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“““WWWHHHAAAKKKAAATTTAAAUUU MMMAAAIII RRRAAA”””::: TTTHHHEEE IIIMMMPPPAAACCCTTTSSS

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Te Rūnanga o Kirikiriroa Trust Inc

Pou Tuia Rangahau (Research & Development)

5

“““WWWHHHAAAKKKAAATTTAAAUUU MMMAAAIII RRRAAA”””::: TTTHHHEEE IIIMMMPPPAAACCCTTTSSS

OOOFFF GGGAAAMMMBBBLLLIIINNNGGG FFFOOORRR MMMĀĀĀOOORRRIII

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Naina Wātene

Keri Thompson

Alison Barnett

Mere Balzer

Marsha Turinui

in collaboration with

Nga Manga Puriri, Whangarei

Te Kahui Hauora, Rotorua

Toiora-Healthy Lifestyles Ltd, Taranaki

Ngati Porou Hauora, Tairawhiti

Te Rangihaeata Oranga, Hawkes Bay

Te Roopu Tautoko Ki Te Tonga Inc, Dunedin

Whiringa-a-Rangi (November) 2007

6

Pou Tuia Rangahau (formerly known as the Research and

Development Unit) of Te Rūnanga o Kirikiriroa Trust Inc, would like

to emphasise the kaupapa Māori approach to this reporting structure.

The structure stems from a Māori specific world view and knowledge

base, which has been in existence for generations.

As part of searching for a Māori depiction that could be utilized as a

generic reporting model, the Powhiri Model (formal Māori

welcoming ceremony model), containing a sequence of specific ritual

phases, was chosen. Each ritual phase has its own purpose, and

together, the phases create and complete a process by which all

manner of things are made complete. There are nine ritual phases

that have been chosen to complete this research reporting structure,

and in this context, they are represented as follows:

“Karanga - Ritual of First Engagement” is the first calling that

establishes a project in written form.

“Whaikorero - Ritual of First Speaking” is about the contractual

discussions between individuals and organisations involved in the

project.

“Koha - Ritual of Reciprocity” reflects and acknowledges the

overall development, processes and findings of the project.

“Hongi-hariru-kai - Ritual of Encounter” is the scoping and

reviewing of historical and contemporary information as evidence

that supports the project.

“Whakawhanaungatanga - Ritual of Derivation” is the scoping

and profiling of the methodologies utilised for the project.

“Hui - Ritual of Collaboration” is about the ongoing collaboration,

collection of information, the analysis and results the project.

“Poroporoaki - Ritual of Erudition” is about the completion of a

project, dissemination of information and setting future directions.

“Karakia - Ritual of Conclusion” is about culturally concluding the

project.

“Waiata - Ritual of Coalescence” works in conjunction with

Karakia to conclude the project and clear the way forward. (Elliott-

Hohepa, Elliott & Kingi, 2005).

No part or parts regarding the overall structure and information of

this report may be reproduced without the approval of Te Rūnanga o

Kirikiriroa Trust Inc, Te Pou Tuia Rangahau.


Pou Tuia Rangahau (Research & Development)

T: 07 846 1042 F: 07 846 7156

E: [email protected]

Whiringa-ā-Rangi (November) 2007 ©

7

TABLE OF CONTENTS

KARANGA - RITUAL OF FIRST ENGAGEMENT ............................ 11

KARANGA ......................................................................................... 12

WHAIKŌRERO - RITUAL OF FIRST SPEAKING ............................ 13

MIHIMIHI ........................................................................................... 13

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................ 14

ORGANISATIONAL INFORMATION ............................................. 17

Te Rūnanga O Kirikiriroa Trust Inc .................................................... 17

Pou Tuia Rangahau .......................................................................... 18

Pou Tuia Rangahau Advisory Team ................................................ 18

The Māori Provider Profiles ................................................................ 18

Nga Manga Puriri, Whangarei ......................................................... 19

Te Kahui Hauora Trust, Rotorua ...................................................... 19

Toiora-Healthy Lifestyles Ltd, Taranaki .......................................... 19

Ngati Porou Hauora, Tairawhiti ....................................................... 20

Te Rangihaeata Oranga, Hawkes Bay .............................................. 20

Te Roopu Tautoko ki te Tonga Inc, Dunedin ................................... 21

KOHA - RITUAL OF RECIPROCITY .................................................. 23

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................................................. 24

Introduction ......................................................................................... 22

Research Approaches ....................................................................... 23

Data Collection ................................................................................. 23

Discussion & Conclusions ...................................................................

Limitations of the Project .....................................................................

Key Findings & Recommendations .....................................................

HONGI-HARIRU-KAI - RITUAL OF ENCOUNTER ......................... 31

LITERATURE REVIEW .................................................................... 32

Introduction ......................................................................................... 32

Historical Overview of Gambling in Aotearoa ................................ 32

Gambling and Public Health ............................................................ 34

Impacts of Gambling ........................................................................ 36

The Treaty of Waitangi and Gambling............................................. 38

Conclusions ...................................................................................... 39

WHAKAWHANAUNGATANGA - RITUAL OF DERIVATION ....... 41

RESEARCH METHODOLOGIES ..................................................... 42

Introduction ......................................................................................... 42

Kaupapa Māori Approach ................................................................ 42

Qualitative Approach ....................................................................... 43

Literature Review Approach ............................................................ 43

Quantitative Approach ..................................................................... 43

The Research Process .......................................................................... 43

Māori Health Service Provider Involvement .................................... 44

First Collaborative Project Hui ........................................................ 44

Roles and Responsibilities of Māori Providers ................................ 45

Training of Research Assistants ....................................................... 45

Recruitment of Participants .............................................................. 46

The Focus Groups ............................................................................ 46

Transcription of Discussions ............................................................ 48

Data Analysis ................................................................................... 48

8

Ethical Approval .............................................................................. 48

HUI - RITUAL OF COLLABORATION .............................................. 49

DATA ANALYSIS & FINDINGS...................................................... 50

Focus Groups - Regional Findings ...................................................... 50

Nga Manga Puriri, Whangarei ......................................................... 51

What is Gambling ......................................................................... 51

Types of Gambling ....................................................................... 52

Reasons for Gambling ................................................................... 52

Experiences and Impacts of Gambling ......................................... 53

Strategies to Reduce Gambling Harm ........................................... 54

Summary ....................................................................................... 56

Te Kahui Hauora, Rotorua ............................................................... 57

What is Gambling ......................................................................... 57





Summary ....................................................................................... 65

Toiora-Healthy Lifestyles Ltd, Taranaki .......................................... 66

What is Gambling ......................................................................... 66





Summary ....................................................................................... 72

Ngati Porou Hauora, Tairawhiti ....................................................... 73

What is Gambling ......................................................................... 74





Summary ....................................................................................... 79

Te Rangihaeata Oranga, Hawkes Bay .............................................. 80

What is Gambling ......................................................................... 81





Summary ....................................................................................... 88

Te Roopu Tautoko ki te Tonga Inc, Dunedin ................................... 89

What is Gambling ......................................................................... 90





Summary ....................................................................................... 94

Focus Groups - Overall Findings......................................................... 96

What is Gambling............................................................................. 96

Types of Gambling ........................................................................... 96

Reasons for Gambling ...................................................................... 97

Experiences and Impacts of Gambling ............................................. 97

Strategies to Reduce Gambling Harm .............................................. 98

9

POROPOROAKI - RITUAL OF ERUDITION ................................... 101

DISCUSSION & CONCLUSIONS................................................... 102

KEY FINDINGS & RECOMMENDATIONS ........................................

REFERENCES ........................................................................................

Appendix 1: Participant Information Sheet .......................................... 111

Appendix 2: Consent to Participate Form ............................................. 115

Appendix 3: Project Fact Sheet ............................................................ 117

Appendix 4: Research Assistant Code of Conduct Form ..................... 121

Appendix 5: Participant Focus Group Discussion Themes .................. 125

Appendix 6: Research Assistant Focus Group Discussion Questions .. 127

Appendix 7: Glossary ........................................................................... 129

KARAKIA - RITUAL OF CONCLUSION ......................................... 131

KARAKIA ......................................................................................... 132

WAIATA - RITUAL OF COALESCENCE......................................... 133

WAIATA ........................................................................................... 134

Whakatau Mai Ra .............................................................................. 134

List of Tables Table 1: Number of focus groups and participants per region ................ 50

Table 2: What is gambling - all participants, all regions ........................ 96

Table 3: Types of gambling - all participants, all regions ...................... 96

Table 4: Reasons for gambling - all participants, all regions.................. 97

Table 5: Experiences and impacts of gambling - all participants, all regions ..... 97

Table 6: Strategies to reduce gambling harm - all participants, all regions ........ 98

11

KARANGA

Ritual of First Engagement “Karanga” is the first calling that

establishes a project in written form

12

KARANGA

Karanga mai rā, karanga mai rā

Tenā rā kōrua, te tangi e tū nei

Te papa e takoto nei

E ngā mana

E ngā reo

E ngā karangaranga maha o ngā hau e whā

Kua tae mai nei ki te tautoko

Te kaupapa o tēnei wā

Kia mau ki a koutou i tō tātou kaupapa

He kaupapa motuhake

He kaupapa rawe

Hei awhina atu ki te ao Māori

Ki te ao katoa

Haere atu ra ngā mate

Ki ngā tūpuna

Ki te iwi nui tonu

Kua huri atu ki te pō e

Kia mihia, kia poroporoakihia

Ki a rātou i te wā iti nei e

Haere atu ra

Whakatau mai ra

Ngā karangaranga maha

Ki runga i te papa

I waiho ake ai e rātou e

Whakatau mai ra

Whakatau mai ra

13

WHAIKŌRERO

Ritual of First Speaking “Whaikōrero” is about the contractual discussions between

individuals and organisations involved in the project

14

MIHIMIHI

Ko te pū ko te kauru

Kei te hiahia ko Rongo ko Taane

Tū-rama-rama-ā-nuku

Tū-rama-rama-ā-rangi

Ko te rangi e tū iho nei

Heke iho ki a Papa-tuanuku e takoto nei

Ko ngā tauira o Te Wānanga e whakamau ngā ingoa o Io

Ko Io-te-Pūkenga Io-te-Toi-ō-ngā-rangi

Ue te rangi, Ue a nuku, nuku tai māroro

Haumi e, hui e, taiki e

Ko te mihi tuatahi, ko Te Atua. nāna nei ngā mea katoa

Tuarua, ko Te Kiingi Māori ko Tūheitia

me tōna whare Te Kāhui Arikinui tonu rā

Pai Mārire

Me mihia ngā mate i runga i ngā marae maha, huri noa i te motu

Nā tātou katoa e tangi, e mihi

Haere e ngā mate, haere

Hoki wairua mai

Ki te takitaki te kaupapa tū mai rā

Nō reira, haere ngā mate. Hoki ki te kāinga tūturu okioki ai

Tīhei Mauriora

E ngā mana, e ngā reo, e ngā kāranga-ranga-tanga maha

tēnā rā koutou katoa. Ka nui te mihi ki a tātou, te hunga e whai ake te

kaupapa nei, e hāpai ake te kaupapa ki tōna taumata e rangatira ai, e

ora ai. Tēnā rā tātou katoa

He rīpoata tēnei e whakaatu nei ngā kohikohinga kōrero, kohikohinga

whakaaro, mai i tēnei whānau, mai i tēnā hapū, mai i tērā iwi, huri

noa o te motu. Ko te tūmanako kia rangona ai te taringa o te

Kāwanatanga me ōna takawaenga minita katoa e hangai ana ki te

kaupapa. Ki a koe anō te minita o te hauora tangata e pā Peter

Hodgson kōrua tahi ko koe e pā Parekura Horomia, whakarongo ake

ki te tangi o ngā iwi katoa nei e pā ana ki ō rātou nawe, ki ō rātou

mamaetanga me o rātou painga hoki e pātata atu ana nei ki a ngai

tāua te iwi Māori. Ka hoki anō te mihi nui ki te roopū rangahau nei,

ko rātou e whakatakotoria o rātou kitenga i te wā e whāwhāngia

haere te kaupapa waenganui i o rātou iwi i raro anō i o rātou

mohiotanga-ā-iwi. Heoi anō, te korero whakamutunga māku pea ko

tēnei,

“Mā tōu rourou, mā taku rourou ka ora ai te iwi”

15

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Te Rūnanga o Kirikiriroa Trust Inc and Pou Tuia Rangahau wish to

acknowledge a number of organisations and individuals involved in

the project.

Firstly, the project would not have been possible without the many

participants from throughout the country, who were willing to take

part in a focus group discussion within their respective regions, to

share their valuable information for the purposes of this project.

Participants hailed from the Northland, Rotorua, Tairawhiti,

Taranaki, Hawkes Bay, and Southland.

Secondly, special acknowledgement and appreciation to the research

assistants and the six Māori health service provider organisations.

We are most grateful for their commitment to the project, trust in the

research process, undertaking the huge task of conducting and

completing the focus group discussions within their regions, and for

ensuring the project was achieved. They are:

Nga Manga Puriri, Whangarei; in particular, Warren Moetara,

Huhana Seve and Jonathan Seve

Te Kahui Hauora, Rotorua; in particular, Laurie Morrison,

Amber Grant and Anaru Bidois

Toiora-Healthy Lifestyles Ltd, Taranaki; in particular, Denis

McLeod

Ngati Porou Hauora, Tairawhiti; in particular, Bill Aston, Connie

Henare, Jennifer Harré Hindmarsh and Mark Iles

Te Rangihaeata Oranga, Hawkes Bay; in particular, Monica

Stockdale, Matthew Bennett and Marewa King

Te Roopu Tautoko ki te Tonga Inc, Dunedin; in particular, Chris

Maxwell, Jerry Banse and Reuben Moses.

Thirdly, we acknowledge the expert advisory team of Professor

Whatarangi Winiata, Dr Lorna Dyall, Ms Laurie Morrison, Ms Ruth

Herd, and Hector Kaiwai. Thank you for your ongoing support and

commitment to the success and completion of this project.

Thank you to the numerous Rūnanga staff involved in supporting the

project. In particular, Ms Mere Balzer, line manager for Pou Tuia

Rangahau and CEO of the Rūnanga, for her ongoing mentorship,

support and trust in the team to get the job done. To Ms Rongo

Kirkwood, Manager of the Whānau Ora Unit of the Rūnanga, for the

Karanga, the call that sets the tone of the overall report. To the rest

of the team, Keri Thompson and Alison Barnett, for their ongoing

support and contribution to discussions, planning sessions, and times

when I just needed to bounce ideas! To Michelle Levy for the

ongoing academic guidance, peer review and support to Pou Tuia

Rangahau in all projects conducted by the team.

Special acknowledgement, thanks and appreciation to Marsha

Turinui, past administrator for Pou Tuia Rangahau. Much of the

16

early developments, negotiations, collaboration and moving forward

for this project was driven by Marsha.

Special acknowledgement, thanks and appreciation to Hori Kingi of

the Rūnanga, for his specialist cultural guidance and expertise

throughout the project, for ensuring culturally safe practices and

processes for all involved, and for his contribution to the naming of

the project and waiata - “Whakatau Mai Ra” that encompasses the

commitment of all involved in the project from beginning to end.

Special appreciation and grateful thanks to Sandra Eru, Carol

Hackett, Derek Teariki-Morehu, and the whānau of Houmaitawhiti

Marae, Rotorua, for the warm hospitality and hosting of our first

collaborative hui held in November 2006, to develop and scope the

project, for the naming of the project, and also for allowing the

project to conclude where it began.

To the team of transcribers who undertook the task of transcribing

data for three of the provider regions. Thank you for completing the

transcripts for analysis.

Acknowledgement is made to the Ministry of Health for funding this

project.

Finally, the project has been achieved because of the collaborative

approach and effort that has made the project an enjoyable and

rewarding experience for everyone involved.

Tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou katoa.

17

ORGANISATIONAL INFORMATION

This section provides information regarding the organisations

involved in the project. An overview of the Rūnanga and the

Research and Development Unit is presented, followed by an

overview of each of the Māori health service providers involved.

Te Rūnanga O Kirikiriroa Trust Inc Te Rūnanga o Kirikiriroa Trust Inc (the Rūnanga) was established as

a Charitable Trust and the Urban Māori Authority for Hamilton city

under the guidance of the late Māori Queen, Te Atairangikaahu and

the Hamilton City Council in 1987. It is the second largest urban

Māori authority, behind Waipareira Trust based in Auckland. The

Rūnanga is mandated to focus on issues relating to Article III of the

Treaty of Waitangi, and was developed to meet the multi-faceted

needs of maataa waaka (including Pacific Island communities) within

Kirikiriroa. The kaupapa of the Rūnanga is captured in the following

mission statement, which is: “to improve the holistic health and

wellbeing of Māori and Pacific peoples domiciled within the city of

Kirikiriroa.”

The core values of the Rūnanga are Mana Rangatiratanga,

Whanaungatanga, Manaakitanga, and Arohatanga. These values

underpin the corporate values of the Rūnanga which are:

Tikanga as being fundamental to the organisation as the

foundation of all practices

Te Tiriti o Waitangi (the Treaty) and the principles of

Partnership (where partners have equal status and are treated

with respect); Participation (active contribution within forums

that make decisions affecting Māori and Pacific Island

communities); and Protection (as kaitaiki in the protection of

traditional and urban taonga)

Gender equity in all its operations

Mana Māori Motuhake reflected in its interactions and practices

Self-determination

Quality focus.

The Rūnanga is committed to service excellence based on best

practice and management as well as the transparency of operations.

Kaupapa Māori frameworks at both a policy and practical level

enable a unique philosophy of care and emphasis regarding service

provision, including evaluation. The Rūnanga provides a range of

services, from crisis intervention and dual diagnosis services for

mental health, off-site residential mental health services, public

health and health promotion services, alcohol and drug counselling

services and residential services, strategic planning and business

solutions services, the finances department, and research and

development.

18

Pou Tuia Rangahau Pou Tuia Rangahau (formerly known as the Research and

Development Unit) is a community based research unit that was

established in December 2002. It was primarily established to

complete research and evaluation projects that have positive future

outcomes for, and with Māori and Pacific communities within

Hamilton and the greater Waikato region. The following are the aims

of Pou Tuia Rangahau:

To develop research proposals that have a strong collaborative

approach to key individuals, organisations and communities

To conduct research projects with an emphasis on direct practical

outcomes to communities, wherever possible

To assist communities to increase their research capacity and

facilitate options for funding regarding specific research projects

To conduct and complete all research projects based on kaupapa

Māori research methodologies and frameworks

To produce clear evidence regarding best models of practice for

the services of the Rūnanga, to increase the efficacy of such

services.

Pou Tuia Rangahau team consists of the following:

Mere Balzer - Interim Manager/CEO of TROK

Dr Michelle Levy, Adacemic Supervisor

Naina Watene - Researcher

Keri Thompson - Researcher

Alison Barnett - Researcher

Pou Tuia Rangahau Advisory Team Pou Tuia Rangahau utilised an internal advisory team throughout this

project who have worked alongside the research team to provide

guidance and support. In particular, areas of support included

mentorship and specialist cultural expertise. The internal advisory

team consisted of Bob Elliott and Hori Kingi of the Rūnanga.

