paliyas at madhutra, patan district, gujarat, india · year, on the next day of dipavali, which is...

Paliyas at Madhutra, Patan District, Gujarat, India

Tanmay Goswami1, Vrushab Mahesh1 and Rajesh S. V. 2

1. Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, The Maharaja Sayajirao

University of Baroda, Vadodara – 390 002, Gujarat, India (Email:

[email protected]; [email protected]) 2. Department of Archaeology, University of Kerala, Kariavattom Campus,

Thiruvananthapuram ‐ 695581, Kerala, India (Email: [email protected])

Received: 09 August 2017; Revised: 16 September 2017; Accepted: 24 October 2017

Heritage: Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies in Archaeology 5 (2017): 1001‐1012

Abstract: Paliyas constitute a definite type of memorial set up to commemorate individuals who are

perceived to have met with a heroic death in Rajasthan and Gujarat, India and Sindh, Pakistan. The

memorial type is little understood in terms of its origin, chronology and significance amongst the local

populace. The paper in this regard presents the results of investigations undertaken amongst the paliyas

found in Madhutra, Santalpur taluka, Patan District, Gujarat, as a case study and highlights the

typological variations within them, symbolic traits represented in the sculpted panels and associated

cultural practices. In addition, it also stresses upon the utility of the study of oral traditions as a tool to

understand the role of memorials as commemorative markers and regulators of kinship and social ties.

Keywords: Paliya, Memorials, Hero Memorials, Sati Memorials, Heroic Death,

Sahagamana, Anugamana

Introduction Commemorating the dead has been a tradition that characterized most cultures across

the world since ancient times. The practice of setting up of memorials as

commemorative markers in this regard serve as tangible reflections of such concerns.

Although a tradition that is visible across the world, the form of the memorial, the

nature of commemorations, their nomenclature, tentative chronologies, purpose of

erection and associated cultural practices vary. In addition, whilst certain memorials

are sepulchral in nature, often serving as epitaphs, a few memorial types are non‐

sepulchral and are purely commemorative in character.

Amongst the various materials used for the making of the memorials, the use of stone

constitutes the most popular medium across the world. Its popularity is perhaps due to

it being the most commonly occurring durable material. Since early times, stone

monuments called megaliths have been built/set up to commemorate the dead,

although, its precise association with the funerary rites along with its sepulchral

character has been debated (for instance, Kapp 1985; Brubaker 2000; Rao et.al. 2011). In

ISSN 2347 – 5463 Heritage: Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies in Archaeology 5: 2017

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this paper, however, a distinction has been made between the memorials and

megaliths, wherein a memorial is taken to represent a non‐sepulchral and

commemorative edifice, raised in memory or honour of the deceased, whose setting up

may or may not have formed a part of the funerary rites. Whilst such characteristics

can be established to the memorials datable to the historical periods on the basis of the

sculptural depictions, engraved inscriptions and literary evidence, it is difficult at this

stage to precisely establish the character of the megalithic remains due to the lack of

definite evidence. Under such circumstances, the paper restricts the currency of the

term ‘memorials’ to exclude the megalithic remains.

In the Indian subcontinent, the memorials datable to the historical periods are

generally comprising of the following types, viz. (a) memorials commemorating

individuals killed during battle, skirmishes, and hunts or by wild animals, which are

often referred to as hero memorials; (b) memorials commemorating acts of self‐

immolations of women, commonly referred to as sati memorials; (c) memorials

commemorating individuals who laid down their life through sectarian practices and

(d) memorials commemorating individuals who undertook self‐immolatory measures

to end their lives, whose actions did not confirm to sectarian practice and were

perceived to have been undertaken for the benefit of the society or one’s overlord.

