. [78]

During the early years of al-Bakr's rule, the Soviet Union became a strategic ally. However, with the increase in oil

revenues relations between Iraq and the Soviet Union weakened. The Iraqi regime was given more freedom of

choice, and lost its dependence on Soviet investments. The Soviet Union, during this period, retained its role asIraq's largest arms supplier. With Iraq's foreign-policy priorities changing, repression against the ICP was

reintroduced. The Soviet Union tried to act as a mediator between the two parties, but Soviet involvement was

considered by the Ba'athist government as Soviet interference in Iraq's internal affairs. During the Iran–Iraq War

Leonid Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union , called

the war "absolutely senseless" because the conflict only benefited imperialism.[80] However, Soviet relations

deteriorated during the war due to Iran's support for anti-communist forces in the Democratic Republic of

Afghanistan.[81] During Yuri Andropov's rule of the Soviet Union, there were rumours that the USSR was

increasing its shipments of modern arms to Iraq during its war with Iran. This proved to be wrong, and Saddam

openly complained that the Treaty of Friendship signed with the Soviet Union "has not worked."[82] During the rule

of Konstantin Chernenko, the Soviet Union's relations with Iran further deteriorated as the Soviet leadershipbegan to criticise Islamic fundamentalism.[83] In 1986, under Mikhail Gorbachev, the Soviet Union officially

changed its position from neutral to that of "active containment" of Iran. This policy lasted until the war with Iran

ended in 1988.[84] During the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and the following Gulf War , the Soviet Union was officially

neutral.[85] Shortly after, on 26 December 1991, the Soviet Union was officially dissolved.[86]

Relations with the United States[edit]

Main article: Iraq–United States relations

According to historian Charles R. H. Tripp, the Ba'athist coup of 1968 upset "the US-sponsored security systemestablished as part of the Cold War in the Middle East. It appeared that any enemy of the Baghdad regime was a

potential ally of the United States."[87] From 1973-5, the CIA colluded with Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi of Iran

to finance and arm Kurdish rebels in the Second Kurdish-Iraqi War in an attempt to weaken al-Bakr. When Iran

and Iraq signed the Algiers Agreement in 1975, the support ceased. [87] The U.S. disliked Iraqi support for many

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Arab and Palestinian militant groups such as Abu Nidal, which led to Iraq's inclusion on the developing U.S. list of

State Sponsors of Terrorism on 29 December 1979. The U.S. remained officially neutral after Iraq's invasion of

Iran in 1980. In March 1982, however, Iran began a successful counter-offensive, and the U.S. increased its

support for Iraq to prevent Iran from forcing a surrender. In a U.S. bid to open full diplomatic relations with Iraq, the

country was removed from the U.S. list of State Sponsors of Terrorism. Ostensibly this was because of

improvement in the regime’s record, although former U.S. Assistant Defense Secretary Noel Koch later stated,

"No one had any doubts about [the Iraqis'] continued involvement in terrorism. ... The real reason was to help

them succeed in the war against Iran."[88]

Economy[edit]

Planning system[edit]

Since it did not have an economic policy of its own, the Ba'ath Party, when it took power in 1968, allowed the Five-

Year Plan set up by the previous regime in 1965 to continue until its end date in 1969. The Revolutionary

Command Council (RCC) decided by the mid-1970s to alter the planning system; instead of creating stable Five-

Year Plans (as had been done earlier), an annual investment plan was to be created. Every year, the RCC

convened to create an investment for the year to come; for example, there were separate investment plans for

1976 and 1977. Another change is that the plan's final draft was not accepted by the highest economic elite but bythe RCC, the political elite. In 1976 (as a break with the new trend) the RCC introduced the National Development

Plan, which was set to last from 1976 to 1980. Unlike the previous plans, the sectoral investment-allocation

figures were not made public.