The Māori Provider Profiles One of the first priorities for this project was to identify and meet

with key Māori health provider organisations involved with gambling

throughout Aotearoa. Priority was given to those organisations that

worked closely with Māori, in keeping with the overall kaupapa

Māori approach of the project.

Initially, there were a total of eight Māori health provider

organisations who were invited to collaborate and be involved in the

project, and all Māori Providers are currently working in the area of

gambling. Three of these Māori Providers are based in the South

Island. At the conclusion of the first national collaborative project

hui in Rotorua during November 2006, the Māori Providers from the

South Island met to discuss the focus groups and how best these

could be managed between them. As a result, it was decided that Te

Roopu Tautoko Ki Te Tonga Inc based in Dunedin, would take

responsibility for conducting focus groups throughout the Southern

19

region, with support from the other two Māori Providers.

Specifically, the support would be in the form of assisting to recruit

participants from the different areas to take part in focus groups

conducted by staff of Te Roopu Tautoko Ki Te Tonga Inc.

Nga Manga Puriri, Whangarei Nga Manga Puriri is a Charitable Trust, and situated in the heart of

the Whangarei township. They are a professional, confidential and

free service for all peoples of, and living within the Te Taitokerau

region who are seeking help and information regarding gambling and

gambling-related problems. Their services include the provision of

information and advice regarding gambling issues in general, one-to-

one counselling, whānau counselling, support groups and education.

Nga Manga Puriri is currently the only Māori health provider service

providing gambling specific services to the Northland region. Their

geographical coverage area spans from the top of the North Island

down to the North Auckland area.

Te Kahui Hauora Trust, Rotorua Te Kahui Hauora Trust based in Rotorua, is responsible for the

delivery of health promotion, early intervention and community-

based programmes aimed at reducing or minimising harm caused by

gambling within their communities. Their geographical location

covers all of the Rotorua and outlying areas.

Toiora-Healthy Lifestyles Ltd, Taranaki Toiora-Healthy Lifestyles Ltd is based in New Plymouth. They have

been providing problem gambling services, both health promotion

and intervention services, throughout Taranaki during the past four

years. Some specific programmes have included a needs analysis,

public awareness seminars, a general screening project involving 800

people, and a survey of youth and development of a youth/rangatahi

educational programme. A specific focus and working relationships

with iwi/hapū and general Māori communities have also been

established.

Within the organisational structure of delivering health needs to

Māori, Toiora-Healthy Lifestyles Ltd has been designated by

Iwi/Māori to deliver those services within Taranaki, plus it fulfils the

role of representing Taranaki Māori on Te Herenga Waka O Te Ora

whānau (National Māori Trust for Problem Gambling) and Karere

Hauora, the national collective of Māori gambling service providers.

Toiora-Healthy Lifestyles Ltd has both an association, plus working

relationships with all other Māori health providers within Taranaki;

has formal and working relationships with the Taranaki District

Health Board, plus all three PHO‟s that currently exist within

Taranaki.

20

Ngati Porou Hauora, Tairawhiti Ngati Porou Hauora is a not-for-profit incorporated society

established in 1994. It is owned and managed by a board of elected

community members representing the various communities of the

Ngati Porou rohe. The Ngati Porou Hauora vision is to promote

holistic health within the family, spiritually, mentally and physically.

The organisation‟s values include incorporating a Ngati Porou

perspective in all health strategies; ensuring whānau, hapū and iwi

development is integral to health; prioritising empowerment for self

care; and maximising use while minimising costs of health services

to the people in the rohe of Ngati Porou. The focus is on improving

whānau and hapū health and preventing disease.

Since implementation of the primary health care strategy (2001),

Ngati Porou Hauora has had a dual role, that of a Primary Health

Organisation (PHO) as well as its current role as a Māori health

service provider. As a PHO, Ngati Porou Hauora has approximately

13,000 enrolled patients. Ngati Porou Hauora provides low or no

cost healthcare through multidisciplinary primary health care teams

that are based throughout the region.

In 2002, Ngati Porou Hauora were funded through the former

Problem Gambling Purchasing Agency of the Problem Gambling

Committee to provide a problem gambling prevention service. Since

then, Ngati Porou Hauora have expanded from one dedicated worker

to a team of three dedicated workers, and have also expanded their

problem gambling services that include the provision of problem

gambling intervention services, advocacy and liaison services in

Gisborne city that include the development and maintenance of

strong working relationships with district councils, other health and

social service agencies and organisations throughout the region,

including individual community members and the wider local Māori

communities. Ngati Porou Hauora in particular have, and continue to

be proactive at the local government level regarding the negotiation

to develop their local gambling venue policies and the move towards

the adoption of a sinking lid policy for Gisborne (Ngati Porou

Hauora & Problem Gambling Foundation, 2004).

Te Rangihaeata Oranga, Hawkes Bay Te Rangihaeata Oranga was established in 2000 by the then Problem

Gambling Committee to provide problem gambling services to the

people in the Hawkes Bay region. They are part of an Aotearoa wide

network of problem gambling organisations and services that provide

a range of treatment, health promotion, advocacy, research, services

and programmes to those who are affected by gambling. They work

with all people, both Māori and non-Māori.

Te Rangihaeata Oranga is located in Napier with clinics in Wairoa,

Hastings and Waipukarau. They work closely with Te Tai Whenua o

Te Whanganui o Rotu, local government, iwi, organisations, services,

and businesses to implement strategies and policies that will reduce

the impact of gambling throughout the Hawkes Bay region.

21

Te Roopu Tautoko ki te Tonga Inc, Dunedin Te Roopu Tautoko ki te Tonga Inc are a Māori health service

provider organisation based in Dunedin. They are one of many

Māori health service provider organisations affiliated to He Oranga

Pounamu, which is an umbrella organisation which was established

by the Ngai Tahu Development Corporation, as a vehicle for

organising and integrating health and social services throughout the

Southern region.

All of the services and programmes provided by Te Roopu Tautoko

ki te Tonga Inc are stand-alone services, that also have the ability to

integrate into each other. Te Roopu Tautoko ki te Tonga Inc have

developed a range of kaupapa Māori resources, which we have had

acclaim regionally and nationally. Their approach to pathological

gambling is developing research, which addresses a cluster of

symptoms across a wider terrain of the individuals/whānau

experience, both past and present. They do not address pathological

gambling alone as the source of one‟s addiction and cure, but rather,

as an object of his or her addiction. They operate from the premise

that etiological focus for Māori unwellness is „colonisation‟ and that

the barriers to disparities have largely come from mainstream

services. This premise is indicative of how they work, the scope in

which they work, and how they define and frame the issues of

unwellness for Māori living within their region. The services that Te

Roopu Tautoko ki te Tonga Inc provide include a prison programme,

a Māori men‟s programme, smoking cessation programmes, learner

licence programmes, mau rakau, Marae theatre, health promotion

programmes to address gambling issues, alcohol and drug individual

and couple counselling, and post-intervention strategies to address

abuse and violence within whānau.

23

KOHA

Ritual of Reciprocity “Koha” reflects and acknowledges the overall

development, processes and findings of the project

24

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Introduction During May 2006, Pou Tuia Rangahau (formerly known as the

Research and Development Unit) of Te Rūnanga o Kirikiriroa Trust

Inc submitted a request for proposal to the Ministry of Health to

conduct a research project to investigate the impacts of gambling and

problem gambling for Māori whānau/hapū/iwi and communities.

Since December 2002, the Rūnanga had successfully completed four

phases of a community action project for the reduction of gambling-

related harm for the Waikato area (Elliott & Watene, 2003; Watene

& Elliott-Hohepa, 2004; Watene & Elliott-Hohepa, 2005). The first

phase of this project conducted a series of focus groups with Waikato

communities to talk about the issues of gambling, and to identify

strategies to assist in the reduction of gambling harm for those

communities. The development of this project is based on replicating

the methodologies employed during phase one of the Waikato

project, and applying it at a national level.

Pou Tuia Rangahau then approached eight Māori health provider

organisations working in the area of gambling initially, to begin the

development of a collaborative proposal to investigate the topic area.

As a result of the initial developments and collaboration with the

Māori Providers, Pou Tuia Rangahau were successful in securing the

project, and began work to progress it further. This report details the

project from its commencement to final completion.

To this end, this is the final report of the project entitled, “Whakatau

Mai Ra: The Impacts of Gambling for Māori Communities - A

National Māori Collaborative Approach”. Specifically, the report

details the research approaches, methods and processes of the project.

It describes the involvement of six Māori health service providers

throughout the country in the project, presents detailed analysis and

findings of the project, and concludes with a final discussion,

recommendations and conclusions as a result of the project.

Rationale While the impacts of gambling on Māori are well documented in

Aotearoa literature, very little has been documented regarding these

impacts within the context of an holistic Māori world view.

Aim The overall aim of this project was to:

Understand the impacts of gambling behaviours, including

problem gambling, for Māori communities.

Objectives The objectives of the project were to:

Examine the impacts of gambling on Mana Motuhake within the

different regions, and their effects on Māori communities

Record and examine stories of experiences of Māori regarding

understanding the impacts of gambling

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Develop an improved understanding of the impacts of gambling

within the context of a Māori world view

Provide clear recommendations and advice that will inform the

future direction of approaches and services appropriate to Māori

communities.

Research Approaches There were four main research approaches utilised to complete the

project. The Kaupapa Māori (KM) approach was the predominant

method employed. Qualitative methods such as focus group

discussions with participants throughout the country were utilised to

gather indepth information regarding the topic area. Specifically, the

analysis was conducted using NVivo, a qualitative data management

tool, to categorise the data under five key themes, which were:

what is gambling

types of gambling

reasons for gambling

impacts and experiences of gambling

strategies and ideas to reduce gambling-related harm.

A literature review was also conducted to provide further context of

the issues regarding the impacts of gambling for Māori. A

quantitative approach was utilised to analyse the focus group

discussion data. Specifically, this included frequency counts of the

number of times that specific issues, views and key themes were

expressed by the participants within the focus group discussions.

Furthermore, frequency counts helped to illustrate similarities and/or

differences in views and opinions of participants across the regions.

Data Collection Focus group discussions were organised and conducted by the

research assistants that were recruited from each participating Māori

Provider. All of the focus groups were held within the respective

regions of the Māori Providers. Each Provider were required to

facilitate and conduct up to a maximum of six focus groups per

region. The compositions of the focus groups were left to the

discretion of the research assistant and Māori Providers.

Discussion & Conclusions A total of 31 focus group discussions, with 194 participants have

been included in the final analysis and are reported on. The analysis

includes six focus groups from the Northland region (n=35), six

focus groups from Rotorua (n=39), three focus groups from the

Taranaki region (n=17), four focus groups from Tairawhiti (n=27),

seven focus groups from the Hawkes Bay region (n=41), and five

focus groups from Southland (n=35). Four focus group discussions

were omitted from the final analysis. These reasons are explained in

detail in the data analysis and findings section of this report.

Demographic information such as age ranges, gender and ethnicity

were collected by the regions. Hapū and/or tribal affiliations were

not collected. The decision to collect this information was left to the

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discretion of the Māori Providers. Regions gave approximate age

ranges of participants, except in the case of rangatahi (defined as

those aged between 16-25 years of age), and kaumātua/kuia (defined

as those aged 65 years plus). Mixed ages are used to describe any

other age generally between that of rangatahi and kaumātua/kuia

ages.

Regions provided brief descriptions of the composition of their focus

groups, which included groups with wahine Māori, tane Māori,

mixed urban and rural groups, rangatahi, kaumātua/kuia, and health

professionals. Almost all of the participants from all the regions

were Māori, with a small number of non-Māori (ie, Pakeha)

participating in the discussions.

It is important to note that most of the findings are indicative only of

the views and opinions of the diverse range of many Māori and a few

non-Māori who happen to reside within the six provider regions.

Direct quotes are used to highlight and illustrate those views and

opinions of participants from their particular regions.

This project has featured a number of unique factors. Firstly, the

collaborative nature of the project provided an opportunity to bring

together a range of Māori health service provider organisations

working in the area of gambling, to address this topic collectively. A

particularly important component has been the ability of the project

to foster the research workforce capacity of the six Māori Providers

involved throughout the country. This was achieved through the

recruitment and training of community research assistants from each

region to conduct and complete the focus groups, as the main means

of data collection. Secondly, the project has been underpinned by a

kaupapa Māori research framework, and is grounded in kaupapa

Māori concepts, values, practices and processes. Thirdly, the

information that has emerged from the project has particular

meaning, relevance and long term implications specific to Māori

communities across the country.

It is clear that participants are aware of the issues of gambling, either

directly, or through the experiences of their own, immediate and/or

wider whānau members within their communities. Although a

variety of types of activities were mentioned, information from the

regions indicates pokie machines as the most common mode of

gambling that causes the most harm, and this finding is consistent

with current problem gambling statistics and prevalence reports.

Reasons for gambling differed from region to region, however, the

need to win money, and socialising/enjoyment/fun were the two most

commonly cited reasons by all of the regions. Worthwhile noting is

that the need to win money was in direct relation to peoples‟ ability

to pay debts and bills, and pokie machines are seen as the quickest

mode by which to make money. Socialising, enjoyment and fun

directly related to more communal activities such as housie and

community raffles. Based on the findings, there is a clear view that

people genuinely do enjoy participating in gambling activities, and

the benefits of being able to socialise with others, particularly

whānau members.

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In regards to strategies to assist communities to reduce gambling-

related harm, many participants from across the regions felt that

education and awareness programmes of the issues of gambling was

the most important. There was a wide view that education about the

issues of gambling needed to start at Kohanga Reo (Māori early

childcare centres) and Kura Kaupapa (Māori middle to high schools),

to ensure that young Māori were aware of the wider issues and

impacts that gambling has on Māori, and then at the community

level.

Of particular importance and significance, was the consistently clear

view from across the regions that education and awareness

programmes needed to be whānau and Marae-based to raise

awareness among Māori communities, not only about the harms of

gambling, but also as a way of focusing on the revitalisation of te reo

Māori, traditional Māori art forms such as kete making, and

encouraging whānau to gather at Marae for the purposes of spending

more time together as whānau.

Other significantly important findings include the view that gambling

is now viewed as a normalised activity that is intrinsically linked to

our culture and used as a form of koha to support our cultural

infrastructure and cultural activities. Many participants from across

the regions strongly felt that gambling is hereditary, its

intergenerational, a learned behaviour, and has become a part of who

we are as a culture.

Depending on the gambling activity, there was also a clear view that

gambling on the Marae was not considered gambling at all, because it

is the „cultural norm‟ to play card games or housie at the Marae to

raise funds to build, renovate and resource Marae, or to provide for

whānau tangi, hui and other cultural events, and it is expected that

this will continue.

Of significance were those participants from some of the regions who

talked about gambling mainly as an individual activity, and because

of this, traditional concepts such as whānau, whanaungatanga and

koha have either been lost or have changed because of gambling

addictions. There was a clear view that gambling addictions have

played a huge part in people isolating themselves and moving away

from their traditional beliefs and values, as well as their own whānau.

Based on the findings of the project, it is clear that gambling has

become an increasingly significant issue for all sectors of a diverse

range of communities, for those of all ages and gender. It is also

evident that Māori communities are genuinely concerned with the

issues of gambling for their communities. While gambling has

gained prominence in Māori communities across the country, one

thing is clearly evident: the issue requires clear strategies driven at

the local community level in order to minimise and reduce gambling-

related harm.

The findings indicate further development of clear communications

plans from which to develop strategies at both local and regional

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levels. In regards to strategies to reduce gambling-related harm, one

thing is very clear; that each region have identified their own

strategies to assist in the reduction of gambling-related harm for their

own communities. It is vitally important that these strategies are

given careful consideration by those regions and funders alike, as to

the most appropriate and effective ways in which strategies can be

further developed, in collaboration with those communities from

where the strategies came.

Limitations of the Project Throughout the course of the project, there have been a number of

limitations. Firstly, negotiations and final signing of the contract

between the Ministry of Health and the Rūnanga was completed in

late October 2006, which resulted in the project starting later than

anticipated. Ethical approval for the project was finalised during

March 2007, which meant a delay in the regions conducting their

focus groups. Memorandums of Understanding (MOUs) had to be

created, approved and signed off by the Rūnanga and each Māori

Provider, which also resulted in delays in gaining approval from the

various boards of each organisation. Three Māori Providers had also

approached the Rūnanga to transcribe the discussions from their

focus group interviews. This resulted in further delays and

amendments that had to be made to allow the Rūnanga to transcribe

interviews on behalf of the Māori Providers.

Many of the transcripts of the focus group discussions from

throughout the regions were received well after the proposed

timeframe, which resulted in further delays in the completion of the

analysis. Other limitations included the poor audio quality of a small

number of focus group discussions, which meant that these could not

be included in the final analysis.

Key Findings & Recommendations The following are key findings that have emerged from the focus

group discussions and participant stories.

The project highlights the importance of working alongside

communities to engage and enable communities to discuss,

define and share information regarding gambling and gambling-

related issues

Participants across the regions who took part in the focus group

discussions enjoyed the opportunity to be able to share their

views and opinions about gambling within their communities.

For many, it was the first and only opportunity they ever had to

talk about gambling issues from their own personal experiences

Because of the opportunity to share their views, many

participants from the different regions voiced their own

commitment to supporting as best they can, their own whānau

members and those living in their communities who may

experience issues regarding gambling

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All of the regions identified more education and awareness aimed

at the community level. In particular, the main vehicle by which

to achieve this was through the utilisation of local Marae to

encourage its use among Māori communities, and to encourage

dialogue around issues that are pertinent to those communities

Participants‟ stories of experiences highlight the significant

impacts that gambling has on individuals, their whānau and

wider communities. Importantly, it also highlights that not all

gambling activities cause irreversible harm. There are positive

benefits that come from those communal gambling activities that

are focused on building and resourcing communities, and provide

forums for people to be able to socialise

Other strategies to address gambling issues included the creation

of resources containing messages that are created by Māori, for

Māori, as the messages contained would be of direct relevance to

their communities, with messages that are appropriate in a local

context

Key findings from Māori Providers have identified commitment to:

Actively working alongside their communities to ensure that

strategies and approaches developed are creative and innovative

in addressing the diverse needs of their communities

Utilising the strategies identified by their communities for the

purposes of responding to, and improving current policy and

advice both within local and national contexts, regarding the

location, the minimisation, reduction and monitoring of pokie

machine numbers and venues within their regions

Engaging in meaningful dialogue to assist in the development of

strategies identified by communities within the regions to further

progress the awareness of gambling-related harm within a local

holistic Māori context

Finding ways that will best support and resource future projects

of this kind, given the national community-based approach and

the public health nature of this issue

Supporting the development of community-based research and

initiatives within their communities, based on the findings from

this project

Engaging with funders to appropriately resource and support

Māori communities to actively participate in, and be involved in

local government policies regarding the minimisation of

gambling-related harm for their respective regions

Working alongside each other to ensure that strategies arising

from each of the regions are developed to ensure a community-

driven approach continues at a regional level

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Ensuring ongoing involvement, networking and collaboration

with local, regional and national gambling provider forums, to

ensure the continuous flow of information sharing at all levels

Collaborating with potential and existing funding bodies in order

to identify and support the development of strategies identified to

reduce gambling-related harm for their respective communities.