However, there is no uniform nomenclature to designate these memorials across the

Indian subcontinent. In the absence of uniform nomenclature they continue to be

referred to in vernacular nomenclature, for instance, in peninsular and southern India,

the memorials are referred to as viragals, mastikals and nishidhis; and in Gujarat, and

Rajasthan, India and Sindh, Pakistan, the memorials are referred to as paliyas, khambhas

and chatris. The current paper whilst identifying such variations, presents the results of

our investigations which sought to examine the typological variations in the memorials

and ethnographic practices associated with them at Madhutra, Santalpur taluka, Patan

District, Gujarat (Figure 1).

Paliyas The memorials in the region of Gujarat and Rajasthan in India and Sindh in Pakistan

are vernacularly referred to as paliyas, khambha and chatris. The distinction amongst

them is primarily based on the form of the memorial, although they appear very

arbitrary, with only chatris being clearly delineated with the presence of a dome

surmounting a structure. Amongst these, the paliyas are most commonly occurring in

the region. The term paliya is etymologically derived from the Sanskrit root pal,

meaning a guardian or protector (Hornell 1942). They constitute a slab of stone (both

dressed and undressed), constituting two parts‐a sculpted relief and an engraved

record, although the presence of an inscription is not necessarily a norm. The sculpted

relief usually depicts an individual on foot or seated on horseback or camel or in a

bullock cart in the case of the memorial commemorating a male individual (Fig. 2). In

the case of a memorial commemorating a woman, the relief panel either carries the

representation of the woman or other symbolic traits that would be elaborated in the

next section. The variations in the sculpted depictions and other symbolic traits in the

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paliyas commemorating either men or women have been argued to perhaps represent

the markers of differing communities or the socio‐economic status of the deceased

commemorated. The engraved records on the other hand register the name and family

of the deceased; nature and cause of death; and date of death.

Figure 1: Location of Madhutra, Patan District, Gujarat

Symbols and Motifs The paliyas in their form are in most cases divided into two sections; (a) the sculpted

relief and (b) an engraved inscription. The inscriptions mostly make mention of the

name of the deceased commemorated, mode or instance of death and the date of death.

The sculpted relief on the other hand carry depictions of the deceased whom the

memorial commemorates. In addition, the apex of the memorial carry depictions of the

sun and moon, which symbolises eternity. Such representations constitute a universal

feature of the memorials in the Indian subcontinent and symbolise ever lasting

memory of the deceased and his/her qualities and prowess (Thapar 1981). In the case of

the memorial commemorating a male individual, he is depicted either on foot or

horseback or camel or riding a bullock cart and armed with various weapons such as

bow and arrow, sword, spear/lance and a shield. The representations of these weapons

besides emphasising the martial qualities of the deceased have been argued to also

imbibe symbolic meanings. For instance, the spear shown with the hero is argued to

symbolise valour as it is the preferred weapon of the god Kartikeya, the general of the


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army of the gods. His vehicle peacock has also been depicted in many of the

memorials. Peacock further symbolizes beauty and prosperity (Kalhoro 2010). Further,

it is observed that the memorials are mostly worshipped at the time of Dipavali, which

falls in the month of Karttika in the Hindu lunar calendar. During this festival, the

lamps are lit to honour the paliyas and appropriated for a good harvest (Thapar 1981).

The memorials set up to commemorate the heroic death of the wives of the fallen

heroes who immolated themselves on the death of their husbands are similar to the

memorials commemorating men in their form. In a few instances, both the individuals

are commemorated by a single memorial, although the woman commemorated by the

memorial receives greater attention owing to her achieving the status of a sati. The

paliyas commemorating the sati carry depictions of a woman with her right arm raised,

bent at the elbow with an open palm facing outwards. Alternatively, another form of

the same memorial carries depictions of the right arm emerging from a pole. This has

been interpreted as the wedding pole (Sontheimer 1982a). The forearm is depicted

adorned with bangles and a lemon or a citrus fruit being held. In a few instances the

depiction of the left hand could be seen. This could indicate a lower social standing of

the woman commemorated (c.f. Thapar 1981). As per tradition, a woman following the

death of her husband breaks her bangles as a sign of widowhood. The representation

of arms adorned with bangles symbolizes marital bliss and represents the perpetual

union of the deceased couple based on marriage in the land of the dead

(Chidanadamurti 1982; Sontheimer 1982b). The raised right arm of the sati is a record

of the practice of the sati having blessed the gathering before entering the funeral pyre