Economic growth[edit]

The Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC), the largest oil company in Iraq, was a private company. In March 1970, the

IPC was forced to concede 20 percent of the company's share to the government. The full nationalisation of the

IPC occurred when the company cut its oil production by half in March 1971; the decision would hamper Iraq's

economic growth. The company was nationalised in June 1971. The nationalisation removed the last remaining

element of foreign control over Iraq, and was popular with the Iraqi people. The government anticipated a loss of

revenue, and therefore sent Saddam Hussein to the Soviet Union to negotiate a treaty. The visit was a success,

and ended with the signing of the Iraqi–Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation and the establishment of a

trade agreement. The trade agreement stated that the Soviet Union would buy some of Iraq's oil to soften the

anticipated blow it would have on Iraq's oil exports. The signing of a treaty with the Soviet Union led to a visit by

Alexei Kosygin (Chairman of the Council of Ministers) and the appointment of two cabinet ministers from the Iraqi

Communist Party.[75]

After the nationalisation of the IPC, Iraq's oil revenue increased from 219 million ID in 1972 to 1.7 billion ID in

1974, 3.7 billion ID in 1978 and 8.9 billion ID in 1980: by over 40 times in less than a decade. With the success of

the Iranian revolution, Iraq became the second-largest oil exporter in the world. The increase in oil exportsrejuvenated the country's economy; nearly all economic indices increased to unprecedented levels. From 1970 to

1980, Iraq's economy grew by 11.7 percent. During the Iran–Iraq War Iraq's oil-exporting capabilities decreased,

and the price for oil decreased simultaneously. The growth of the 1970s was not sustainable. The economy was

dependent on high oil prices and Iraq's oil-exporting capabilities; once oil was out of the picture, Iraq's growth

would decrease dramatically (even more so during a war).[93]

The National Development Plan (1976–1980) ended with an 11-percent increase in GNP. The Iran–Iraq War

would halt Iraq's economic development and lead to the economic stagnation seen during Saddam's later rule.

When Iraq implemented its plans to bomb Iran, Iran retaliated by bombing Iraq's oil facilities. By the end of the

year, Iraq's oil exports had decreased by 72 percent because of Iran's bombing strategy. In terms of actualincome, oil exports as government revenue decreased from 26.1 billion ID in 1980 to 10.4 billion in 1981. With oil

facilities in the Persian Gulf destroyed the Iraqi regime had no choice but to export oil overland, which was far

more expensive. Other problems were the gradual erosion of the government's hard currency and its steadily

increasing foreign debt.[93]

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GNP per capita in Iraq from 1950 to 2008.

Demise of development[edit]

At the beginning of the war the Iraqi government had a monetary reserve of 35 billion ID, and the annual growth

rate was 27.9 percent. During the early war years, ambitious development plans were followed; because of high

military spending (approaching 50 percent of GNP in 1982), the Iraqi economy began showing signs of bankruptcy

in the mid-to-late 1980s. The war had cost the Iraqi government 226 billion dollars, which in turn had led to a

staggering foreign debt of between 80 and 100 billion dollars. The rate of debt increase was estimated to be

10 billion a year. Another problem facing the regime was in agriculture; manpower had been depleted during the

war years, and agricultural production plummeted. The situation became even bleaker after the war. Minister of Foreign Affairs Tariq Aziz acknowledged that the situation had become so bad that the Iraqi government could not

afford to pay for the food it had imported. Former foreign creditors were reluctant to loan money to Iraq because of

the economy's near-bankruptcy.[96]

When the war started, Saddam was widely quoted as saying that Iraq

faced the war with a two-year supply "of all key commodities."; this

proved true. Beginning in October 1982, Iraq's foreign assets began to

dwindle as the government failed to repay its loans. At the end of the

war, Iraq's monetary reserve had been depleted and international oil

prices were not as stable (high) as they had been during the 1970s.[97]The economy was still healthy in late 1982, due to government

expenditure on large development programmes.[98] Before the war,

Iraq's workforce stood at five million. During the war, one million were

mobilised in the war against Iran. Of the million sent to war, 100,000

died. The labour shortage led to stagnation; to fill the gap, an

increasing number of women were hired.[99] There was a shift in

industrial production during the war from consumer to military goods. Social programmes that had been

established in the previous decade began to deteriorate, and the average standard of living decreased.[100]

During the mid-to-late 1980s, international oil prices collapsed. The Organisation for Petroleum ExportingCountries (OPEC) established a quota system in which the international oil price (for its members) was set at

USD$18 per barrel. This system did not work, as Kuwait and the United Arab Emirate (UAE) did not follow OPEC

policy and continued to flood the market with their oil. The result was that international oil prices were still at the

1970s level. In October 1988, because of Kuwait and the UAE, international oil prices had fallen to US$12 per

barrel. The policy which the UAE (and especially Kuwait) followed hampered Iraq's economic growth. In the Iran–