Finally, this project has highlighted that local, regional and national

organisations and government agencies need to begin listening to,

and actively engaging with Māori communities and Māori Providers

to ensured that the community voice is heard and responded to in a

proactive manner, regarding the location and number of gambling

activities within their respective regions.

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HONGI-HARIRU-KAI

Ritual of Encounter “Hongi-Hariru-Kai” is the scoping and reviewing of historical

and contemporary information as evidence that supports the project

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LITERATURE REVIEW

Introduction The purpose of this literature review is to explore the range of

gambling impacts on diverse Māori populations, providing a deeper

understanding of the impact of gambling behaviours on Māori

whānau/hapū/iwi and communities. The review will also focus on

some specific agency approaches to addressing the impacts of

gambling and gambling related harm. Local literature specific to

Māori and gambling in Aotearoa has been sourced, as well as

literature from international sources regarding gambling and

indigenous peoples‟.

Historical Overview of Gambling in Aotearoa Gambling has had a relatively short history in Aotearoa, with Māori

having no history of gambling prior to the arrival of European

settlers. Illustrative of this, there is no word or phrase in te reo Māori

for the word „gambling‟, and it is only recently that the term „mahi

petipeti‟ has been used to describe gambling (Herd & Richards,

2004). Similarly, Brady (2004) notes that gambling was introduced

in Australia by European colonisers from England.

Gambling was introduced by European settlers to Aotearoa during

the mid 1800s, and began in its simplest form, with activities such as

betting on horses, card schools and bingo, or housie. Activities such

as horse racing and betting were popular amongst men, while

activities such as housie or bingo were run and enjoyed more by

women (Adams, 2004). Illustrating a diversity of gambling

preferences, other authors such as Herd & Richards (2004) have

noted that gambling for Māori women provided a social outing, as

well as an escape from poverty.

Before the 1980s, gambling activities consisted mainly of the

„Golden Kiwi‟, the Totalisator Agency Board (TAB), track racing

and community fundraising activities such as „housie‟, „batons up‟

and raffles. These were considered socially acceptable forms of

gambling at the time. From the 1980s, many significant events

occurred to change the face of gambling. In 1985 a new weekly

television event was introduced called „Lotto‟, replacing the „Golden

Kiwi‟ tickets. Subsequent to its introduction, Lotto has offered a

gamut of spin-off games, including Daily Keno. A trial of „Instant

Kiwi‟ draws led to this form of gambling becoming a regular activity,

available for purchase seven days a week. In 1988, the first

electronic gaming machines (EGMs or „pokie‟ machines) arrived in

Aotearoa and by 1991 were legally accepted. Since 1991 the TABs

increased their hours, opening seven days a week, Daily Keno

became a regular mid-week activity and Telebingo started. The first

of the six licensed casinos in Aotearoa opened in Christchurch in

1991. During the mid 1990s, the second licensed casino opened in

Auckland, and sports and track gambling became widely available

through the internet. In 1999, two licensed casinos opened in

Queenstown and Dunedin. Shortly after, the second Queenstown

casino opened its doors, lotto tickets started to be sold in supermarket

entry foyers. In 1992 there were just over 14,500 „pokie‟ machines

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in Aotearoa, excluding those machines in licensed casinos. By 2002,

Hamilton opened its casino doors, marking the last casino license to

be granted in Aotearoa (Department of Internal Affairs, 2003; Watene & Elliott-Hohepa, 2004).

Occurring alongside the changes in the gambling environment was

another significant change; the lowering of the drinking age in the

mid-1990s from 20 years to 18 years of age. This change had a huge

impact on access of young people to not only alcohol, but also pokie

machine outlets in pubs and clubs, and in particular, the casinos.

During the year 2000, a Parliamentary Select Committee started an

indepth review of the Gambling Act, focusing particularly on the

regulations surrounding gambling activities (Select Committee on

Government Administration, 2002). The review was in response to

the rapid proliferation of gambling activities that had occurred in

1990s. However, before the Gambling Act review was completed,

there was a sudden explosion of pokie machines appearing in pubs

and clubs across the country. One can assume that this explosion

occurred to counteract any new regulations that would serve to

tighten regulations regarding the operation and availability of

machines. By 2003, with the review complete, the new Gambling

Act came into effect, with a new regime of regulations to control the

growth and availability of gambling activities throughout the country

(www.dia.govt.nz). As required by the Act, local councils introduced

their Gambling Venue Policies (GVP). The introduction of GVP into

local councils were to: control the growth of gambling; prevent and

minimize harm caused by gambling; ensure that money from

gambling benefits communities; and ensure community involvement

in some decisions about the provisions of gambling. By 2004, there

were 22,497 pokie machines available across the country (excluding

casinos). As of September 2006, there were a total of 20,571 pokie

machines in Aotearoa (excluding casinos). The decreases in pokie

machines outside of the casinos can be partly attributed to the GVPs

of local councils within their respective districts.

The location of gambling venues is a significant factor, given that

many of these are noticeably located in areas with low socio-

economic indexes, such as South Auckland and the Bay of Plenty

(Ministry of Health, 2006). Accessibility and availability of

gambling activities, particularly pokie machines, continues to be of

concern, as those experiencing gambling-related problems cite non-

casino pokie machines as the primary mode of harm (Ministry of

Health, 2007).

Another significant legislation change that impacted heavily was the

Smokefree Environments Act 1990, which was passed in parliament

in December 2003. The Act, among a whole range of other

requirements, specifically required that all licensed premises

(including bars, restaurants, cafes, sports clubs and casinos) become

smokefree from 10 December 2004.

The gambling history of Aotearoa highlights the significant influence

of policies which have resulted in the rapid growth of gambling

activities and behaviours over the last 25 years, the responses by

34

government and non-government organisations, and subsequent

effects of these responses. The 1st of September 2005 marked the

first ever annual „Gamble Free Day‟ for Aotearoa. „Gamble Free

Day‟ was an initiative suggested and endorsed by delegates who

attended the CommUnity Action on Gambling Conference held in

Hamilton in 2004. Each year since, gambling service providers,

agencies, organisations and communities have banded together to

raise awareness among the wider public about the harms caused by

gambling, including a national call for all pokie venue operators and

casinos to close their operations for the day.

Gambling and Public Health Since 2001 Aotearoa has led the world in recognising gambling and

problem gambling as a significant public health issue. During the

international gambling conference held in Auckland on 26 July 2001,

the government indicated that they would adopt a public health

model for problem gambling. From this arose a number of reviews

and policy changes. Since its recognition, gambling has become a

prominent issue locally, regionally and nationally, and more

importantly, has become a significant issue for Māori communities

throughout the country.

Public health is broadly defined as encompassing the “development

and implementation of interventions, which aim to improve the

health and wellbeing of communities, as well as protect people from

ill-health and minimise the risk of disease” (Public Health

Commission, 1995). This definition is applicable in the context of

addressing gambling-related issues.

The World Health Organisation defines health promotion as the

process of enabling people to increase control over, and to improve,

their health. Further, the Ottawa Charter is a well determined public

health framework that was developed to address the social, economic

and cultural determinants of health (WHO, 1986), and outlines six

key public health approaches as a means to achieving and promoting

good health. They include building healthy public policy; creating

supportive environments; strengthening community action;

developing personal skills; reorienting health services; and moving

into the future. These six public health approaches have been key to

the development of the Ministry of Health‟s overall strategy to

prevent and minimise gambling harm (MOH, 2005), as the Ministry

has moved to taking a more outcomes-focused approach to

addressing public health issues, including gambling.

There are several other factors that have influenced the adoption of a

public health approach to gambling. Of significance are the Problem

Gambling Committee (former funding provider of problem

gambling-related services) and the Problem Gambling Foundation

(PGF) (formerly known as the Compulsive Gambling Society). PGF

were established in 1988 to provide assistance to problem gamblers.

Providers such as the PGF began to recognise that the increased

availability of gambling products was impacting on the ability of the

few problem gambling services in existence to respond to the

increasing numbers of people seeking help for gambling-related

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problems, and that a totally different approach to addressing the

problem was needed. It was around this time that providers began to

lobby for a public health approach to be applied to stem the tide of

gambling related problems. Alongside this, government agencies

such as the Ministry of Health and Department of Internal Affairs

began to shift their thinking to acknowledge that gambling was a

major problem, and as noted earlier started to respond via reviews of

the Gambling Act. The Department of Internal Affairs also

conducted an extensive review process aimed at guiding the future

direction of gambling policies and legislation, particularly those

relevant to the proliferation of gambling activities. This work

included the collection of prevalence data to support policy changes

and a comprehensive policy framework that would form the basis of

the new Gambling Act (Department of Internal Affairs, 2001).

Amongst all of these events, health promotion strategies, initiatives

and activities developed and initiated by Māori Providers across the

country to address problem gambling have become increasingly

important. For instance, Ngati Porou Hauora based in the Tairawhiti

region, were fundamental to the development of an educational

resource in the form of a DVD entitled, “Gisborne, the Town that

Stood Up” (Ngati Porou Hauora & Problem Gambling Foundation,

2004). This particular resource highlights how a community that had

serious concerns about the number of pokie machines and the

damage they cause, came together to create social change at local

council policy level. This resulted in the adoption of a sinking lid

policy for the Gisborne District Council, which continuously reduces

the number of gambling venues for this particular region. Work to

maintain this is still being currently undertaken by Ngati Porou

Hauora and other collaborating providers in this region.

Other Māori Providers have worked hard at the local level to

collaborate with other providers and local Councils to either reduce

or control the growth of gambling venues and machines in their

regions. For instance, Nga Manga Puriri in Whangarei have worked

closely with their local Councils to reduce the number of venues in

their regions, as well as Te Rangihaeata Oranga based in the Hawkes

Bay region. These particular communities have consistently worked

towards the adoption of a sinking lid policy for their regions, similar

to that of Ngati Porou Hauora, and are continuously working

alongside their local Councils for this to occur.

Likewise, Te Rūnanga o Kirikiriroa Trust Inc in Hamilton have also

been actively involved in the local context since December 2002, to

reduce and minimise the harms caused by gambling for communities

in the Waikato region. Of particular note, is the community-driven

approach utilised by the Rūnanga to engage with local Māori

communities to talk about the issues of gambling, and to strategies

that would assist communities to reduce gambling-related harm

(Elliott & Watene, 2003).

Of significance is the Gambling Resource Information Programme

(also known as GRIP), a one-week education awareness short course

that was developed in partnership between the Rūnanga and Te

Hauora O Ngati Haua, an Iwi Māori health provider organisation

36

based in Waharoa in the Waikato region. This course was developed

from a strategy that was identified by local Māori community

members of the Ngati Haua iwi. They specifically identified that an

education awareness course aimed at the communities was needed so

that communities would be aware of the issues of gambling.

As a result, GRIP was developed. The overall intentions of GRIP are

to provide a range of information about gambling issues in general,

and to facilitate the development of a community resource/message

that will assist in the reduction of gambling-related harm for that

particular community. So far, GRIP has been conducted with four

different communities in the Waikato region and specific resources

from each community have been developed. The unique feature of

GRIP is that once the resources are professionally published, they are

then formally handed back to the communities from which they

came, hence, giving those communities ownership of their resource

(Watene & Elliott-Hohepa, 2004; Watene & Elliott-Hohepa, 2005).

Another example is the work of Hapai Te Hauora Tapui based in

Auckland, who developed „Wahine Tupono‟, a specific support

programme for Māori women gamblers (Herd & Richards, 2004),

and this programme is still continuing.

Overall, these kinds of initiatives and approaches to reducing

gambling-related harm have contributed to a greater awareness about

gambling issues in general, including the growth and expenditure of

gambling in Aotearoa, the effects of casinos and pokie machines

within communities, and the increasing number of Māori seeking

help with gambling-related problems.

Impacts of Gambling Although gambling has become a prominent issue for Māori, there is

a paucity of research that documents the in-depth impacts of

gambling on Māori communities, whānau/hapū/iwi (Dyall, 2002;

Elliott & Watene, 2004; Morrison, 1999). There is however a body

of literature that documents the negative effects of gambling among

Māori, most of which are based on national prevalence surveys (Reid

& Searle, 1996; Abbott, 2001a; Abbott, 2001b; Abbott & Volberg,

2000), and annual problem gambling statistics reports (Paton-

Simpson, Gruys & Hannifin, 2002; Paton-Simpson, Gruys &

Hannifin, 2003; Paton-Simpson, Gruys & Hannifin, 2004; Ministry

of Health, 2007). Much of the prevalence data available highlights

that Māori are at increased risk of problem gambling and gambling-

related harm. For example, recent statistics highlight that a third of

new problem gambling clients are Māori, and of this, more than eight

out of 10 new problem gambling clients are Māori females who cite

non-casino pokie machines as their primary mode of gambling

activity (Ministry of Health, 2007).

Pacific peoples‟ and Asian peoples‟ are two significant population

groups in Aotearoa. It is reported that Pacific peoples are at least six

times more likely to experience problem gambling compared to their

European counterparts (Collaborating Pacific Contributors, 2004),

while anecdotal accounts and media reports have made frequent

37

reference to the disproportionate level of participation in gambling by

those of Asian descent (Tse, Kim & Wong, 2004).

Other studies identify the vulnerability of the poor and of particular

indigenous groups, in terms of having „multiple addictive

behaviours‟ which includes gambling (Elia & Jacobs, 1993). Māori

are estimated to be three times more likely than non-Māori to have

pathological gambling problems. For most problem gamblers, there

is a considerable overlap between problem gambling and alcohol

misuse, with between 10%-20% of those with alcohol problems, also

having gambling-related problems (Sullivan, et al, 2004).

Pathological gambling has a lifetime prevalence of approximately

33% of male and 45% of female inmates in New Zealand, with a high

comorbidity with substance misuse among Māori gamblers

(Simpson, et al, 2003). In the USA, researchers found that 22% of

Native Americans in alcohol treatment had pathological gambling

addictions, compared with 7% of Caucasian Americans (Henderson

& Russell, 1997). Likewise, Orford (et al, 1996) also suggests there

are strong links with alcohol consumption because gambling is

conducted at venues that also sell alcohol.

There is also a body of literature related to the general gambling-

related impacts amongst indigenous populations, focusing on both

the negative and positive social and economic impacts of gambling

among indigenous populations. With regard to negative impacts for

Māori, Rankine and Haigh (2003) highlight the social impacts of

gambling in Manukau City (Auckland) with these including high

rates of stress-related health problems, suicide attempts, lack of

savings and debt, neglect of children, and increase in crime and

unemployment. Other authors have also noted similar impacts such

as neglect of children and whānau, general decline in health, lack of

social cohesion, personal debt, evictions, repossession of car and

house items, and crime increase (Dyall, 2002; Morrison, 1999; Dyall

& Hand, 2003; Watene & Elliott, 2003). Asian communities

throughout Aotearoa have also reported similar impacts, in addition

to difficulties in accessing the health system and radical changes in

diet and lifestyle (Tse, et al, 2004). Pacific communities have

identified similar impacts, particularly in relation to housing, social

cohesion and culture (Collaborating Pacific Contributors, 2004).

International literature has reported similar findings, where the

negative impacts reported included depression, anxiety, suicide and

ill-health, unemployment, as well as detrimental impacts on

individuals, their families, friends and wider communities (Australian

Productivity Commission, 1999; Brady, 2004).

However, in addition to the negative impacts that are well reported

on, it is also well acknowledged that gambling has had positive

outcomes. It has been identified that for Māori communities,

gambling activities provided opportunities for recreation,

socialisation, and supported the developments of many Māori

infrastructures that promote the overall wellbeing of Māori

communities, such as the building and resourcing of Marae . Such

developments have traditionally been supported through events such

as horse racing, housie, card games and raffles, to name a few

(Adams, 2004; Dyall, 2002). One study suggested that as a

38

consequence, gambling has become normalised for some Māori and

is now considered to be a learned behaviour that is transferred from

one generation to the next (Morrison, 1999). For some Pacific

nations, there are reports that gambling is an integral part of society

(Collaborating Pacific Contributors, 2004). Similarly, there is much

anthropological commentary that has focused on community-based

gambling, mainly card games, as an activity with a number of

positive attributes that includes assisting to reduce inequalities in the

distribution of monies within a community, fulfilling important

community functions, and positively maintaining cultural practices

(Altman, 1985; Altman, 1987; Foote, 1996; Riches, 1975). Likewise,

research on indigenous groups in the USA that focus on casino

gambling, report that Native American nations have established

casinos on their land as a means of raising revenue for their

indigenous communities (Henderson & Russell, 1997).

There is some literature which explores the social and economic

impacts of gambling on wider communities. For instance, studies

regarding the economic impacts of gambling in Bendigo, Australia

sought to determine the impacts of retail trade in the state of

Victoria, and how much of the economic impact on the retail trade

was attributed to the gambling environment (Pinge, 2000; 2001).

Currently, the Social Health Outcomes Research and Evaluation

Centre (SHORE) based with Massey University, are undertaking an

economic study regarding the economic impacts of gambling specific

to Aotearoa.

However, there still remains little literature which describes specific

cultural impacts of gambling. It is widely acknowledged among

Māori that there are detrimental cultural impacts of gambling for

Māori communities, whānau/hapū/iwi, particularly the loss of

whānau land due to gambling problems experienced by individual

whānau members. There are a multitude of anecdotal stories told by

Māori whānau of land loss, including stories from „back-in-the-day‟

about whānau members being brought up (or „whangai‟d‟) out to

other whānau members because of a loss in a card game, or a loss on

a bet on a horse (Toataua, personal communication, February 2007).

Although these stories are based on anecdotal accounts, they are a

part of Māori realities and form an important component of the

histories of harm caused by gambling.

The Treaty of Waitangi and Gambling Aotearoa‟s history of gambling is distinct and unique. The founding

document of Aotearoa, the Treaty of Waitangi, accords rights and

responsibilities to both Māori and the Crown, and implies a

partnership to protect the health and wellbeing of Māori, and all other

New Zealanders. Each article of the Treaty outlines specific

responsibilities of the Crown (represented by the elected government

of the day) to protect and promote Māori interests, ownership rights

over natural resources and other taonga, and responsibility to ensure

policies create positive outcomes for Māori. However, it has been

acknowledged that in relation to gambling, the Crown has not given

full consideration to their obligations to implement the principles of

the Treaty, nor have Māori been considered key stakeholders, who

39

should be involved in determining the role and place gambling plays

in Māori communities and New Zealand society, and further notes

that Government gambling related policy and documents have not

considered the rights of Māori in relation to the Treaty, nor have they

considered the wider social, economic and cultural needs, or the

impacts that gambling policies have had on the health and wellbeing

of Māori (Dyall, 2002).

It has been acknowledged that gambling should be defined and

understood within the context in which it operates (Mcmillen, 1996).

Specifically:

“Despite its apparent universality, the concept of

gambling has no intrinsic meaning; rather its

meaning always depends on the sociohistorical

context in which it occurs. The perception and

experience of gambling vary significantly – in its

history, its organisations and its meanings –

according to different types of gambling, the various

groups involved, and the particular society in which

gambling takes place…” (Mcmillen, 1996, p6)

Furthermore, Pōmare et al (1995) states that: “Unless historical,

cultural, social and economic issues are acknowledged, it is difficult

to develop effective interventions”. Other authors (Dyall, 2002;

Dyall & Morrison, 2002) concur with Mcmillen, in that any health

issue of significance to a population needs to be considered within its

own historical, cultural and social context in order for appropriate

and effective interventions to be developed.