(Chidanandamurti 1982) and represents the purity of the sati (Thapar 1981). In a very

few instances a wedding veil adorning the sati is also represented, thereby further

stressing on the marital bliss and the perpetual union of the couple. In addition, the sati

memorials in a few instances also carry depictions of the peacock, which also

emphasises the valour of the wife of the deceased.

Paliyas at Madhutra The village of Madhutra (23˚ 45ʹ 14ʹʹ N, 71˚ 05ʹ 35ʹʹ E) is situated in Santalpur taluka,

Patan District, Gujarat (Figure 1). The village has a history of 400 hundred years as per

oral traditions. The inception of the settlement can be marked over a lake which was

the main source of water. The settlement currently houses a population of 4075 (Indian

National Census 2011). In modern times, the settlements can be seen stretched over to

the eastern side of the old village boundaries. The majority of the population follow

Hindu religion. Communities living in this village include the Sodhas, Ranas, Jagirs,

and other clans belonging to the Kshatriya and Brahmana Varna. The main source of

occupation and subsistence is agriculture. More than 60% of the population is indulged

in it are either land owners or the field workers. The rest of the population are

indulged in the vocations of pottery manufacture, iron smithery and carpentry.

The explorations undertaken at the settlement yielded 134 paliyas. These paliyas are

found in three clusters which lie within a distance of 10 to 75 meters from each other.

Goswami et al. 2017: 1001‐1012

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Cluster 1 (Figure 2) has 107, Cluster 2 has 22, and Cluster 3 has 5 paliyas around the

village common ground. Although there exists no documented record of the original

find spots of the memorials, the interviews undertaken with the local populace

revealed that these memorials were brought from elsewhere and placed in their current

location.

Figure 2: A Cluster (Cluster 1) of Paliyas at Madhutra

The paliyas are perceived by the contemporary local populace as a record of their

ancestors and are considered to be guardian deities that ward off evil spirits that cause

famine in the region. To harm or deteriorate the paliyas is considered a sin. On every

year, on the next day of Dipavali, which is the Gujarati New Year, the memorials are

worshipped with the offering of milk and vermilion powder (sindoor). The women of

the village conduct this pooja in the presence of a male priest.

Oral traditions of the settlement record that the existence of the paliyas is related to a

saint who goes by many names, in this case Maha Baba. It is the perception of the local

populace that the foremost of these memorials were erected when the men were rallied

by the Baba to protect the village from dacoits and died fighting them. The legend also

mentions the setting up of the memorials for those who could not handle the wrath of

the Baba for failing in their assigned task and were burned by the flames of his anger.

However, none of the memorials record the aforesaid episode in the sculpted panels or

engraved epigraphs. Further, the paliyas found in Madhutra belong to varying periods

ranging from c. 17th to 19th Centuries CE as evidenced from the epigraphs and thus do

not corroborate with the oral traditions. The epigraphs are mostly brief and

fragmentary and record brief mention of the hero, the family he/she belonged to and

the year of death expressed in saka calendar. There are a very few memorials which

record the genealogy of the deceased and his/her qualities and martial prowess.

Typological Classification of Paliyas at Madhutra

Hero Memorials

A hero memorial is a commemoration of the deceased individual who met with a

heroic death while protecting the interests of his settlement or his overlord. It serves as

a bastion of worship and a remembrance of one’s valour. A total of 78 (58.2% of the


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total memorials at the settlement) hero memorials were identified at Madhutra.

Amongst the hero memorials at Madhutra, the following sub‐types were identified.