Iraq War's aftermath, Iraq had grown more dependent on oil prices.[102] The result of Kuwait and the UAE's oil

policies could be felt in 1990, when international oil prices decreased to US$13.67 per barrel. This time, the

sudden fall in oil prices triggered reactions in Iraq; in Al-Thawra, the Ba'ath Party newspaper, Foreign Minister

Aziz criticised Kuwait and the UAE's oil policies. Because of the sudden slump, Saddam claimed at an Arab

League conference that international oil prices could increase to US$25 per barrel without hurting exports.Saddam also claimed that the abrupt fall in oil prices decreased Iraq's oil revenue by one billion dollars. Iraq was

not the only member criticising Kuwait and the UAE; several other members also criticised their oil-production

policy.[102] Kuwait would not budge, continuing its oil-production strategy even when threatened by Iraq. This,

coupled with foreign loans Iraq owned to Kuwait, was the main reason for the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait.

UN sanctions[edit]

Main article: Sanctions against Iraq

Following Iraq's defeat in the Gulf War , the United Nations Security Council introduced Resolution 661, which

imposed sanctions against Iraq. At the beginning, most American observers believed the sanctions would lead toSaddam's downfall. U.S. President George H. W. Bush said, "Economic sanctions in this instance if fully enforced

can be very, very effective, [...] There are some indications that that he's [Saddam] already beginning to feel the

pinch and nobody can stand up forever to total economic deprivation." In theory (and practice), Iraq was very

vulnerable to sanctions during this time. Thirty percent of its GNP before the Gulf War was used to import food,

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and 95 percent of Iraq's export earnings came from oil; oil production was 40 percent of GNP. The country was

also reliant on foreign trade (35–50 percent of GNP for exported and imported goods). Iraq was also an easy

country to blockade economically; its oil exports could be blockaded by closing its pipelines (which ran through

Turkey, Jordan and Syria). While sanctions were successful from an economic point of view, politically they failed;

Saddam would rule Iraq until 2003.

Throughout the Ba'ath Party's rule over Iraq, the agricultural sector had been under-performing. Those in the

United States who supported sanctions believed that low agricultural production in Iraq (coupled with sanctions)

would lead to "a hungry population", and "a hungry population was an unruly one". The Iraqi government, whichunderstood the serious effects the sanctions could have on Iraq, were able to increase agricultural output by 24

percent from 1990 to 1991. During the sanction years, the agricultural sector witnessed "a boom of unprecedented

proportions". The Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) introduced several decrees during this period to

increase agricultural performance. These decrees may be separated into three categories:

They introduced severe penalties on farmers (or landowners) unable to produce at full capacity on their

land.

Government programmes made it cheaper (and therefore more profitable for farmers and landowners) to

produce.

Programmes were initiated to increase the amount of arable land.

The RCC introduced Decree No. 367 in 1990, which stated that all lands which were not under production by their

owners would be taken over by the state; if the owner could not use all the land he owned, he would lose it.

However, the RCC's policy was not "all stick and no carrot". The government made it easier for farmers and

landowners to receive credit. On 30 September 1990, the Ministry of Agriculture announced that it would increase

loans to farmers by 100 percent, and would subsidise machinery and tools. In October 1990, the RCC stated it

was planning to utilize and exploit "every inch of Iraqi arable land". While official statistics cannot be trusted

entirely,[why?] they showed massive growth in arable land: from 16,446 donums in 1980 to 45,046 in 1990. The

increase in agricultural output does not mean that hunger was not widespread; prices of foodstuffs increased

dramatically during this period. However, overall the sanctions failed and (indirectly) led to an unprecedentedimprovement in agriculture.