Dyall (2002) has written extensively about the relationship of the

Treaty of Waitangi in the context of gambling, and the importance of

policy makers to consult and involve Māori as Treaty partners, in the

development of policy and legislation to ensure that the harms caused

are minimised. Since 2002, Māori nationwide have lobbied and

advocated, and continue to do so, for the recognition and retention of

the Treaty of Waitangi as a comprehensive framework in all

government strategic health documents and plans. In doing so a

foundation can be provided by which gambling-related harm can be

addressed in a culturally appropriate manner. Submissions by Māori

health providers to the Ministry of Health and the Gambling

Commission have also strongly supported that the Treaty be retained

as the overall framework for addressing gambling issues within a

public health context.

Conclusions It is important to note that this review of literature has provided a

general snapshot of the current situation regarding gambling issues,

with particular emphasis on Māori. With this in mind, there are a

number of conclusions that can be drawn. Firstly, we know that

gambling has markedly increased in terms of availability and access,

particularly with pokie machines, and the rapid growth that has

occurred over the last two decades. Secondly, there are a gamut of

impacts that have been reported over time, from both Aotearoa and

40

overseas literature. Evidently, many similarities exist between Māori

experiences and prevalence, compared with the experiences of other

indigenous cultures, and Pacific and Asian peoples‟ residing in

Aotearoa.

Thirdly, much of the current information regarding Māori and

gambling have been based on prevalence data, with this data used to

document a broad profile of a problem gambler. It has been

suggested that this broad profile has the ability to be applied to

Māori. However this has been disputed by some Māori authors,

particularly given that when gambling is considered within the

cultural context in which it operates, there are significant factors

specific to Māori that cannot be generalised.

Fourthly, the Treaty of Waitangi is the founding document of this

country, and as of right, provides the overall framework for

addressing gambling-related harm. It is unfortunate that Māori have

had to continually argue and fight for the retention of the Treaty at

government level, and in the current political climate this can only be

expected to continue.

Finally, despite the range of literature reviewed, there still remains

limited research that specifically focuses on understanding the depth

and breadth of the impacts of gambling-related harm for Māori. This

signals a clear need for more in-depth research by Māori into the

impacts of gambling related harm. This will ensure that Māori

communities that are most at risk are better informed of the potential

harms caused by gambling, that they are aware of the wider issues

around locality and availability of gambling activities and venues,

and that services are more effective at meeting individual, whānau,

hapū and community needs in the prevention of gambling related

harm.

41

WHAKAWHANAUNGATANGA

Ritual of Derivation “Whakawhanaungatanga” is about the scoping and profiling of the

methodologies and research processes utilised during the project

42

RESEARCH METHODOLOGIES

Introduction This section of the report outlines the methodologies employed to

conduct and complete the project. A kaupapa Māori approach has

underpinned all research methodologies and processes throughout the

course of the project. A mix of both qualitative and quantitative

methodologies have also been utilised and are detailed below.

Kaupapa Māori Approach The kaupapa Māori approach is a recognised research framework that

is specific and unique to Aotearoa. The approach recognises that

research needs to be conducted in a culturally appropriate way that

does not exclude other cultural traditions and approaches (Smith,

1997). This is indicative of the way in which Pou Tuia Rangahau

have conducted this research project, and all other prior research

projects.

This approach considers all aspects of human wellbeing, which are

taha tinana (physical), taha wairua (spiritual), taha hinengaro

(mental), and taha whānau (extended family) (Durie, 1999). Smith

(1998) highlights that the presumptions of this method are that any

research project must: take for granted the validity and legitimacy of

Māori, including the importance of Māori language and culture;

recognise the unique journey of each individual, whānau, iwi and

hapū; and be concerned with the struggle for Māori autonomy over

Māori cultural wellbeing.

The greatest strength of utilising this approach is that it has enabled

Māori to define the processes used and conduct the project in a

culturally appropriate manner. Perhaps more importantly, eventual

outcomes will primarily benefit Māori communities across the

country. Specifically, the following practices have been utilised

throughout the project:

Use of kanohi-ki-te-kanohi to interact and engage with Māori

whānau/hapū/iwi and communities and Māori organisations

Use of powhiri, whakatau and mihi as formal entry processes to

conduct the project

Use of hui throughout all stages of the project

Use of karakia and appropriate protocols to conduct and conclude

hui

Use and active practice of culturally appropriate processes

throughout the focus group discussion process, including

mihimihi and whakawhanaungatanga

Use of protective mechanisms regarding cultural and intellectual

property of participants

Use of koha to all participants

Use and significance of kai

Use and promotion of te reo Māori

Use of a kaupapa Māori approach to this reporting structure

Use of kanohi-ki-te-kanohi to present the final report (Elliott,

2003).

43

Qualitative Approach As a secondary approach, specific aspects of qualitative methods

were utilised to conduct the project. A major feature of qualitative

methodologies is that they focus on naturally occurring, ordinary

events in natural settings, and enables us to have a strong handle on

what „real life‟ is like (Miles & Huberman, 1994). In terms of the

project, the qualitative methods utilised have lent themselves well to

the intentions of the research, and also complements the kaupapa

Māori approach. Patton (1990) highlights that the presumptions of a

qualitative method is that it must provide a holistic contextual

portrayal; use a thematic content analysis; focus on indepth, open-

ended interviewing, discussions and personal observations; and give

emphasis to the uniqueness and diversity of peoples‟ experiences and

beliefs. The following are key practices utilised to conduct the

project:

Use of focus group interviews to obtain thoughts, views and

opinions from a collective group

Use of open-ended questions and prompts to generate discussion

Analysis of discussion information using key themes

Recognition of the context of information during analysis

An indepth analysis of key themes through key categories

A narrative reporting style.

Literature Review Approach A literature review was conducted throughout the duration of the

project, and has assisted in providing further context of the issues

regarding the impacts of gambling. In particular, it comments on the

topic area from regional, national and indigenous viewpoints with a

specific focus on literature regarding Māori. The review is contained

in a separate section of this report.

Quantitative Approach The quantitative approach was utilised to analyse the focus group

discussion data. Specifically, this included frequency counts of the

number of times that specific issues, views and key themes were

expressed by the participants within the focus group discussions.

Furthermore, frequency counts helped to illustrate similarities and/or

differences in views and opinions of participants across the regions.

The Research Process This section outlines all of the key steps undertaken to complete the

project. It includes the processes used to define and scope the

project, initial encounters with the Māori Providers involved,

research assistant training and their roles, identification and

recruitment of participants, the ethical approval process, and all other

steps necessary to complete the project.

44

Māori Health Service Provider Involvement During April 2006, PTR initiated the development of a proposal in

response to a Request for Proposal from the Ministry of Health. A

range of Māori health service provider organisations throughout the

country were approached to be involved in the project. Māori

Providers were identified through the existing networks of the

research team, who had already conducted work in the local context,

in the area of gambling. The Māori Providers approached work in

the area of gambling, from health promotion and public health

activities aimed at raising awareness and reducing potential gambling

harm, to the provision of counselling and treatment for problem

gamblers and affected others.

During May 2006, a one-day planning hui was established and hosted

by Pou Tuia Rangahau, with representatives of those Māori

Providers, to begin developing the proposal for consideration by the

MOH. The aim of the hui was to give the Māori Providers an

opportunity to contribute their ideas toward the development of a

collaborative proposal. Discussions included methodologies, how

the project would be conducted, and the roles and responsibilities of

both the Pou Tuia Rangahau and Māori Providers. The hui proved

successful in terms of the constructive feedback received from those

Māori Providers present, and set the basis for a first draft of a

proposal.

First Collaborative Project Hui Once the contract was secured and signed during October 2006, Pou

Tuia Rangahau then initiated the first national Māori collaborative

project hui from 01-03 November 2006. The hui was held at

Houmaitawhiti Marae, Otaramarae, Rotorua, as this was seen as the

most central and appropriate place for everyone to gather. The

objective of the hui was to bring all Māori Providers together to talk

through the research process from beginning to end, and to clarify

everyone‟s roles and responsibilities within the project.

The hui was well attended by all Māori Providers involved in the

project. It was felt that the hui strengthened the relationships of all

involved, and people felt that there was trust in the research process.

Many successful outcomes arose from the hui which included clarity:

of the role of the Rūnanga as the lead provider for the project

for each provider in terms of their roles and responsibilities

for the research assistants regarding the focus group discussions

regarding the use of research tools to recruit, organise, conduct

and complete focus groups

regarding timeframes for the overall project to occur, specifically

the focus groups

regarding the roles of the working party, particularly in the

analysis and report writing stages

regarding the provider budgets for the focus groups to occur

within their regions.

45

Roles and Responsibilities of Māori Providers The main responsibility of the Māori Providers was to appoint a

research assistant or assistants from within their organisation to

conduct the focus groups. Once the research assistants were

identified, they were required to sign a code of conduct form

(Appendix Four). Specifically, the roles of the Māori Providers were

confirmed as the following:

Identifying and appointing a member of their organisation as a

research assistant

That the research assistant attend a two-day training workshop

facilitated by Pou Tuia Rangahau in the necessary skills required

to establish and conduct focus groups, and the use of necessary

research tools

That the research assistants recruit members from their local

communities, whānau/hapū/iwi to participate in focus group

discussions

That the research assistants conduct the focus groups

That the research assistants record, transcribe and collate all

information ready for analysis.

Training of Research Assistants Once the research assistants for each provider were identified, Pou

Tuia Rangahau conducted two sets of two-day research assistant

training workshops. The first set of training was conducted

specifically for the Southern region, while the second set of training

was conducted for the Northern region. The first set of training

occurred during December 2006 with Te Roopu Tautoko ki te Tonga

Inc in Dunedin, who requested to have their training conducted in

Dunedin. As a result, the lead researcher of Pou Tuia Rangahau went

to Dunedin to facilitate the training. This proved to be the most cost

effective way to achieve the training for all staff of Te Roopu

Tautoko ki te Tonga Inc. The training was completed within two

days. The second set of two-day training was conducted for all

research assistants from the Northern Māori Providers. The training

was conducted by Pou Tuia Rangahau at the Rūnanga premises

during January 2007. Specifically, the training for the southern and

northern regions focused on:

An overview of the project

Roles and responsibilities of a research assistant

Recruitment, organising and conducting focus groups

Listening and questioning skills

Understanding the use of research tools, such as participant

information sheets, consent to participate forms and code of

conduct forms

The use of recording equipment during focus group discussions

The transcribing and collation of all information ready for

analysis.

Once the training was completed, the expectation was that the

research assistants would go back to their regions to begin recruiting

and organising their focus groups.

46

Recruitment of Participants The Māori Providers, in collaboration with their research assistants,

took responsibility for the recruitment of participants for the focus

group discussions. There were no set criteria for eligibility regarding

participants, except that they needed to be Māori, and they needed to

be aged 16 years and over. It was also necessary that people had an

interest in the issues of gambling and were prepared to speak openly

and honestly about their views.

Research assistants provided participants with background

information to the project. The information included a participant

information sheet (Appendix One), a project fact sheet (Appendix

Two), a consent to participate form (Appendix Three), and

participant focus group discussion themes (Appendix Five). Signing

of the consent to participate forms was required by each participant

before the focus group discussions could occur.

Participants across the regions ranged from rangatahi to pakeke and

kaumātua/kuia, mixed gender and mixed age groups, including a

small amount of participants who were either staff or clients of the

provider organisations, or had a personal or professional relationship

with each provider. Almost all participants were Māori, with a small

number of non-Māori (Pakeha) participants.

There was discussion with the research assistants during the training

regarding the collection of demographic information from

participants during the recruitment process. The majority of the

Māori Providers decided that the collection of this information

should be left to their discretion, including that of the research

assistant and the participant, if they felt that this information would

be useful for their own future use.

Therefore, specific age and gender information is not provided in the

analysis of the findings. Rather, information regarding the

composition of groups (ie, rangatahi group, kaumātua/kuia group,

mixed urban/rural groups etc) is presented in the analysis section of

the report under each Māori Provider.

The Focus Groups A total of 31 focus group discussions, with 194 participants have





seven focus groups from the Hawkes Bay region (n=41), five focus

groups from Southland (n=35).

Four focus group discussions were omitted from the final analysis.

These reasons are explained in detail in the data analysis and findings

section of this report. These were due to poor audio quality.




47



those aged between 16-25 years of age), and kaumātua/kuia defined



ages.







Therefore, it is important to note that most of the findings are

indicative only of the views and opinions of the diverse range of

many Māori and a few non-Māori who happen to reside within the

six provider regions. Direct quotes are used to highlight and

illustrate those views and opinions of participants from their

particular regions.

Māori Providers were required to conduct up to at least six focus

groups within their respective regions. Some regions chose to

conduct specific compositions of focus groups, for example, focus

groups with youth, kaumātua/kuia, wahine groups, and groups of

health professionals with health promotion and social work

backgrounds. Others conducted random groups, for example,

whoever was available and willing to participate on the day.

Each focus group was one to two hours in duration, with a maximum

of eight participants in any one focus group. The focus group

discussions were centred around five key themes which were:

what is gambling

types of gambling

reasons for gambling

experiences and impacts of gambling

strategies to reduce gambling-related harm.

Definitions of gambling and consequences of gambling arose

throughout the different discussions, and these are included in the

final analysis.

All focus group discussions were tape recorded (with prior

permission given to do so by each participant through the signing of

the consent to participate form), and written notes were also taken by

the research assistant. All focus groups were opened, conducted and

concluded according to kaupapa Māori protocols (ie, using karakia at

appropriate times). Kai was also offered to participants throughout

the process, and each participant received a koha to the value of $30,

in recognition of their time, information given and participation in

the discussions. It was at the discretion of the Māori Providers and

their research assistants to determine the form of koha for their

participants. For example, CD vouchers were given as koha for those

48

focus groups that were conducted with rangatahi, while petrol or

Warehouse vouchers were provided for the pakeke and

kaumātua/kuia groups.

Transcription of Discussions As mentioned, it was the responsibility of the research assistant of

each Māori Provider to transcribe the focus group discussions.

However, due to the lack of access to appropriate transcribing

equipment and the lack of a skilled transcriber, three of the Māori

Providers sent their recorded discussions back to the Rūnanga for

transcribing. This resulted in a number of significant delays in

starting the analysis phase of the project. It also resulted in an

amendment made to the original MOU of the three Māori Providers,

to allow the Rūnanga to carry out this task on their behalf. The

amended MOU outlined a number of things, including that a portion

of funds allocated to transcribing would be reimbursed back to the

Rūnanga, to enable the Rūnanga to pay the casual pool of transcribers

established to carry out the work.

Data Analysis Much of the data for the project was collected through the use of

focus group discussions conducted within the six Māori health

service provider regions. The analysis of the focus group discussions

was collated using NVivo, a qualitative data management tool, to

categorise the data under the five key themes. This then included

frequency counts of the number of times that specific issues, views

and key themes were expressed by the participants within the focus

group discussions. Furthermore, frequency counts helped to illustrate

similarities and/or differences in views and opinions of participants

across the regions.

Ethical Approval Because of the collaborative nature of the project and the qualitative

nature in gathering information, ethical approval was required and

sought through the Multi-Region Ethics Committee, Wellington. It is

important to note that the ethics application specified that focus

group discussions would only be conducted with those aged 16 years

and over. This was done with the intention that it would minimise

any further ethical procedures during the recruitment of participants

process that each Māori Provider was required to undertake. The

process of securing ethical approval also required by each Māori

provider organisation to submit a locality assessment form. Once

this was achieved ethical approval was finally granted for the project

during March 2006.

49

HUI

Ritual of Collaboration “Hui” is about the ongoing collaboration, collection of

information, the analysis and results of the project

50

DATA ANALYSIS & FINDINGS

The findings of the project are arranged in two subsections. The first

subsection begins with an analysis of the focus groups specific to

their region, followed by a brief summary for each region. The

second subsection an overall summary of the findings from all of the

regions.

It is important to note that the results presented are reflective of the

views and opinions of many Māori and some non-Māori (ie, Pakeha)

who reside within each region, and do not represent the opinions of

hapū and/or iwi within those regions. The analysis is not presented

specifically by age or gender, although these are indicated by the

focus group compositions that are presented for each region. Direct

quotes from participants are used to highlight their views and

opinions about the key themes discussed during the focus groups.

Focus Groups - Regional Findings The number of focus group discussions and participants included in

the analysis is presented in Table 1 below. It is important to note that

only five of the seven focus group discussions conducted by Te

Roopu Tautoko ki te Tonga in Dunedin are included in the analysis.

Due to the poor audio quality of two of the discussions received by

the Rūnanga, these were unable to be used. One hard copy of full

notes was received by this region, due to difficulties with recording

the discussion. This transcript of full notes was included in the

analysis.

Likewise, four of the six focus groups conducted by Ngati Porou

Hauora in Tairawhiti are included in the analysis. One discussion

was omitted due to poor audio quality of a recorded discussion

received by the Rūnanga. The other was omitted from the analysis

because ethical approval sought by the Rūnanga did not allow for

focus groups to be conducted with participants under the age of 16

years. This particular focus group discussion was conducted with a

group of 10-15 year old males, with two parents.

Table 1: Number of focus groups and participants per region

Māori Health Provider Organisation & Region Focus Groups

(n=) Participants

(n=)

Nga Manga Puriri, Whangarei 6 35

Te Kahui Hauora, Rotorua 6 39

Toiora-Healthy Lifestyles Ltd, Taranaki 3 17

Ngati Porou Hauora, Tairawhiti* 4 27

Te Rangihaeata Oranga, Hawkes Bay 7 41

Te Roopu Tautoko ki te Tonga Inc, Dunedin** 5 35

Total n=31 n=194 * The analysis only includes four of the six focus group discussions from this region

** The analysis only includes five of the seven focus group discussions from this

region

51

Nga Manga Puriri, Whangarei Nga Manga Puriri conducted six focus groups throughout the

Northland region with a total of 35 participants. The findings for this

region do not specify gender or age, and are presented as those views

of the diverse range of Māori who reside within the Northland region.

All of the participants were Māori. All of the focus group

discussions from this region were transcribed by the Rūnanga. The

composition of the focus groups included:

a rural Māori group, mixed gender, mixed ages

a rangatahi Māori medical students group, mixed gender

a health professionals group, mixed gender, mixed ages

two urban Māori groups, mixed gender, mixed ages

a rangatahi Māori group, mixed gender.

What is Gambling Less than half of the participants defined „what is gambling‟ as an

addiction and a waste of time, followed by trying to win money, and

gambling as a fundraising event.

“It is an addiction that‟s what it is. It‟s worse than

alcohol.”

“It‟s the exchange of money to win more money,

that‟s what I would call gambling.”

“It‟s all about fundraising, fundraising for our

marae.”

Some participants cited that gambling was a social and cultural thing,

ie, gambling as a part of our culture. These comments were in direct

relation to card games such as poker and three-card bluff played at

Marae during hui and tangi, and how it has become a „cultural norm‟

for Māori.

“By the time in the late 60s going on to the 70s

gambling [it] was a part of our culture.”

“It‟s a culture, a culture to the point that once you

[are] coming onto the marae in a powhiri, ah won't

be long, you‟re going behind the back, straight at the

back, it was a culture being formed, ne...”