Figure 3: Paliya Carrying Depictions of a Horse Rider

Goswami et al. 2017: 1001‐1012

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Hero memorials with horse riders: A warrior with a sword and shield or a spear,

riding on horseback is the most frequently occurring depiction on the hero memorials

(Figure 3). On the basis of their depictions, these memorials are believed to

commemorate individuals of the Rajput clans (Kalhoro 2010). At the apex of the

memorial, the depiction of the sun and moon signifying eternity is prominently

represented. In a few memorials of the said variety, the depiction of a peacock,

representing the valour of Kartikeya are also visible (Figure 4). The memorials of the

said variety at Madhutra are 48 in number.

Figure 4: Depiction of Sun and Moon Interjected by a Peacock on a Paliya

Hero memorials with two horse riders: The memorials of the said sub‐type are similar

to the former, with the exception of an additional horse rider. The affinities of this

memorial type are also attributed to the Rajput communities based on their sculptural

representations. The depictions of multiple horse riders represent individuals related

by kinship ties who perhaps died together (Kalhoro 2010) (Figure 5). The memorials of

the said sub‐type at Madhutra are 19 in number.

Hero memorial of a horse rider with an attendant figure: The memorials are similar to

the former sub‐types in their form with the addition of one or more attendant figure

standing either at the rear or front of the horse. The presence of the attendant figure

perhaps signifies a higher social bearing of the individual commemorated (Figure 6).

The memorials of this sub‐type at Madhutra are 4 in number.

Hero memorials with camel riders: A few hero memorials are found to carry

depictions of camel riders (Figure 7). These paliyas are believed to commemorate

individuals of the Rabari community. Their associations with the Rabaris are drawn

based on their links with camel breeding. Further, camels are also associated as the

vehicle of Goddess Mammai whom the Rabaris worship (Kalhoro 2010). The memorials

of this sub‐type at Madhutra are 7 in number.

Sati Memorials

A sati memorial is generally associated with the commemoration of a woman who died

performing either the sahagamana or anugamana rites upon hearing the death or

impending death of one’s husband or beloved, thereby achieving the status of a sati.


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The practice involves not merely the immolation of a woman, but is also associated

with the proof of ‘purity’ and ‘loyalty’ of the woman to her beloved, thereby achieving

the status of a sati. Through her acts, she achieves the status of a Goddess and is thus

worshiped by the people for prosperity in marital life. This tradition is recorded by

several tangible manifestations at Madhutra, which number 56 (41.79% of the total

memorials at the settlement documented) in the settlement. Amongst the sati

memorials documented at Madhutra, the following sub‐types were identified.

Figure 5: Paliya Depicting Two

Horse Riders

Figure 6: Paliya Carrying Depictions of a Horse

Rider Accompanied by Attendants on Foot

Sati memorials depicting a sati and her husband: A few memorials at Madhutra carry

representations of the sati and her deceased husband. Most memorials of this sub‐type

represent the male and the female figure standing beside each other, with a few

memorials also carrying depictions of the woman sitting with her deceased husband’s

head resting on her lap or standing carrying her deceased husband. In a few cases the

sati is also depicted being accompanied by an attendant, perhaps symbolising her

higher social standing in society (Figure 8). While the nature of the sculpted depictions

and the mode of death in the memorial depicting the sati alone cannot be identified

with certainty, it may be speculated that the sati depicted carrying the deceased

husband represents the performance of the sahagamana rite. In addition, the

representation of the attributes of the sati such as the raised right arm decked with

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bangles, a lemon or a citrus fruit and a wedding veil are seen. The memorials of the

said sub‐type at Madhutra are 24 in number.

Figure 7: Paliya Depicting a

Camel Rider

Figure 8: A Woman Carrying her

Deceased Husband in a Sati Memorial

Figure 9: Sati Memorial Carrying

Representations of a Raised Arm

Figure 10: Representation of Raised Arms

Interjected by a Mathni in a Sati Memorial


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Sati‐memorials with a raised arm: This sub‐type of the sati memorial merely carry

representations of one or more raised arms decked with bangles and holding a lemon

or a citrus fruit in her hand (Figure 9). These depictions represent the symbolic traits of

the sati. The commemoration of more than one woman in a single memorial perhaps

indicates their kinship or family ties. These memorials at Madhutra are 29 in number.