While the agricultural sector improved, most other economic indicators deteriorated. Transport (which had been

bombed during the Gulf War ) further deteriorated due to the government's neglect. The economy suffered from

chronic inflation and currency depreciation; the sanctions exacerbated the structural problems in Iraq's economic

system. Iraq was, on balance, a planned economy with market-economy characteristics.[111]

Modest growth[edit]

By the late 1990s, the Iraqi economy showed signs of modest growth. These would continue until 2003 when the

government was toppled. The gross domestic product increased from 10.8 billion in 1996 to 30.8 billion in 2000.The major factor in this growth was the UN-initiated Oil-for-Food Programme (OFFP). Saddam was originally

opposed to the OFFP. The OFFP led to the inflow of hard currency, which helped reduce the country's chronic

inflation and reopened old trade routes with foreign countries.[111] It was around this time, when many countries

started to ignore the UN sanctions.[112] While internal and external trade was revitalised, this did not lead to a

significant increase in the standard of living; on the contrary, the government tried to prevent an increase in Shia

areas to persuade more countries to oppose the sanctions. In 2000 the standard of living was estimated to be

US$1,000, less than half of what it was in 1990. [113]

Military[edit]

Main article: Military history of Iraq

Expenditure[edit]

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Saddam Hussein and women students.

Ba'athism promoted greater participation of

women in Iraqi society.

The Ba'ath regime, like its predecessors, came to power by military force. From Abd al-Karim Qasim until the

Ba'athist seizure of power in 1968, the Iraqi government had followed a policy of the militarisation of society. This

led to the expansion of the old military elite, which had existed under the Hashemite monarchy. The military elite

gradually also evolved into an economic elite, since Iraq was a planned economy; for instance, the government

appointed military personnel to senior positions in factories and companies. While the period from 1960 to 1980

was peaceful, expenditure on the military trebled and in 1981 it stood at US$4.3 billion.[114] The government

placed more importance on military development than on the civilian sector. In 1981, Iraq's military expenditure

nearly equaled the national incomes of Jordan and Yemen combined.[115] The military buildup was made possible

because of Iraq's oil production and the high international price for oil. Per capita military spending in 1981 was

370 percent higher than that for education. During the Iran–Iraq War military expenditures increased dramatically

(while economic growth was shrinking) and the number of people employed in the military increased fivefold, to

one million.[116]

Size[edit]

In 1967, the Iraqi army consisted of 50,000 men on two-year service; the Iraqi Air Force had 170 aircraft. In 1980,

these numbers had increased to a standing army of 200,000, 250,000 reserves and 250,000 paramilitary troops in

the Ba'ath Party-led Popular Army. The army had 2,500 tanks, 335 combat aircraft and 40 combat helicopters. In

1988, at the end of the Iran–Iraq War, Iraq fielded the fourth largest army in the world; the army consisted of 955,000 standing soldiers and 650,000 paramilitary forces in the Popular Army. The army could field 4,500 tanks,

484 combat aircraft and 232 combat helicopters.[117] According to Michael Knights, the Iraqi army fielded one

million men and 850,000 reservists; there were 53 divisions, 20 special-forces brigades, and several regional

militias. The Iraqi military was able to field 5,500 tanks, 3,000 artillery pieces, the country had a strong air defence

and could employ 700 combat aircraft and helicopters.[118] By 1990 (according to Keith Shimko) the Iraqi army

fielded nearly one million men, 5,700 tanks, 3,700 artillery pieces and 950 combat aircraft. During the Gulf War the

most optimistic military analysis believed that, during an all-out war with the Iraqi military, the United States militar

would suffer between 17,000 and 30,000 casualties.[119] In the aftermath of the Gulf War the size of the Iraqi

military was reduced to an estimated 350,000 standing troops; it could deploy 2,300 main battle tanks, had about

260 combat aircraft and could deploy up to 120 combat helicopters.[117] In 2002, one year before the 2003

invasion, the Iraqi army could deploy 375,000 men. According to the United States Central Command, Iraq's army

(standing and reserves) stood at 700,000 men.[120]

Demographics[edit]

Culture[edit]

The Ba'athist era was a period of secularisation in Iraq. The government

included people from multiple religious affiliations (including Sunni

Muslims, Shiite Muslims and Christians). However, the period was marked

(especially under Saddam Hussein) by sectarian, religious and political

strife between the government and other groups: Shiite Muslims (mainly

drawn from Arabs, this religious group formed an absolute majority) who

sought to create an Iraqi theocracy; ethnic Kurds, who sought

independence for their region; Sunnis with an Islamist ideology, and non-

Ba'athists (such as the Iraqi communists who were heavily suppressed in

1978). The government promoted women's rights, allowing them

education and service in the armed forces. The government sought

restoration of Iraqi cultural heritage, such as rebuilding replicas of parts of

the ancient city of Babylon. Under Saddam Hussein, the glorification of Saddam and the Ba'athist government was common in state-sponsored artwork. The Ba'ath Party dominated the

political life of the country, although a National Progressive Front was proclaimed in 1974 to allow for the (mostly

nominal) participation of non-Ba'athist figures and parties in Iraqi politics.