“Depends on what type of whānau you grow up with

at the end of the day. If you come from a whānau

where it‟s just socially acceptable to do those sorts of

things… then that‟s what it is, it‟s a social activity

for us.”

And it‟s culture… it builds on a cultural celebration

and pride in yourself that you‟re achieving for your

whānau, your marae… yeah it‟s a culture change and

it‟s good.”

52

Types of Gambling The most common type of gambling activity cited was the

TAB/horse racing. Most participants saw horse racing as a

„traditional‟ gambling activity, and one enjoyed by whānau. This

was followed by card games (mainly poker on the marae), pokie

machines and casinos. Other types of gambling equally mentioned

included lotto, all sports betting and more recent activities such as

internet gambling and cellphone texting. The latter two activities

were more seen as those activities indulged by youth.

Reasons for Gambling The most common reason for gambling mentioned was socialising,

enjoyment and fun. Participants generally agreed that the social

aspect was more important than participating in the activity.

“It was a social outing, for many of them it was their

only social contact they had outside their home…”

“I think it‟s just the excitement, apart from all the

other reasons people have said, and for some it‟s not

even about the game or the gambling…”

“…it‟s a good time, lots of Māori like to have a good

time and most do go to the pokies just to have a good

time…”

The need to win, fundraising, and because it is an addiction, were

also mentioned by participants as further reasons to gamble. Two

participants in particular were adamant that the reason for some

people to gamble was about power and control.

“The main reason for gambling is hopefully to

double your money or better. They take that

chance.”

“If there‟s fundraising going on I‟m in there…”

“I just think that the reason for gambling is power,

it‟s a power trip for many and for others it‟s just

power and greed.”

Other reasons mentioned by participants to gamble included

insecurity, loneliness and boredom, using gambling as a way of

escape, or just wanting a bit of time away from their daily lives.

“Maybe it could be insecurity, maybe they don‟t

want to go back home so they go gambling to

escape… it‟s a kind of relief I think.”

“Laziness I reckon, like I reckon they don‟t want to

work for their money so they go gambling and try

and find an escape through their gambling.”

53

Alongside the reasons why people gamble, were participants who

also spoke about the reasons why people may choose not to gamble.

Many of these comments were in relation to people just not wanting

to take risks, or just preferred to do other things rather than gambling,

or that there was no point to it.

“Why they don‟t gamble, some don‟t gamble

because they just don‟t like taking a risk with

gambling.”

“I‟d just rather get involved in other things… in

other words, find other things to entertain yourself

with instead of gambling.”

“I just don‟t. I don‟t know why, but I just don‟t.”

Experiences and Impacts of Gambling Almost all of the participants mentioned a range of experiences and

impacts of gambling. Of note were the number of negative impacts

on Māori and Māori communities in general, as demonstrated below.

“Pokies are 24 hours a day and it is creating a huge

problem with our Māori people and with our Māori

community.”

“Too many of our Māori people think, „oh it‟s just a

bit of fun‟, but it‟s not a bit of fun because we see it

all the time you go into our whānau homes...”

“We‟ve got these poker machines which in my

opinion are the worst creation of everything that was

given to our Māori people…”

One participant in particular noted concern about suicides related to

gambling addictions.

“I think with gambling that‟s the problem… [it]

affects families, affects children… even causes

death, I mean they commit suicide, that‟s where the

problem starts, it‟s not with the person who has a

flutter, it‟s the person that can‟t control gambling.”

A number of participants talked about how gambling is addictive for

themselves and others, and the losses incurred through people‟s

gambling. These included whānau losing their homes, split

relationships, neglect of children, and rising debt as a result of

gambling.

“I just became a compulsive gambler… our marriage

was at stake, the family was breaking up… [then]

there was a new game of cards and I used to cry to

try and release me from that ngangara of gambling.”

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“…they lose everything, they lose what little bit of

money they have, they‟re not able to feed their

children…”

“A lot of our people have suffered because of

gambling... a lot of children go hungry, babies go

hungry through gambling, when parents gamble on

pokie machines, race horses...”

Crime and stealing was a significant impact talked about by

participants from this region, and in particular, loss of employment as

a result of stealing from employers to cover losses incurred through

their addiction to gambling.

“More like… one of my [relatives] is bankrupt… she

had a heavy addiction to pokies, trying to make

money, stealing money from Marae… yeah she was

a victim of gambling.”

“…every lunchtime at work we‟d go [play pokies]…

and with our workmate it became a common thing,

like every lunchtime, take off for like two hours…

and behind our backs he was stealing at the same

time… he eventually lost his job.”

There were some positive experiences and impacts of gambling

mentioned by participants, and some of these comments related to the

distribution of pokie machine funds back to communities.

“Well sometimes poker machines are good because

they‟ve got charitable trusts that give out money…

schools use that for funding and that‟s a good

positive.”

Other positive impacts participants mentioned were in relation to

fundraising and the opportunities that some gambling activities

provide in terms of supporting a range of activities, such as building

of marae and whānau tangi.

“Some of my earliest memories of going to the

marae for housie because they were fundraising for

the marae... you should see it now.”

“I recall Marae gambling aye to help build wharekai,

to help build toilet blocks, that type of thing, I mean

there are some tangible good things that come from

gambling.”

Strategies to Reduce Gambling Harm Almost half of the participants cited education and community

education and awareness programmes as important strategies for

reducing gambling-related harm in their communities. In particular,

many participants felt that teaching children at home not to gamble

and having gambling included in the health curriculums within

schools were good starting points.

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“I think too what [he] was saying, education,

educational programmes needs to be held, especially

in the community, you need to take responsibility

even within our own community…”

“I think that it‟s education, education into our

children‟s area… the health curriculum… the health

curriculum should have something with what they do

like they tried to do with alcohol, and so they should

be doing it with gambling.”

“Gambling in schools perhaps like in a part of the

programme where there are general discussions

around it. There‟s stuff regarding drugs and alcohol

now through schools, but having a gambling

component in there would be good.”

There were a number of participants who mentioned the importance

of more „Māori‟ and whānau based strategies, such as whānau hui

and support at local Marae to talk about the issues of gambling and

encouraging whānau to make a stand against gambling. These were

seen as significant and appropriate strategies for Māori.

“Behind these communities you need a Māori

campaign… Māori campaigns don‟t just use generic

programmes that target everybody, don‟t be afraid to

target our own and more resources towards Māori

research and Māori programmes.”

“At the end of the day it has to go back to each

whānau unit and each whānau must make a stand on

this, you know in terms of putting a pou in the

ground, saying you don‟t support problem gambling,

and that requires leadership, and encourage them…

education is pivotal where members of the whānau

are able to influence other members of the

whānau…”

Participants also talked about budgeting and using money wisely

instead of using it for gambling, and in particular, teaching children

all about the value of money.

“I think it‟s also about some sort of strategy around

financial intelligence and starting it at little kids…

you know, you teach the kids about money…”

“…teaching, now what is money, what is it made

from, what can you do with it, how to create more

ways to make it, making it into a creative project

rather than a gambling project. Often the old ways

are the best ways, like hard earned money that‟s well

spent creates values and value systems. I think it‟s

all about wairua, their awareness and understanding

around money.”

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There was equal support for more government interventions to ban

and monitor gambling activities (ie, pokie machine venues), and

more Māori specific support services for the Northland region. It

was acknowledged and recognised by participants that Nga Manga

Puriri are the only Māori specific provider for gambling in the region.

Summary In summary, participants of the Northland region mainly felt that

gambling was an addiction and a waste of time. TAB/horse racing

was mentioned as the most common type of gambling activity, and a

number of participants talked about horse racing as a traditional

activity, rather than a gambling activity. This was because many felt

that horse racing was more to do with socialising with whanau and

friends and enjoying a „day out‟ at the races, rather than gambling.

Similarly, socialising, enjoyment and fun was cited as the most

common reasons as to why people choose to gamble. This was more

to do with the social aspect of gambling, as participants generally

agreed that spending time with whanau was often more important

than participating in the gambling activity itself.

There were a range of experiences and impacts of gambling relayed

by participants, which indicates that participants are well aware of

the many consequences of gambling harm. The addictive nature of

gambling for individuals was mentioned, including the wider impacts

of the addiction on whanau and wider communities. Factors such as

crime and suicide was mentioned specifically as a result of a chronic

gambling addiction. The neglect of children, loss of homes, split

relationships and rising debt were other major negative factors

mentioned that attributes to the detrimental impacts of gambling.

Positive impacts were mentioned by participants from this region that

directly related to the opportunities provided by gambling activities

to build, renovate and resource Marae, and to support other cultural

events and activities, such as whanau tangi. In this sense, gambling

was seen by this region as an activity that is intrinsically linked to

culture and supporting cultural activities.

Other positive impacts mentioned were in relation to the distribution

of funds back to communities. It could be said that although

participants acknowledged that it is publicly stated that generally,

communities do benefit from the pokie machine funds, it is difficult

to ascertain whether those funds are distributed back to the

communities from which they came.

The most common strategy to reduce gambling-related harm

identified by this region was more education and awareness

programmes, with a specific emphasis on the need for specific Māori

and whānau based education and awareness facilitated through

Marae. It was important that education be aimed at the community

level, although participants felt that education aimed at Kohanga Reo

and Kura Kaupapa was also a good starting point. This also included

education around money and teaching people about the value of

money. Even though there were some participants who could recall

57

seeing the gambling advertisements on television, some still felt that

advertising messages created by Māori for Māori would be more

effective, including utilising mediums such as local Māori radio

stations to get the messages out.

Although some participants acknowledged Nga Manga Puriri as the

only Māori specific service for the Northland region, it was felt that

if more education and awareness could be done at the whānau level at

local Marae, this would further support the work that Nga Manga

Puriri currently undertake.

Te Kahui Hauora, Rotorua This region completed six focus groups, with 39 participants in total.

Again, the data presented from this region is reflective of those views

and opinions of a wide range of Māori of both genders and all ages

who reside within this region and is not indicative of specific ages or

gender compositions. The composition of the focus groups were

made up of:

a rural Māori group, mixed gender, mixed ages

a tane Māori group, mixed ages

a kaumātua/kuia group, mixed gender

a wahine Māori group, mixed ages

an urban Māori group, mixed gender, mixed ages

a Māori health professionals group, mixed gender, mixed ages.

What is Gambling Less than half of the participants defined gambling as a game of

chance or risk, with some participants comparing gambling with life

taking risks.

“Gambling to me is taking a risk on the unknown

outcome in the hope of making a profit.”

“The risk – anyone that takes a risk whether they

take a life or whatever, that‟s gambling to a certain

point.”

This was closely followed by gambling being seen as enjoyment and

fun, and a way of socialising with friends. Many talked about how

the music, sounds and the lights of the machine promote the

entertainment and fun side of gambling.

“Gambling is fun. There is a fun part to it… yeah

the sounds, the music, the lights… that all goes with

the entertainment.”

“Gambling is getting together with friends,

socialising.”

Others saw gambling as a cultural thing. This was in direct relation

to gambling being seen as a „cultural norm‟ on the Marae, and the

need to consider gambling within a cultural context.

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“It can be seen as a cultural norm on the Marae. It

wasn‟t an issue… and it‟s not gambling on the

Marae.”

“I guess it can depend on what culture you can be

looking at because in some cultures gambling isn‟t

negative… it‟s like a culture, say even a church

culture… so yeah I think the cultural context needs

to be taken into account…”

There were some participants who saw gambling as an addiction and

therefore a waste of people‟s time and money.

“Well in my experience gambling is an addiction and

it‟s also where people have risks involved and

usually its cos they‟ve come to the end of their

resources… next thing when it‟s a win, that‟s when

addiction sets in, they think they‟ve been successful

once, they go back again.”

“I think an addiction is like when you know when

you‟ve got no money, you stop. But when you‟re in

addiction, you go looking for money to play your

game.”

Of interest to note was one participant from this region who talked

about how gambling is not necessarily negative, but there is a need to

define what is meant by gambling.

“It doesn‟t have to be negative. It depends on the

level in which it goes to… there are different levels

to gambling so I think when I look at gambling I

don‟t take it as a negative because everything we do

is a risk. So I think we really need to define what we

mean by gambling and maybe other people think like

that cos I really don‟t see it as a negative. The

gambler is negative, not the gambling. Because

gambling is so broad, that just for us to actually cut it

down and give it a negative connation isn‟t getting to

it.”

Types of Gambling Participants cited pokie machines, card games and Lotto in the first

instance, as the most common types of gambling activities. The

TAB/horses and all sports gambling such as rugby were also cited.

Housie was also mentioned by a few participants.

Reasons for Gambling The most common reason for gambling cited by participants was the

need to win money and the satisfaction or gratification in winning

more money. Participants also talked about wanting to get rich

quickly with little effort, including relying on gambling to pay day-

to-day living costs and bills.

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“The thought of some needing to pay bills when

they‟re left with their last twenty, fourty dollars…

that‟s not gonna get much shopping…”

“Poverty, like the poorer people might try to go and

double their money for just basic living, day-to-day

living.”

“I think it‟s all about the money and not having to

work for it.”

Of note however, were two participants who talked about using

gambling to realise future dreams as a reason why people may

choose to gamble.

“I think that‟s one of the things about winning

money, is you tend to have your dreams tied up with

money, so that‟s a good reason why you gamble, it‟s

the ideal and it‟s your future dreams being met.”

Other significant reasons for gambling mentioned was for fundraising

purposes as many participants talked about the direct benefits of

gambling for their own Marae and communities. Socialising,

enjoyment and fun were also significant reasons to gamble.

“Some people might choose to gamble because they

think of the positive aspect, like the Lion Foundation

and getting money and grants for the Marae and

other stuff.”

“Because that‟s where it came from aye, housie,

when the urbanisation happened. That was the way

that we all got together, mums and nannies and stuff.

It didn‟t start off with the gambling, it was just for

the whakawhanaungatanga.”

“Socialising, yeah a time to get together,

socialising.”

Other participants cited that a significant reason to gamble is because

people are, or simply become addicted to it, and it becomes a

lifestyle, or a habit.

“At the extreme end with us, it‟s the addiction.

That‟s the people that we see, they don‟t have a

choice, it‟s just another one of their addictions, that‟s

the reason why they want to gamble.”

Some participants talked about reasons why people choose not to

gamble, which mainly included that there are those who don‟t know

how to play the games, those who just don‟t like to risk losing their

money through gambling, and that it was just a waste of time and

effort. Religion was also cited by a few participants as a reason to

not gamble.

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“So as to why you wouldn‟t gamble, partly it‟s just

that I‟m not an entrepreneur, I‟ll never be filthy

wealthy because I won‟t make the risks.”

“I don‟t know how they work so I don‟t bother.”

Experiences and Impacts of Gambling Almost all of the participants from this region relayed stories of the

impacts of gambling, both positive and negative, for either for

themselves, their whānau and others. Stories were directly related to

addictions of gambling and the consequences of being addicted.

Participants talked about breakups of relationships and families,

increased domestic violence and depression or mental illness because

of gambling addictions.

“My mother had a serious mental illness who was

addicted to everything, you know, serious addictions

to gambling, alcohol, everything, you name it, she

was addicted to it.”

“It can lead to domestic violence because you get

angry when you lose all your money what‟s

supposed to be used for the bills… it has a domino

effect on whānau, and it snowballs.”

“The impacts of gambling, the father was a gambler,

the impacts on the family was really very… well

they lost everything, it destroyed the family and the

impacts were huge.”

“It can bring everybody down, it affects everyone

around them… leads to psychological unwellness,

physical and mental illness, the whole lot.”

Further to gambling being an addiction, the insidious nature of

gambling was specifically mentioned by some participants.

However, there were those who agreed that the addiction to gambling

was sometimes not about the money or winning money, but rather,

the control that people believe they have over the machines.

“Like other addictions, gambling knows no

boundaries. You know the least likely people you

think would be, you know who would succumb to

you know, to the addiction of gambling, you know

sometimes you get a real surprise about who you

hear has a gambling addiction.”

“But it‟s not just the money. I‟ve heard stories

where it‟s not the money. They don‟t care whether

they win or lose, they get on that machine because

when they‟re on that machine they‟re in complete

control, no one is bossing them, no one is telling

them what to do. Women of domestic violence is in

complete control when she‟s in front of that

machine.”

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Furthermore, one participant in particular, strongly felt that gambling

needed to be treated as a mental health issue and not an addiction.

The Māori health model, Te Whare Tapa Wha, was particularly

mentioned as a framework by which gambling could be addressed

more appropriately for Māori, as it was felt that gambling needed to

be looked at in a holistic way.

“I also think, my belief is that it needs to be treated

as a mental health issue, not an addiction, a mental

health issue, and not look at it as one thing, but look

at it as the whole thing... Te Whare Tapa Wha.

Mental health is caused by something, something has

triggered that need to do this and I think it needs to

be looked at as a mental health issue.”

Crime and stealing was another negative impact mentioned by

participants from this region.

“There‟s untold stories. I mean, I go to the courts…

and a lot of them are in there going to jail for

embezzling and all those sorts of things…”

“The impacts of crime, which I think would extend

from poverty, from people that have just gambled

their money away all their lives and have just been

forced to steal food, steal clothes, just to live.”

Some participants talked about the machines themselves, and how

they are built specifically to draw people in. This included the

locations of pokie machines, particularly in lower class communities

where Māori reside.

“I find it quite amazing that they can establish things

like pokies and stuff in lower class areas and then

make a hell of a lot of money out of it… it‟s our

Māori whānau who love those machines, and we all

know it.”

The following quote from this region sums up the impacts and

consequences of gambling harm for Māori whānau.

“At the end of the day with gambling, it‟s our

families that struggle and suffer. They know the

consequence of what we do. Which comes down to

very little food in the cupboard, sometimes no roof

over their head. See families lose a house over

gambling. So those are the impacts of gambling.

Abuse, destroying families.”

There were some positive stories of experiences and impacts that

participants relayed. In the main these stories were around

fundraising opportunities for communities and Marae, while some

participants also talked about some of the benefits they had

experienced from gambling winnings.

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“But think of the positive aspects, like the Lion

Foundation getting money, getting grants for the

Marae and stuff, you know…”

“I‟ve had some positive experiences with gambling.

Um last year we went on a trip overseas which was

heavily subsidised by gambling.”

“Fundraising isn‟t gambling, not on the Marae,

because it‟s always been about helping the Marae, so

you can‟t call that gambling… those are good

positive things.”

Of interest were those participants who talked about gambling as

being hereditary and how gambling is a learned behaviour.

“I‟ve often wondered about the hereditary or the

gambling genes, so they call it, because out where

we are, there are families that grow up from littlies to

nannies and kuia who do it and they do exactly the

same thing. Card games and that go on for days and

it still goes on.”

“It goes back to that intergenerational stuff… it‟s

their grandchildren now doing the same thing, so

there are the impacts because obviously if nan and

koro were doing it, then the impacts are the same on

the parents and the children…”

“It‟s hereditary, we learn by the model. It‟s how we

learn. We watch what they‟re doing and then we end

up doing it, and that‟s the reason why many of us do

it.”

One participant also talked about how the relocation of whānau from

their hometown to a different region impacted negatively and

resulted in heavy gambling.