Sati memorials with a representation of a kumbha with or without a mathni‐ This

sub‐type of the sati memorial besides carrying either of the representations of the

former sub‐types carry depictions of a kumbha (pot) without or without a mathni

(churner) (Figure 10). These memorials are believed to be associated with both the

Rabaris and Ahirs, owing to the predominance of pastoralism in their everyday lives.

The restriction in associating only the former two communities with the memorials is

based on oral traditions in the settlement alone and is not a universal norm. The

memorials of this sub‐type at Madhutra are meagre with only 3 paliyas observed.

Discussion The paliyas in the region of Gujarat and Rajasthan, India and Sindh, Pakistan have been

subjected to limited investigations in the past. The restricted attention placed on

studying the tradition of setting up of memorials for the dead is primarily due to the

memorials being considered to be of limited significance. The paliyas in Madhutra,

Santalpur taluka, Patan District, Gujarat, were thus examined as a case study towards

establishing the significance of the memorials in the socio‐cultural lives of the local

populace in the region.

The surveys undertaken at Madhutra led to the documentation of 134 paliyas

distributed in three clusters. The huge number of paliyas documented within the

settlement revealed that the tradition involving the glorification and commemoration

of the deceased ancestors was strongly adhered. Preliminary reading of the engraved

inscriptions on the paliyas reveals that the memorial can be dated between c.17th and

19th centuries CE. Although there exists no tangible evidence to assign the different

typological varieties of the paliyas to specific communities, the associated oral

traditions identify certain memorials with particular community groups. Such

identifications are primarily based on the nature of sculptural depictions on them. The

adoption of oral traditions as a reliable evidence in the aforesaid context is governed by

subjectivity and later interpolation. Nevertheless, as oral traditions form a significant

element of ‘shared living experiences’ of the contemporary populace that associate

themselves with the memorial, it would be unwise to entirely negate the information

obtained from oral traditions.

The paliyas at Madhutra are found distributed in three clusters which lie in close

proximity to each other. There is no distinction made in the memorials belonging to

different communities housed in specific clusters. In addition, it was observed that the

memorials are not distinguished by members of different community groups and are

worshiped together by all inhabitants of the settlement. Further, it was observed that

Goswami et al. 2017: 1001‐1012

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the members belonging to different settlements do not appropriate paliyas found

outside their settlement, thereby ensuring the exclusivity of the worship of the

memorials to the inhabitants of the settlements. In addition, it was observed that the

conflicts between two social groups are traditionally resolved in the vicinity of the

paliyas, where the disputants are bound by the sacredness of the ground housing the

paliyas. It is held that the violations of the sacredness of the ground by the disputants

would lead to subsequent ruin of their families. Under such circumstances the

memorials act as centres of social gravity by resolving conflicts between different social

groups and regulate kinship ties.

The current study as a case study was successful in identifying the typological varieties

in the paliyas at Madhutra and highlighted some of the associated cultural practices. It

is however imperative that future researches on the tradition in the region be expanded

laterally to understand the significance of the popular substratum tradition which

involved the commemoration of the deceased ancestors. Further, it is also necessary to

examine the tradition of setting up of the memorials in the region in relation with the

socio‐cultural background which would perhaps throw light on the factors that led to

the popularity of the tradition.

The practice of erecting paliyas for the dead is no longer a living tradition here as

several of the modes and instances leading to the heroic death commemorated by the

memorials are currently banned by legislation. Nevertheless, these memorials serve as

tangibles reflection of certain modes of death which were glorified by past societies.

Although, these practices are currently outlawed, the contemporary local populace

uphold and exalt the ideal embraced by the memorials.

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