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During the Persian Gulf War, Saddam Hussein sought to gain support from the Muslim religious community for the

government, adding the Takbir to the flag, coat of arms and motto of Iraq.

References[edit]

1. Jump up ^ Saddam, pronounced [sˤɑdˈdæːm], is his personal name, and means the stubborn one or he

who confronts in Arabic. Hussein (Sometimes also transliterated as Hussayn or Hussain) is not a surnamein the Western sense, but a patronymic, his father's given personal name; Abid al-Majid his grandfather's;

al-Tikriti means he was born and raised in (or near) Tikrit. He was commonly referred to as Saddam

Hussein, or Saddam for short. The observation that referring to the deposed Iraqi president as only

Saddam is derogatory or inappropriate may be based on the assumption that Hussein is a family name:

thus, the New York Times refers to him as "Mr. Hussein" [1], while Encyclopædia Britannica uses just

Saddam [2][dead link ]. A full discussion can be found [3] (Blair Shewchuk, CBC News Online). -- Content

originally at Saddam Hussein

2. ^ Jump up to: a b Tripp 2010, p. 224

3. Jump up ^ Roberts, Paul (2005). The End of Oil: On the Edge of a Perilous New World . Houghton MifflinHarcourt. p. 105. ISBN 978-0-618-56211-4.

4. Jump up ^ Arnold, James (2008). Saddam Hussein's Iraq. Twenty-First Century Books. p. 70. ISBN 978-0-

8225-8665-4.

5. Jump up ^ Finlan, Alastair (2008). The Gulf War of 1991 . Rosen Publishing Group. pp. 12–13. ISBN 978-1-

4358-7498-5.

6. Jump up ^ Fisk, Robert (2005). The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest of the Middle East . Fourth

Estate. pp. 646–647. ISBN 978-0-00-720383-3.

7. Jump up ^ Cohen, Warren (2005). America's Failing Empire: U.S. foreign relations since the Cold War .

Wiley-Blackwell. p. 25. ISBN 978-1-4051-1427-1.8. Jump up ^ Fenton, Neil (2004). Understanding the UN Security Council: Coercion or Consent?. Ashgate

Publishing, Ltd. p. 39. ISBN 978-0-7546-4092-9.

9. Jump up ^ Fenton, Neil (2004). Understanding the UN Security Council: Coercion or Consent?. Ashgate

Publishing, Ltd. p. 40. ISBN 978-0-7546-4092-9.

10. Jump up ^ Dan Murphy (27 April 2004). "Sadr the agitator: like father, like son" . The Christian Science

Monitor . Retrieved 1 February 2013.

11. Jump up ^ Tucker, Spencer (2010). The Encyclopedia of Middle East Wars: The United States in the

Persian Gulf, Afghanistan, and Iraq Conflicts 1. ABC-CLIO. pp. 1304–1305. ISBN 978-1-85109-947-4.

12. Jump up ^ Schier, Steven (2009). Panorama of a Presidency: How George W. Bush Acquired and Spent

his Political Capital . M.E. Sharpe. p. 143. ISBN 978-0-7656-1693-7.

13. Jump up ^ Musallam, Musallam Ali (1996). The Iraqi Invasion of Kuwait: Saddam Hussein, His State and

International Power Politics. British Academic Press. p. 62. ISBN 978-1-86064-020-9.

14. Jump up ^ Ismael, Tareq (2008). The Rise and Fall of the Communist Party of Iraq . Cambridge University

Press. pp. 172–173. ISBN 978-0-521-87394-9.

15. Jump up ^ Eur (2002). The Middle East and North Africa. Routledge. p. 494. ISBN 978-1-85743-132-2.

16. Jump up ^ Rabinovich, Itamar; Shaked, Haim (1987). Middle East Contemporary Survey: 1984–1985 .

Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies. pp. 467–468. ISBN 978-0-8133-7445-1.17. Jump up ^ Rabinovich, Itamar; Shaked, Haim (1987). Middle East Contemporary Survey: 1984–1985 .

Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies. p. 468. ISBN 978-0-8133-7445-1.

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