“The impacts of relocation and taking a whānau

away from their roots and their own people… when

we moved away from our tribal home, that‟s when

the gambling started… we were with people who

weren‟t our own… there were some who were from

our home region but they weren‟t our own

whānau…”

Strategies to Reduce Gambling Harm More education and awareness was cited as the most common

strategy identified by participants to help reduce gambling related

harm. Participants talked about education starting at Kohanga reo

and primary school ages, right through to kura kaupapa, mainstream

schools, and then at the community level. A few participants even

mentioned the benefits of this particular research as a good start to

get communities at least talking about the issues of gambling.

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“Here‟s a strategy, it‟s all well and good to say start

with the family first, but when you look at the impact

drugs, alcohol and gambling are having on families, I

think if we are to reach our children we need to be

reaching out in schools – primary schools, then high

schools.”

“Education, not at high school or at college. Primary

school because they‟re young, they absorb

everything, they listen. And because a lot of them

have come from this background anyway. We have

to go in and give them other choices and it‟s gotta

start from our babies which is primary school, so

that‟s how I feel.”

“This research is a great start, I think it‟s an excellent

start and that gives me hope. What I‟d like to see is

to profile the potential people, people with the

potential to develop the addictions that we see as

addictions, and then maybe look at a strategy to nip

that in the bud rather than try and fix them once

they‟ve lost everything.”

Of significance were the number of times participants talked about

personal and whānau based strategies to reduce gambling related

harm. These included teaching their own whānau about budgeting

and how to manage their money better, monitoring whānau members

and limiting what they spend on gambling activities.

“Budgeting works for me… my cousins grew up

with nothing, we know exactly what it‟s like for

them to be left with nothing while their parents are

out for days gambling… I would force it [the

budgeting advice] upon them.”

“I think learning to respect money and how to

manage money, and you could start that very early,

you know, banking, saving. My kids are saving at

the moment. Hopefully they‟re learning some type

of respect for money.”

“Have a limit for your whānau to spend, having a

limit and sticking to it… Like too, we gotta make

sure that as whānau, all our own kai, rent and power

is all paid before we all take off to the pokies…”

An overall reduction or limiting the number of pokie machines,

especially in pubs and clubs was a strategy mentioned by

participants. Some called for total bans on pokie machines, some

suggested keeping them contained to certain areas to make them less

accessible in other areas, while others suggested other limitations

such as time limits on machines.

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“You gotta get those bloody things out of Ngongie.

No one is helping the whānau get them out of the

pubs and clubs. You take those away and you get

left with nothing to keep them there.”

“They should have time limits too aye, like behind

the bar, have a switch and after every two hours,

boom, off… „oh sorry you have to leave now, come

back in a couple of hours‟, and then turn it back on

two hours later, then the next two hours, off again.”

“Get rid of the pokies… yeah maybe keep them in

the casinos but take them out of the pubs… I know

about the korero about the casinos and I still feel that

if a casino had been allowed, we would have had all

those machines in the one place and we would be

able to monitor that better. I think it‟s far better to

have them in one place than scattered.”

“But getting rid of the pokies is a great one, they are

just so accessible…”

Other strategies mentioned by participants were around more

advertising to warn of the harms of gambling. These included the

use of local Māori radio stations for airing advertisements. Even

though many participants had stated seeing and could recall the

current television gambling advertisements, participants still felt a

need for more government funding for more advertising campaigns.

“I think we need a jingle like the radio stations have,

we need to have a jingle focusing on Māori

gambling, you know, like… „Jackpot! You‟re

nothing but a jackpot!‟ A jingle that‟s gonna really

captivate our people, you know, about gambling…

but I mean that‟s a way to get it out there, and put the

message out on the Māori radio stations, because if it

can affect one Māori from that programme, hey

that‟s worked.”

“A big advertising campaign like they do for the

police or anything. I mean just really bust it out

there nationwide like they did with P, yeah…

something that‟s gonna catch people up…”

Finding other activities to do and addressing other issues instead of

gambling was suggested by a number of participants. In terms of

finding alternative activities to gambling, many of these comments

were around Māori needing to get back to the ways that we used to

gather for the purposes of learning te reo Māori, relearning our Māori

games and arts such as kete making, and also to alleviate boredom

and loneliness.

“See one of those problems was pastimes, so an idea

for that is for [Māori] to find other pastimes… and

you know a lot of our Māori are going back and

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learning how to do kete, you know bringing in all

those ways that we used to get together so they‟re

not bored and lonely.”

“Making themselves strong in the reo – that‟s a

better pastime.”

“You know, when we can all sit together and teach

the other ones, you know, about kete and other

things like that, you know, another form of pastime

and entertainment.”

In regards to addressing other issues, in particular, better housing and

getting more Māori employed were identified as issues that could

take the focus away from people spending so much time gambling.

“We [Māori] need more employment, better

housing, we‟ve got big housing problems here and

we haven‟t even got emergency houses here.”

There were a few participants from this region who talked about

religion as a strategy to reduce gambling harm and addiction to

gambling. Participants relayed stories of their own addictions to

gambling and how religion provided them with a way out of their

addiction.

“For me the Lord spoke to my heart that that

[gambling] wasn‟t the life for me...”

“I would say I was an addict, yeah I suppose… and

well it was Jesus that turned me around.”

Summary The most common definition identified by participants from this

region was that gambling was a game of chance and/or risk, and that

this is attributed to all aspects of life, not just gambling. Socialising

with whānau and friends and having fun also defined what gambling

was for many participants, and this was also cited as a reason why

people may choose to gamble. This illustrates that socialising is

intrinsically linked to gambling and people genuinely do enjoy

participating in gambling activities for those reasons. Fundraising is

another factor positively associated with gambling activities.

Participants from this region had a very clear that fundraising is not

gambling, because it is all about supporting local Marae.

Of particular interest for this region, were those participants who

talked about gambling as being hereditary, a learned behaviour as

well as a cultural norm. Examples were given of people growing up

around gambling activities, particularly card games or housie held at

local Marae. The viewpoints of participants from this region

indicates that this is not necessarily seen as a negative thing, and

because gambling is seen as a cultural norm on the Marae, it is not

considered as gambling.

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More whanau-based education and awareness raising programmes

were identified by many participants from this region. Significantly,

participants strongly felt that education needed to start at Kohanga

Reo age, through to Kura Kaupapa, and then the wider community.

Budgeting advice was suggested as a starting point for whanau-based

education, and in particular, teaching tamariki about the value of

money.

The need to win money was the most significant reason for people to

gamble. Instant gratification, paying bills and debt were the

motivating factors behind the need to win. Other reasons included

socialising and enjoyment, as well as fundraising opportunities for

Marae. Again, participants were very clear that these reasons were

directly linked to gambling being seen as a „normal‟ cultural activity.

There were a range of stories of impacts and experiences of

gambling. Negative impacts included the insidious nature of

gambling addictions and the consequences for individuals, families

and the wider community. Gambling as a mental health issue was

particularly mentioned by this region, and it was strongly felt that it

should be treated as such.

Positive impacts of gambling centred around fundraising

opportunities to build Marae and supporting whanau during times of

grief. Again, in this context, gambling is clearly viewed by this

region as a cultural activity, and not as a gambling activity.

The most important strategies identified by participants were centred

around encouraging whanau to find and engage in other activities to

take part in, instead of gambling. Of particular significance were

activities around learning te reo Māori and re-learning the traditional

arts such as kete making and Māori stick games.

Toiora-Healthy Lifestyles Ltd, Taranaki This region conducted three focus groups, with a total of 17

participants overall. The findings for this region represent those

views and opinions of Māori across all ages who reside in this region.

All of the participants from this region were Māori. The focus

groups were made up of the following compositions:

one wahine Māori group, mixed ages

one rangatahi Māori group, mixed gender

one tane Māori group, mixed ages.

What is Gambling Most participants from this region defined gambling as an addiction

and a waste of money.

“I think gambling is an addiction, it‟s an addiction. I

believe it operates on peoples‟ adrenalin because it‟s

adrenalin addictive…”

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“Gambling is a distraction and addictive mentally

because you think you‟re going to win and you keep

going back trying to win.”

“It‟s an addiction and a waste of money.”

There were two participants in particular who talked about how

living in low socioeconomic areas can be a factor that contributes to

addictive behaviours.

“Problem gamblers are playing pokies and getting a

thrill and the adrenalin is pumping in and it doesn‟t

help because it‟s right across the spectrum, but if you

live in low socioeconomic areas, it could be a factor,

especially for Māori.”

Other participants defined gambling as enjoyment and fun and there

is definitely an entertainment factor associated with gambling.

“It‟s entertainment value and a lot of fun.”

“Very much associated with fun things.”

Some participants also defined gambling as a skill-based activity.

These particular comments were in direct relation to card games such

as poker and the level of skill required to be able to outplay your

opponents.

“The whole thing of all the skills which you need

when you do more and you play cards, like reading

people trying to keep a blank face, putting yourself

against others and trying to get that pool of money.”

“Poker because that‟s a little bit different, it‟s a

thinking game, it‟s not about just putting your money

in and seeing what you can win. If you‟re going to

play something like that you actually have to use

your mind.”

“There are games of skill - if you‟re good at it, you‟ll

win it. Playing pokie machines is not a skill.”

Types of Gambling The most commonly cited types of gambling activities for this region

were card games of which poker was particularly mentioned,

followed by pokie machines, the TAB/horses and housie.

Reasons for Gambling Participants from this region cited socialising, enjoyment and fun as

the most common reason for people to participate in gambling

activities.

“Because it is a fun thing to do, and when you win

it‟s all good.”

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“It‟s a social outing for the whānau… if you win the

jackpot, yeah that‟s great and the whole whānau are

out on the town… so it‟s the whole outing and

entertainment value.”

The need to win money was also a reason cited for gambling. These

included comments around people needing money to pay for bills, or

just simply because gambling provides a fast opportunity to win large

amounts of money. Another reason cited by participants was in

relation to the accessibility of activities, particularly pokie machines.

“In terms of the accessibility… you can go

anywhere, the TABs and pokie machines are in

numerous places, they‟re all easy and accessible… of

course you‟re gonna want to gamble if they‟re

everywhere…”

“I think accessibility is a major thing, it‟s so easy…”

There were a range of other reasons for gambling mentioned by

participants. One participant felt that one reason why people gamble

is because it‟s hereditary and a learned behaviour. Two other

participants talked about peer pressure, especially with young people,

and the pressure they feel from their friends to gamble.

Reasons given as to why people may choose not to gamble included

that it was just a waste of time, or that some participants were just not

interested in gambling at all, and one participant felt that people

needed to find other activities to do so they would have no reason to

continue gambling.

“My partner and I don‟t gamble on lotto, pokies,

racing or TAB because it just doesn‟t interest us.

We find them boring. Also I don‟t know how to play

pokies, I don‟t have the patience to play…”

Of interest to note was one participant who felt that a reason why

Māori in particular gamble, was around the loss of a loved one or

partner, and the loneliness felt after the loss.

“I think another possible reason is with Māori

people, is that they lose a partner… I know some

people who never used to play before, but now do

and it‟s sort of there and they got no one at home,

their partner‟s not there and they find gambling is

something they can do.”

Experiences and Impacts of Gambling Most participants from this region spoke about the negative impacts

of gambling, and these were in relation to impacts on themselves,

their whānau and families. The following quotes sum up these

impacts.

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“Gambling, drugs and drinking are distractions from

people‟s personal issues, and they‟re big issues, from

broken marriages, kids, jobs, bills… these are mental

and physical pressures. Some people like to gamble

when they have issues, others like to drink.”

“Personally I have witnessed quite a few impacts of

gambling… people having no money because of

gambling and can‟t pay the rent and that affects me

when they can‟t pay on time.”

Other participants specifically talked about either their own or other

whānau members being addicted to gambling and the consequences

of their addiction, and these consequences often included stealing

either from their own whānau or employers to cover for their

gambling.

“I am a gambler by the way, I actually am. I struggle

with pokies… it‟s hard to walk away from pokies

when you know a jackpot is that easy to get… I‟ve

won but each time the bills have gone unpaid… it‟s

hard because my family has a big thing with

addiction…”

“I know of relations who have stolen from me

because of their gambling problems… it certainly

hurts more when it‟s whānau… I knew the reasons

why they stole… I should‟ve known from the start

and should‟ve been more careful with my wallet…

but the guards are down amongst your own family

and whānau.”

“I seen work colleagues they lose their jobs…”

Industry crime and „scamming‟ were also talked about by a few

participants, where examples were given of bar managers playing

their own pokie machines to win the jackpots.

“An incident I heard down [town] in a bar down

there where a bar manager closes the bar and brings

in his whānau and plays the pokies to get the jackpot.

There‟s a lot of scamming going on.”

Of interest to note were participants that talked about colonisation

and political agendas that impact on Māori communities, and how

gambling has become a part of colonising our people. One

participant in particular expressed concern around funding received

from pokie machine societies that keep Māori colonised.

“All the little kindergarten and Kohanga are applying

for funding… It‟s so much a part of our society, so

entrenched and it‟s a part of colonisation of our

people. The machine keeps rolling over and just

hooks us in and prays on the vulnerable and now so

much a part of everyday life, it‟s harder to break. On

70

one level you condone, and on another level it‟s a

problem, and you get conflicting messages.”

“…from a political level, the government, we

condone all these things, but when the impacts hits

on a family that has debt or whatever, then you try to

hush it up because it‟s not a good thing where you‟re

a failure or your family is dysfunctional, and yet the

society that you live in creates all this mess but takes

no responsibility for the effects on the individuals

and their family.”

There were other participants who noted positive impacts of

gambling, particularly in regards to horse racing, and these are

summed up in the following quotes.

“I remember there was lots of joy going to the races

because it‟s not just that you‟re going to gamble, but

it was a special experience and we used to take our

picnic along and have a fun day.”

“We used to go to the races and mum and dad and all

the women in their nice big hats and flash clothes,

but we would go there as a whānau, and it was

whānau time for the day.”

Strategies to Reduce Gambling Harm The most common strategy suggested by participants was utilising

more Māori support services to reduce gambling-related harm. Some

of the obvious suggestions were around seeking counselling to

encourage people to talk about their gambling problems, as well as

calling the gambling helpline numbers.

“Counselling, I read in the newspaper that there‟s

lots of people needing counselling.”

“Get help and ring the 0800 number, yeah calling the

helplines.”

One participant in particular noted the timeliness in talking about the

issue of gambling at the grassroots level.

“This kaupapa is good and it‟s good to see it‟s

coming from a grassroots level and we can play a

part in putting our korero across as to what our

concerns as grassroots workers in the community...”

Of significance were participants who talked about utilising whānau,

hapū and iwi approaches to support the reduction of gambling-related

harm. Further to this, two participants in particular talked about

Māori taking a look at some of the principles we have as Māori, such

as tino rangatiratanga, examining the societal structures that

perpetuate harmful behaviours (ie, gambling) and discussing issues at

the whānau, hapū, iwi and wider community levels.

71

“We need to start looking at ourselves… you know

we have tino rangatiratanga principles and all those

sorts of things… I think it needs more discussion, it

needs more questioning on our part because we

know if you actually deal with government that they

will let you down so we need to start questioning

those things at our level as a whānau, as a hapū, as a

iwi, as a kura and start there.”

“We might have needs or issues… think about what

our people have been through over the last couple of

hundred years… what we do is focus on the

individual and attack the problem, and yet the whole

structure and foundation is screwed, and so you have

to start at that end… it‟s the society that has

collapsed, far out!... Our society creates this, so how

do you stop that? Start to challenge, start to unravel

it in the wider community, I‟m thinking at that level,

[because] all the conflicts happen at that level.”

Participants also talked about reducing the number of pokie machines

which also included location of venues, and placing limits of some

kind on the machines themselves. This group of participants also

talked about councils working closer with communities about

limiting access to machines.

“Places need to put limits on the machine and how

much you can spend… I don‟t know how realistic

that can be…?”

“I think if they had that limit of where they [pokie

machines] are… like if they were all under one roof

in town I probably wouldn‟t even go there because

they would be packed full of other people, or it

would be just too annoying to go all the way to this

one place…”

“Replace the machines with something else… no,

ban the machines.”

“Councils need to really… they say they are looking

out for their communities and things… they have the

opportunity to say how many machines are

allowed… they could make it better if they wanted

to.”

More education and awareness was raised as a strategy to reduce

harm by some participants. Some of these participants suggested that

education start at Kohanga Reo through to kura kaupapa. Of

particular interest was one participant who suggested that education

around gambling-related harm be part of the accreditation process for

kaiako so that it becomes a part of what they teach tamariki.

“Start at the Kohanga reo, make it a part of the

accreditation for your kaiako as to what you have to

72

learn about this stuff, then they can put it in their

strategies for their kids… and keep reinforcing it

right throughout the schools. It‟s got to be

organised… you invest in the long run because

you‟re helping to reduce the gambling…”

Other education and awareness strategies were whānau based, talking

amongst your own whānau about gambling issues and just being able

to talk about it in the open instead of hiding behind it.

“Campaign and educate amongst our own whānau to

help our own whānau. Our whānau sometimes they

are in denial.”

“It can be just a normal conversation instead of us

hiding behind it, it has to be out in the open. That‟s

why it has to start with the children because we

spend all money trying to fix up the problem now,

where we spend all our energy and resources trying

to fix up the addictions now, but if we can get all the

messages in early, then hopefully that will help.”

Summary Participants from this region mainly identified gambling as an

addiction and a waste of time and money. Living in low

socioeconomic areas was also seen as a factor that contributes to

addiction and addictive behaviours. Card games at the Marae was

the most common mode of gambling cited, followed by pokie

machines, the TAB/horse racing and housie. Of particular note is the

view that activities such as card games and TAB/horse racing are

activities seen as requiring a level of skill, as opposed to playing

pokie machines that don‟t require any level of skill at all.

Enjoyment, socialising with whānau and the need to win money were

the two most common reasons cited for why people may choose to

gamble. Other reasons given included the increased accessibility of

pokie machines, which is seen as a contributing factor to increased

gambling problems experienced by people. Interestingly, further

reasons cited for gambling was because gambling is hereditary and a

learned behaviour, and peer pressure. The latter was directly related

to young people.

Negative impacts and experiences were in relation to impacts for

themselves and their whānau. Specifically, broken relationships,

neglect of children, loss of employment, rising debt and increasing

violent abuse and behaviours, and crime were also identified. Of

particular interest from this region were those who relayed stories

relating to pub and/or club owners and managers who would play or

„scam‟ their own machines in order to win the jackpots. This

indicates the need for more local government monitoring to occur,

however, this can only be achieved with community involvement,

and communities reporting this kind of behaviour.

Of particular significance is that participants from this region had

very strong views about the ways in which society perpetuates

73

harmful and addictive behaviours. This also includes gambling.

There were definite links made between colonisation and gambling,

and how factors such as reliance on gambling funds contributes to

keeping Māori communities colonised and therefore, reliant on

gambling funds to continue to develop and maintain their

communities. This view clearly supports those views from other

regions that gambling has become an intrinsic part of our society and

a cultural norm.

Finally, strategies to reduce gambling-related harm ranged from more

utilisation of current support services available, to more whānau

based education programmes. This region particularly had the view

that whānau, hapū and iwi approaches were needed, and this was

about providing opportunities for whānau to be able to get together

on the Marae to talk about the issues of gambling and gambling

harm, and how best at the whanau level, these can be addressed.

Recognising those basic Māori principles such as „tino

rangatiratanga‟ and examining what that means for whānau, were

also considered important components for Māori communities to

consider. This view reiterates the importance of education and

awareness aimed at whānau to positively contribute to changing the

idea that gambling is a „cultural norm‟. It also has the potential to

result in local, regional national revitalisations of traditional cultural

activities such as re-learning te reo Māori and traditional Māori arts

and crafts such as kete making, instead of gambling.

Finally, some participants strongly supported the notion of either

reducing or banning pokie machines within their region. This view

strongly implies the need for careful consideration to be given in

regards to the location and proliferation in the number of machines

and venues. It also implies the need for local government and other

service providers to actively engage with Māori communities to

assist this process, so that any harmful consequences to individuals,

their families and wider are kept at the absolute minimum.

Ngati Porou Hauora, Tairawhiti Initially for this region, there were a total of six focus groups, with 43

participants that were conducted. The composition of these focus

groups were made up of the following:

a mental health workers group, mixed ethnicity, gender, ages

(full notes provided due to failure of recording equipment)

an urban group, mixed ethnicity, gender, ages

a community workers‟ group, mixed ethnicity, gender, ages

a Māori male youth & parents group, 10-15 year olds, 2 parents

(male and female)

a Māori problem gamblers group, mixed gender, mixed ages

a rangatahi Māori males group.

Two of the above discussions were unable to be used in the analysis

for this region. Five tape recorded discussions were received by the

Rūnanga for transcribing. Of these five, two were omitted for

separate reasons. One was because of poor audio quality throughout

the discussion which could not be used. The other was because one

74

interview was conducted with a group of 10-15 year olds, and our

ethical approval application stipulated that groups would consist only

of those aged 16 years and over. As mentioned previously in this

report, a hard copy of full notes from one discussion was received via

the post, as the tape recording equipment during this discussion had

failed. Because of the comprehensive nature of the notes, the

transcript was included in the analysis. Therefore, the analysis for

this region is based on four focus group discussions, with a total of

27 participants for this region.

Solely for the purposes of consistency, the analysis for this region

does not indicate specific ages or gender, but is indicative of those

views and opinions of Māori and non-Māori (ie, Pakeha) who reside

within this region.

What is Gambling Gambling was equally defined by participants as a game of

chance/risk, as well as enjoyment and fun. Of particular note for

these participants were comments that highlighted that although

gambling may be a fun and exciting activity, it is the risk-taking that

excites many to gamble. One participant went further to provide a

dictionary definition of gambling for consideration.

“There is also the buzz of gambling – but it‟s the risk

taking... which gives the adrenalin rush.”

“It‟s excitement.”

“A dictionary definition of gambling might therefore

be something like, „taking a risk for gain‟. Maybe

the difference between gambling, which is okay, and

that which is a problem might be whether the risk is

„reasonable‟ or not – whether you can afford the risk

and the cost, the loss of your money or not.”

A number of participants from this region also defined gambling as

an addiction.

“Maybe part of the definition of gambling is the

addictive part of it and I think that the addictive

nature of gambling is more a part of peoples‟

gambling than we often think it is...”

“An addiction yeah... that‟s all it is...”

“It‟s that addiction thing again, you‟re addicted to it

and you can‟t help it.”

Some participants defined gambling as trying to win money in the

quickest way possible. The following quotes indicate specific views

and opinions from some of these participants.

“To get rich, try to get rich quick.”

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“Gambling for money. Doing something for

money... playing something for money, has to be

money, has to be something of value...”

“Yeah just to win some money.”

Types of Gambling Lotto and Keno were the most common types of gambling activities

cited for participants, followed by pokie machines, and the

TAB/horses. A number of participants also mentioned housie, and

card games such as poker. These were also mentioned as types of

gambling activities that benefit a range of Marae events and

activities. A range of other activities that included internet gambling

and kids games (ie, playstation and video games were also cited by

participants, and these were mentioned as particular activities

engaged by young people.

Reasons for Gambling The most common reasons cited for gambling was the need to win

money, as well as socialising, enjoyment and fun. In regards to the

latter, this included those who just like to pass their time away with

friends and whānau. Some also mentioned gambling as their thing to

do because they don‟t drink or smoke.

“I quite often hear people say, „well I don‟t drink, I

don‟t smoke, so this is my little thing that I do.”

“This is their enjoyment, this is their pastime aye you

know…”

“Yeah it‟s down to the person, if you‟re going down

there just for social reasons… you‟re just going

down there for time out, socially have a yarn to your

mates, have a drink, play pokies…”

In regards to needing to win money, this was directly associated to

families struggling with their lack of money to pay bills and buy

food, which often results in higher demands for food parcels for

families.

“The problems associated with lack of money

through gambling are becoming obvious. We see it

all the time with those coming in… more women are

coming in [for food parcels] and while we hear

plenty of reasons why they need it, the reality is that

the money all went into gambling. Now we are

having to say no to those who are in this situation to

try and discourage their gambling – unless of course

there are kids involved, then of course [they get]

food parcels.”

“It is not uncommon to see women waiting for the

doors to open to get at the pokies. On benefit day,

women can be seen collecting the payment from the

76

money machine before the partner can get at it, ready

to head for the pokies.”

A further reason to gamble identified by participants was because of

the easy access to pokie machines. It is important to note however,

that this was also seen by some of these participants as a reason why

people may choose not to gamble.

“There‟s more opportunities [to gamble] in

Gisborne, and the only reason why you might not

gamble is because there‟s no opportunities.”

“I think with gambling machines it‟s so much easier

for New Zealanders to gamble aye, it‟s so easy now,

before it‟s the races… it was horse racing, end of

story… but now you go any place basically in the

country and you‟ll find pokie machines…”

Other reasons identified by participants included the addictive nature

of gambling, where those who gamble just can‟t help themselves

simply because they may have an addictive personality. This view is

captured in the following quotes:

“But another reason for gambling might be simply

that gamblers have an addictive personality – like

smoking or drinking – so until we focus on the

individual and modifying behaviour, addictive

personalities will just find another outlet for the same

behaviour.”

“It‟s that addiction thing again, you‟re addicted to it

aye, you can‟t help it.”

This was followed by boredom, loneliness that some people feel, and

gambling can often be seen to fill that gap, as well as a reason escape

whatever is going on in their daily lives.

“Loneliness can drive people into gambling, so for

instance at the pokies you might be alone but at least

you are part of a crowd.”

“For some people gambling is a chance to escape, in

the same way the poor did in the 1930s by going to

movies.”

Experiences and Impacts of Gambling It was interesting to note that only a few participants from the focus

groups in this region mentioned positive impacts of gambling, and

these were in relation to the return of monies back to the

communities.

“And talking about the impacts, because there are

good things okay, like with pokies, the money goes

back into the community…”

77

“Sometime is could be good or it could be bad – but

some activities that have a gambling aspect might be

good, such as fundraising...”

The majority of participants from this region spoke of the negative

impacts of gambling either for themselves, their whānau and

communities. This included the impacts of gambling addiction that

results in the neglect of children and families, increases in domestic

violence, and the general chaos it causes in relationships. One

participant even talked about a two year old child locked in the car

while the parent was playing on the pokie machines.

“It‟s impacting on kids. I‟ve seen them hanging

around [a pokies bar] waiting for mum. We came

across a two year old locked in the car while mum

was at the pokies.”

“You know I think it [gambling] has a huge impact

on people here, in communities, especially

predominantly Māori aye, huge huge to the children

too…”

“Depending on who they are gambling has different

effects on people; for kids the effect on them is

negligence; for the women it brings stress and often

a hiding; for the man it can affect his employment.”

“The impact of gambling in most cases in negative,

it‟s negative to families, to families as a whole

aye…”

Other impacts cited by participants were in direct relation to breakups

of relationships and families, and in particular, the anger and violence

this often causes. Women more than men were seen as those

suffering from gambling related problems which reflected in their

relationships.

“Violence amongst gambling partners is definitely

increasing – the wife getting the biff for gambling

the housekeeping away.”

“But yeah I think the impacts of gambling on

families, on marriages, on relationships in a whole,

to problem gamblers is terrible and it‟s widespread.

I‟ve seen women get dragged out by their hair down

here mate, dragged out by their hair down the steps

by their partner or husband – I‟ve seen it.”

“There are a percentage of gamblers, who do put

everything else at risk, their marriage, their families,

their children, their happiness… I would probably

say it‟s probably women, young Māori, often solo

mums in pretty rugged relationships.”

78

Some participants defined the typical addicted gambler as being

female. As well, there were a few participants who were able to

define the typical gambler for different times and types of gambling

activities.

“I mean if you look at the stereotype of an addicted

gambler, I would say it‟s probably women, young,

often single or in pretty rugged relationships.”

“…we found that it depended on the time of day who

were doing the gambling, especially with the pokies.

During the day older people – but more women. At

times of the week, young women… we probably saw

more Māori and Pakeha… in the daytime it is

usually women, middle aged, widowed, living on

their own… we noticed the impact [with] the arrival

of pokies, soon after them the loan sharks arrived.”

Crime associated with gambling was a significant impact mentioned

by participants from this region, with some participants suggesting

that this would only increase as more people suffer from gambling

problems. Some participants even likened the borrowing of money,

to stealing.

“Cause you‟re gambling and then you‟re taking

money from people that have earned it…”

“...I used to see that all the time at the pub, all the

time, they‟re [gamblers] just hovering, hovering until

someone strikes, then „mate can you lend us fifty

mate‟… you know...”

“There is definitely more crime being committed to

pay for gambling, and this is increasing…”

“Heaps of people steal other people‟s money so that

they can gamble…”

Strategies to Reduce Gambling Harm The two most common strategies mentioned to reduce gambling-

related harm was specifically around the reduction in the number of

pokie machines and putting money limits on them, and legislation

changes at the local level to effect total bans on pokie machines in

their region.

“Right now legislation is needed to change some of

the obvious causes. Banning pokies will

immediately stop a huge amount of gambling. Our

people need to test the Council, because they set the

bylaws for things such as pokies. Do we test the

Councillors on where they stand and vote

accordingly?”

“Simply separating the pokies licence from liquor

licensing would help.”

79

“For me the solution is a mix of legislation and

informed choice or education – the carrot and the

stick.”

Education awareness, information and advertising was seen by

participants as a significant strategy to reduce harm and to help

people make informed choices about gambling. Some participants

even likened awareness approaches and strategies for gambling to

those used by the Auahi Kore campaign.

“Education is still very important – we have seen

that with auahi kore and all the messages put out

about smoking dangers.”

“I think one of the strategies would be information to

people, and to inform them… of how addictive these

things can be or how problematic gambling can be to

some people… yeah letting them know aye, more

information.”

“Maybe it should be recognised as a long term

process of change, and so have advertisements aimed

at the next generations… in that way advertising is

important. It reminds you of the consequences of

your actions.”

Of interest to note was one participant who cited other important

aspects to be considered, and this was in relation to considering

gambling harm for Māori in different contexts in order to develop

appropriate awareness strategies for Māori.

“There are other aspects to this issue though. There

are a raft of other things and contexts wrapped up in

this. The Ottawa Charter is one. The Treaty [of

Waitangi] is another. These all impact on where we

are.”

Summary Gambling for participants from this region was defined as a game of

chance and/or risk, as well as enjoyment and fun. This indicates that

overall, although people do take risks, this is coupled with the

genuine enjoyment that people feel in taking that risk. Equal to this,

participants also defined gambling as an addiction and life habit that

for some, is hard to break.

Lotto and its spinoff games such as Keno were the most common

types of gambling activities cited for this region. This was closely

followed by pokie machines and TAB/horse racing. Although card

games and housie were also mentioned, these were generally felt to

be non-gambling activities, because of the benefits of these for Marae

and other cultural events such as whanau tangi.

Reasons to gamble for this region included the need to win money,

which was attributed to whanau struggling to pay debts, bills and the

80

inability to meet everyday living costs. Participants from this region

specifically talked about difficulties in financially being able to

provide for their families, and this was directly attributed to the rise

in requests for food parcels. Other reasons included the genuine

enjoyment and fun experienced, as well as the ease of access to pokie

machines. However, it is important to note that this was also a

specific reason given as to why people may choose not to gamble.

The addictive nature of gambling was cited as a reason, as well as

feelings of boredom and loneliness. However, participants from this

region were also quite clear that those feelings of loneliness and

boredom can often lead to gambling becoming an addiction for some.

Consistent with all other regions, stories of experiences and impacts

of gambling harm shared by participants varied greatly. Some

relayed positive impacts of gambling, and these were directly related

to either fundraising opportunities to build or renovate Marae, to the

return of funds to communities. However, it was difficult to

ascertain whether those funds were returned to the communities from

where they came.

Negative impacts that were relayed by participants included the

impacts of gambling addictions on individuals, their families and

wider whanau. Neglect of children, increases in domestic violence,

particularly between partners, breakups of family relationships, and

the increase in crime featured prominently for this region. Women

were particularly identified by this region as those experiencing

problems related to gambling.

Particular to this region, the most common strategy identified to

reduce gambling-related harm was around the reduction in pokie

machines and venues, as well as more community involvement in

local government policies around minimising gambling related harm.

This strategy is particularly important, given the past and current

community-driven approach by Ngati Porou Hauora to effect local

government policy change toward a sinking lid policy for the region.

This implies the need for this work to continue to ensure that

communities in this region continue to be actively involved at the

local level.

More education and awareness at the community level facilitated

through whanau-based approaches was significantly important.

However, of significance, were those participants who noted the

Treaty of Waitangi as an appropriate framework by which to address

gambling issues for Māori. This suggests that whatever strategies

that may arise for this region, they need to be considered in the

context of an appropriate Māori framework (ie, Treaty), in order for

those strategies to be successful.

Te Rangihaeata Oranga, Hawkes Bay This region conducted seven focus groups, with a total of 41

participants taking part in the discussions. Again, the findings from

this region are indicative of the wide range of the views and opinions

of the diverse range of Māori who reside in this region. The focus

group discussions were made up of the following compositions:

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two MWWL wahine Māori groups, mixed ages

one interview, Māori male, 40 years plus

one urban Māori group, mixed gender, mixed ages

one Kohanga Reo whānau group, mixed gender, mixed ages

one whānau Māori group, mixed gender, mixed ages

one marae-based whānau group, mixed gender, mixed ages.

What is Gambling Over half of the participants from this region defined gambling as a

risk. This also included statements that everyday life was a gamble

or a risk. The following quotes illustrate these views.

“It‟s that word „risk‟ that you just said, like for me...

life, gambling, it‟s all about taking a risk, but it‟s

taking a calculated risk...”

“Even not just gambling with money, but gambling

with lives and people do it everyday, that‟s what it

is.”

“You‟re gambling with life, you‟re doing things

everyday, like with your children and sending them

off to school everyday, that‟s a gamble you know... a

gamble, a risk that they‟re going to get there safely

and come home safely.”

Participants also cited that gambling was all about trying to win

money, and for some, it was just about winning money in the

quickest way possible.

“Trying to win more money to make more money.”

“I think it is trying, that a lot of people try to get

money fast. They try and build on the money that

they got in their hand.”

This was closely followed those participants who viewed gambling

as a cultural and socialising event. Some suggested that gambling

was just a way of life for many Māori, while others went further to

say that gambling has very much become part of not only our Māori

culture, but with many other cultures.

“I know a lot of Māori, any Marae you go to, nannys

and that are playing cards. It‟s a normal thing.

Every Marae. I guess for Pakeha they have their

own sets of rules and they do their own thing. I

don‟t know if it‟s a cultural thing but I think Māori

are you know, have more of it. Gambling is a big

part of our life.”

“It was a whānau thing, growing up... it became a

cultural thing, but the thing is that that‟s with all

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cultures. It‟s not just Māori, it‟s not just Asian and

not just with tauiwi, it‟s with all cultures.”

“Whakawhanaungatanga, it‟s how we [Māori] are,

it‟s what we do.”

Participants also felt that gambling was all about enjoyment and fun,

and fundraising events. As well as the entertainment value that

participants talked about, many of the comments were in direct

relation to how fundraising events provided enjoyable and fun

opportunities for whānau to get together.

“A lot of our people enjoy it. You know the

fundraising is an enjoyable way for a lot of our

people. I think the key is it comes from that word

„fun‟.”

“It‟s having fun, some say it‟s entertainment, it‟s

fun.”

Some participants were very clear that gambling was nothing more

than an addiction and a waste of money.

“It‟s addiction, and that‟s it.”

“It‟s an addiction, a waste of people‟s money and

just a big waste.”

Types of Gambling Pokie machines were the most common type of gambling activity

cited, followed by TAB/horse racing. Lotto and its associated games

such as Keno were third most mentioned by participants. Sports

betting, particularly rugby was mentioned, as well as housie and card

games at the Marae. Interestingly, this region talked about coin

games, such as two-up, and these were mentioned specifically as a

common gambling activity that occurred amongst workers in the

meat industry, namely Whakatu and Tomoana Freezing Works.

Reasons for Gambling Many participants from this region cited that the most common

reason to gamble was to socialise, for enjoyment and fun. Some of

the comments included the entertainment value and excitement of the

pokie machines that made them look enticing and fun to play.

Socialising was mentioned as an important part of gambling, as a fun

way of bringing whānau together, for camaraderie and building

friendships.

“Fun. They make the machines look so exciting...

because it just looks pretty and lots of fun.”

“Cause we‟re whānau orientated people, one of the

best ways to get together is to have a game of cards.

And as you‟re playing cards you‟re having a korero,

catching up with whakapapa, it‟s all going on at

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once. It‟s just another medium that Māori use to get

together.”

“There are other reasons why people gamble that we

haven‟t talked about and I think they‟re significant to

us as Māori. Now I go to the Stortford Lodge... we

often sit there, watch races and we talk politics, we

talk about all sorts of things that actually have very

little to do with the purpose of the building, so

there‟s a camaraderie there, this feeling of common

interests.”

Fundraising was also a significant reason to gamble mentioned by

participants. These comments were all in direct relation to

fundraising to benefit the local Marae, for whānau tangihanga, as

well as supporting various causes, such as school trips.

“I think of Marae and that, they were based on card

games, housie, how they put the fundraising together

to put our buildings up and those types of things, and

in a good way.”

“When I was a very young kid growing up... I can

vividly remember the card games that used to be

held... and quite often they were for the purposes of

raising funds for various charitable causes, such as

funding funeral costs or assisting to finance funeral

costs of some relation that might have passed away.”

“And just recently we had our nephew he got chosen

to go to Italy... he plays the piano, to represent his

school... and his nanny and that played card games to

raise the money...”

The need to win was also cited as a common reason to gamble.

Some participants commented that the expectation of winning money

often became the main reason why people choose to gamble. Others

cited debt and being able to pay bills as another reason to gamble.

All of these reasons were closely associated to people‟s addiction to

gambling.

“Desperation you know, if you‟re like desperate for

that money, you go out and gamble so you can win

some more, addiction can make you desperate.”

“To make more money, that‟s the expectation.

You‟re not going there to lose, that‟s not the

expectation, that‟s the reason why you gamble, cos

you expect to win.”

“Probably so they can pay bills and debts and house

loans, whatever.”

Peer pressure from friends was mentioned as a possible reason to

gamble by a few participants.

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“It maybe another reason for gambling... keeping up

with the Joneses, that saying used to be. Yeah, like

you‟re out with your friends and they go and start

playing the pokies and you‟re by yourself... well it‟s

peer pressure, yeah.”

Amongst those reasons given as to why people gamble, participants

also talked about reasons why people may choose not to gamble.

These included lack of interest in wanting to gamble or even learn

how to gamble, and not wanting to waste their money.

“I just don‟t understand it at all so I never play.”

“I am glad that I am not addicted to pokies. I just

keep away from them. I found that you could get

addicted to pokies very quickly, so I just steer clear

of them.”

Experiences and Impacts of Gambling Almost all of the participants from this region shared many negative

stories of experiences and impacts of gambling. These were in

relation to their own gambling addictions or that of a whānau

member, the nature of a gambling addiction and the widespread

effects and impacts that this has on themselves, their whānau and

families and wider communities.

“About that addiction part, when I first played the

pokies I didn‟t know, I just followed this group of

people and they took me in there and I really enjoyed

it… but then I couldn‟t stop, I had to keep going

back. I didn‟t see it as an addiction at first… then I

realised I can‟t afford to do this. I had to slowly pull

myself out of it, I couldn‟t afford it, I was running

out of food, money for bills and I couldn‟t afford to

live… it hit me and my family hard.”

“…they‟ve lost themselves. The gamblers are

completely submerged in whatever they are doing

when they‟re gambling. And they put everything at

risk, everything you know, their marriages and their

children are put at risk.”

“But I think it‟s the thing on the community, the

price the community pays. Like it‟s not just the

person, there‟s a whole chain of people attached to

that person who are being affected... then it starts a

chain reaction in the family and then to our wider

community.”

Aggressive behaviour was also linked to gambling addictions by

some participants. In particular, one participant talked about the

aggressive behaviour of those playing on pokie machines, while a

further participant talked about people attacking gamblers as they

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leave a venue and who have supposedly won money through

gambling.

“I‟ve seen in my experience from pokies, I‟ve seen

people can get really aggressive if your um

machines, if they‟ve just left a machine for a little

while, and they come back and their machine has

gone, and yeah they get really aggressive about their

machine...”

“I‟ve heard that when someone wins quite a bit of

money there‟s the ones that attack women as they‟re

going home. And take her money off her. There

was one not so long ago... so now they‟ve got these

signs up to say that if you have won a big amount of

money that you get escorted to your car.”

Pokie machines were talked about by participants as the most

dangerous and addictive form of gambling activity, and the increased

availability and accessibility of machines. One participant in

particular noted pokie machines now within the local TAB outlets,

and the number of people waiting outside the TAB to play the

machines.

“That‟s what I was saying earlier about the dangers

of pokie machines. They are so addictive, people

just get on them and they lose track of time and track

of their money.”

“You go to the Stortford Lodge TAB and at 9.45am

you will see cars parked outside, people waiting to

go in to get on those pokies...”

Some participants expressed concern about the number of Māori

women addicted to playing pokie machines. This was also closely

associated to the neglect of children. Further to this, two examples

were given by participants about babies being left in cars outside the

venues while the mums are playing the pokie machines.

“Women like the silent gambling, because gambling

becomes their silent secret and everyone else pays

the price for that one person‟s gambling. The

gambler is quiet, they‟re not causing a big scene,

they‟re just there pushing buttons and then they‟re

lying and cheating and doing whatever to get that

money back, and then the family suffers for it…”

“...there was this young woman and she goes ten pin

bowling three days a week and she goes in there and

plays the machines and her baby is in the car, her

baby‟s in the car all that time while she‟s in there

playing.”

Other impacts mentioned by participants included the level of crime

and people stealing to cover their gambling debts, and many

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participants talked about stealing from their own whānau members or

selling family taonga for money.

“I remember emptying [family member] bank

account... I told him not to give me his card but he

was in a hurry to get to work so he gave me the card

and I took all his wages out...”

“I mean we‟ve had it in our family, um a person who

was gambling lost all her money and ended up

selling a family taonga just to get money.”

Of interest were those participants who talked about how gambling,

specifically pokie machines, is seen as an individual activity.

Because of this, concepts of whānau, whanaungatanga, koha have

been lost because of gambling addictions, and people often cut

themselves off from their whānau because of their gambling

behaviours. Koha was also mentioned as being something different

than what it used to be, where now, koha seems to just be about

money, and not about the act of giving and receiving.

“It‟s a bad thing because that whānau/hapū concept

is no longer there, the whanaungatanga is no longer

there.”

“Whānau aren‟t working as whānau anymore,

they‟re just working as individuals…”

“The impact is that we are becoming antisocial in the

sense that you cut yourself off from whānau and

other support around you because you don‟t want

people to know you‟ve got a problem.”

However, despite the negative experiences and impacts of gambling,

half of the participants shared positive stories about the impacts of

gambling. These were in direct relation to the opportunities provided

by fundraising activities to build, renovate and resource Marae,

including supporting various cultural activities and significant events,

such as tangihanga, and opportunities for socialising with other

whānau and friends.

“Dad and the uncles, they did a lot of fundraising

down the pa for the Marae, that‟s how we got the

new kitchen...”

“Well we used to have card nights and I use to enjoy

it. Euchre nights, we used to play euchre. We used

to travel for miles to play, to fundraise. And all

night it would be laughter, that‟s all you would hear,

everyone enjoying themselves.”

“But gambling is quite attractive and it‟s enjoying

and it‟s fun and you see people winning money and

going and buying flash things, so you decide to take

the journey and follow that way...”

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Strategies to Reduce Gambling Harm Strategies most commonly cited to reduce gambling-related harm

amongst participants included more local government interventions

and stricter monitoring of venues. Overall reductions of numbers of

machines were also suggested, along with total bans on machines in

certain areas of the region, imposing limits on where the machines

are and can be located.

“Strategies to reduce that is probably lobbying your

MP to remove [the machines], you know, and there‟s

no guarantee how far that will go.”

“Without them intruding on peoples‟ privacy, there

is a way in which whoever monitors the machines

per day, if they think that person has gone over their

limit, to stop them, like how barmen can stop you

drinking...”

“Well I don‟t think they should put them in areas like

Maraenui, where our people can‟t afford it.”

“Restrict the availability of them. If banning them is

not an acceptable option to society and I sort of

suspect that might be the case, then restrict the

availability of those pokie machines...”

In particular, two participants spoke about the RSA, where a strategy

they have adopted is to pay out their patrons in $50 and $100 dollar

bills, so that they are unable to put that money back into the

machines.

“You know what the RSA is doing now, is that if

you won over $50 to $100 they give you that change

back in $50 notes so you can‟t put it back in the

machines.”

More education and awareness raising programmes around gambling

issues in general throughout schools at all levels was also suggested

by participants. Letting the public know how much monies are being

spent on gambling each year was also felt to be a useful education

strategy.

“So letting the community know the risks involved

with gambling cos then they‟ll know what they‟re

doing, what they‟re getting involved with.”

“Shops that have pokie machines should be letting

people know how much money is being spent each

year on gambling, that might make people think

twice...”

“Maybe a way to reduce the risk of people gambling

is by teaching the kids now, so that they know these

are the risks if you choose to go and play pokies.”

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“Education I think is the only thing that we can do,

put out some educational stuff. Whether they take it

on board or not, that‟s all I can say.”

More specialist support was suggested by some participants, to help

deal with the numbers of those presenting with gambling-related

problems. A few participants suggested more whānau based support

systems to at least begin talking with other whānau about the issues

of gambling.

“What I find is that we haven‟t enough experts, this

is my opinion, to assist with each of their problems.

You know, we haven‟t got the expertise to help those

people with their problems and it‟s not just one

problem for me, it‟s quite a few problems.”

“Meeting as a whānau, have a hui to talk about

gambling, that is probably more useful for us.”

Summary In summary, this region mainly defined gambling as a game of

chance and/or risk, followed by gambling as trying to win money,

and the need to make more money in the quickest way possible.

Although participants defined gambling as trying to win money, this

was also cited as a specific reason as to why people choose to

gamble.

Of significance for this region were those participants who viewed

gambling as a cultural and socialising event. Specifically, these

participants suggested that gambling has become a way of life for

many, and was also interpreted as gambling being a part of Māori

culture and life on the Marae. This was also intrinsically linked to

fundraising, and the opportunities provided by gambling activities to

support cultural activities and events. Enjoyment and fun, and

gambling as an addiction were further cited as definitions of

gambling for this region.

Pokie machines were the most common type of gambling activity

cited by this region. Of interest to note were those participants who

specifically talked about coin games such as two-up as gambling

activities that occurred as a daily activity with workers in the freezing

works industry.

As with other regions, reasons cited for people who may choose not

to gamble included disinterest in wanting to gamble, as well as those

who did not like to take risks with their money.

Stories of experiences and impacts of gambling varied greatly.

Negative impacts in particular included stories regarding addictive

behaviours, and the impacts of these on families and wider whanau.

Participants talked about how their families were put at risk in terms

of not being able to pay bills and buy food. Some also noted how

gambling addictions can set of a chain reaction, where it‟s not only

the individual that is suffering, but eventually the wider community,

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because gamblers become so reliant on members outside of their

immediate whanau to cover their losses and keep their addictions

silent. Women were also identified as those suffering more from

gambling related problems.

Of particular significance and importance for this region were those

participants who talked about how because of gambling and

gambling addictions, traditional Māori concepts and values such as

whānau/hapū/iwi and whanaungatanga and koha have been lost, and

that whānau no longer operate within these values. Again, this was

directly attributed to the individual and secretive nature of gambling

addictions, and how people tend to cut themselves off from everyone

around them.

Positive impacts were also shared by participants from this region.

They included fundraising opportunities to build, renovate and

resource Marae, and supporting other cultural events such as whanau

tangi. Socialising with other whanau members was also a benefit of

gambling activities.

The most common strategy identified by participants from this region

mainly centred around the reduction in the number of pokie machines

and venues, as well as more local government interventions that

included imposing stricter limits on the location of pokie machine

venues.

Consistent with other regions were more whanau-based education

and awareness strategies to provide opportunities to talk about

gambling issues at the community level. Information around the

risks involved in gambling, including the amount of monies spent on

gambling each year was felt as important educational topics to

include for whanau, as a way of deterring people from getting to

heavily involved in gambling activities.

It is important to note that the strategies identified are consistent with

other regions, in that participants placed importance on whanau

support and awareness activities to enable whanau to actively engage

and help reduce gambling-related harm for this region.

Te Roopu Tautoko ki te Tonga Inc, Dunedin This Māori Provider organisation undertook the huge task of

conducting focus groups throughout the Southern region. For a

number of reasons, only five of the seven recorded focus group

discussions from this region have been included in the analysis, with

a total of 35 participants taking part. There were difficulties in the

audio quality of two of the recorded transcripts which meant they

were unusable. The composition of these groups included a

rangatahi group, and a mix of urban and rural groups. The focus

groups were conducted from Christchurch, Kaikoura, Dunedin and

Invercargill. The focus group discussions from this region were

transcribed by Rūnanga transcribers.

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What is Gambling In regards to what is gambling, almost two-thirds of participants

agreed that gambling is an addiction and a waste of money.

“I think gambling is pretty addictive, a waste of

money.”

“I think it is an addiction to the feeling, like if you

won a scratchy it‟s a pretty good feeling... so it‟s like

constantly seeking that feeling.”

“Yeah it‟s just an addiction that happens, makes you

run out of money.”

This was followed by gambling as being a game of chance or risk.

Participants noted that it is the risk that attracts people to gambling,

while others talked about life itself being a gamble or a risk, in terms

of the everyday decisions that people make around the use of money.

“I think the sole attraction, or what make gambling

attractive is that it is high risk.”

“Gambling is about taking a risk, you are taking a

risk, so for me, gambling is everything that is a risk.”

“Everyday you risk your money, your family, by the

choices you make, not just with gambling. Some

people risk high, some people are careful, but it‟s a

risk all the same.”

Trying to win money, and gambling being all about skill level were

equally mentioned. In terms of skill, participants talked about this in

relation to gambling machines being introduced to video arcade

parlours and the level of skill required to play video games. One

participant also mentioned the skill level required to play poker.

“The arcades are introducing gambling because there

is one machine in Time Out that you have to push a

button and keep pushing it to win prizes. Same with

the soft toy machines for kids... yeah they‟re

definitely a way of gearing them [kids] up for

gambling...”

“It‟s like the challenge of going and playing a game

of poker and it comes down to skill level and things

like that, skill and luck.”

Types of Gambling In terms of types of gambling, pokie machines, and TAB/horses were

cited equally as the two most common gambling activities. Housie

and lotto, including its various spin off games such as Keno were

also equally mentioned by participants. Sports betting such as rugby

and scratchies were also mentioned by some participants.

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Reasons for Gambling The need to win was the most cited reason given by participants for

gambling. This was in relation to the need to make lots of money in

the quickest way possible. Participants also that desperation to win

money was the most obvious motivator.

“But some people you see them and they‟ll win the

jackpot but they won‟t go home, they‟ll just keep

putting money in because they just want to win, just

have to win…”

“At the casino people look absolutely miserable and

desperate to win. I was watching this woman and

she was at the machine and then she was $900 up. I

was like wow! But she wasn‟t even excited, she

looked terrible.”

“I think people think I want to get the biggest payout

I can get with the most minimal amount of

investment, I think we are geared to that.”

Socialising, fun and enjoyment were other reasons mentioned by

participants as to why people choose to gamble. A bit of fun was

mentioned, as well as the opportunities for kaumātua and kuia to

participate in gambling activities as a socialising event.

“Because for a lot of our nans and koro, they go into

the bingo hall every Wednesday, Thursday and

Friday night. That is where they hang out and it is

only like two bucks to play. Where else can you get

that kind of entertainment? They get a lot out of it.”

“It‟s a bit of fun, yeah, a bit of fun.”

“There is also the thrill of it and it‟s fun.”

The third most common reason cited by participants for gambling

was because of the addictive nature of gambling, and for some, it has

become a habit. Some participants in particular felt that depending

on your upbringing, gambling becomes a part of family life, and it is

likely that if parents gambled, you are more likely to become a

gambler. One participant in particular mentioned another reason to

gamble is because it is often an easy addiction to hide.

“It‟s upbringing, if it runs in the family, parent a

gambler, you are more likely to be a gambler.”

“Some people have addictive natures as well. With

anything, not just gambling… it can be kind of a

dependency…”

“Gambling you can hide, that‟s why cos no one

needs to know about your addiction.”

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Besides the reasons mentioned above, other reasons noted by

participants to gamble included the accessibility of the machines, and

this included easy access to finance or loan sharks to support

gambling activities.

“They are everywhere, gambling is just everywhere

aye… and it is easy access.”

“I think it is because finance is so easy to access and

there‟s people with really bad credit histories that

can get more finance. It‟s like if you didn‟t have

access to finance and more money, you can‟t keep

gambling, it‟s as simple as that.”

There were also participants who noted boredom or seeking time out

as a motivation to gamble. However, participants also acknowledged

the ease in which people can often get caught up in gambling to the

point where it can develop into an addiction.

“I was bored and just wanted a bit of time out. Next

minute you‟re at the machines, heaps of hotels have

heaps of machines. They keep building the hotels

that have machines and then next minute people get

caught up in them.”

Experiences and Impacts of Gambling Almost all of the participants from this region shared a wide range of

stories about the impacts and experiences of gambling. Many of

these were negative impacts on themselves, their whānau, families

and friends, how easy gambling turns into addiction, the level of debt

experienced by whānau, peer pressure and being pushed into

gambling.

“I‟ve seen people who have lost everything. People

really in debt and nearly losing their houses and just

the fact that we‟re seeing more whānau members

who are in debt.”

“I know a lot of people just start off with gambling

to get away, because they‟ve had a few wins their

first few times… and then before you know it,

they‟re losing money, they develop addictive

behaviours and it‟s so easy because no one, least of

all themselves, see it even coming.”

“It‟s peer pressure, big time…”

“I hated being pushed by friends to do it and being

made to do it and now I can‟t stop…”

Further to the above, participants also spoke about the neglect of

children because of gambling addictions. One participant in

particular relayed an incident that occurred while she was overseas of

children who were left in a car outside a casino and had suffocated as

a result.

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“I went to the [overseas] casino and there were some

kids left in a car and they suffocated and died. And

you hear quite a few stories like that one.”

“Our family friend has a really horrible gambling

problem… the family is really hiding it well too.

There are lots of times I ask the kids, „where is mum‟

and they are like, oh she‟s just gone out, or don‟t

know, and then later they‟ll be like, oh she‟s at the

casino again…”

Crime and stealing to support gambling habits was also talked about

by some participants. This included stealing from their own whānau

members, as well as their employers.

“Debts, got no money so they steal it from wherever

they can…”

“There have been a few people who have been

caught stealing from employers to play the pokies

who have some really major problems… it is really

sad I think because both of them, the two that I

know, were actually really good people.”

There were a range of positive experiences and impacts of gambling

mentioned by participants. These comments were around those who

have given up gambling, or are trying hard to minimise and address

their own gambling addictions.

“But when you give up gambling it is quite a big

achievement and when you do it you think you can

pretty much do anything.”

“Some friends have tried to stop me and it‟s

worked…”

Fundraising for the benefits of building and renovating Marae was

seen as a positive impact of gambling by participants, especially the

fact that whole communities benefits from it.

“I think with the fundraising thing it is usually just

your community that will put into that fundraising

and if you are fundraising for something like your

Marae, then everyone benefits from it, everyone will

stay there, everyone will have an event there, that

kind of thing. I guess it gives back.”

Strategies to Reduce Gambling Harm There were a range of strategies mentioned by participants to reduce

gambling-related harm, however, participants particularly mentioned

the lack of professional services available to seek help from.

“Get some counselling, yeah get help.”

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“Ring the 0800 number, the helpline.”

Participants then suggested that whānau based strategies such as

whānau focus and/or support groups to discuss gambling issues may

be a way of providing further support to those experiencing gambling

problems. Women‟s groups were particularly mentioned by

participants, as some stated that statistics were showing more women

at risk of gambling than men.

“Statistics are showing that there are more women

gambling than men, however there are only Pakeha

organisations that are available to get that gambling

help. If it is Māori organisation, you usually know

everyone who is there so it makes it a bit hard to

reach out…”

“I reckon a whānau focus group, a support group of

women who get together and bitch and moan about

the kids and go for walks and go and have coffee.”

Other strategies suggested by participants included either reducing,

limiting or banning pokie machines. A few suggested putting a cap

on the amounts of money you can spend on a machine

“Just take out the pokies.”

“Take away the pokie machines, get rid of some of

them anyway.”

“I think even trying to put a cap on spending on the

pokies.”

Providing education and awareness seminars for communities to

become informed about gambling issues was a strategy mentioned by

participants. Some suggested listening to stories of recovering

„addicts‟ to help people know what it is like to be addicted, including

seminars informing people of the real cost of gambling and monies

lost through gambling.

Budget advice was also identified as an important strategy for

participants, particularly when there are whānau who struggle with

managing their money.

“Have seminars and that, inform people that in the

long run, the statistics are that they will lose more

money than they will gain.”

“Have education groups and seminars to tell people

about gambling… have a recovering addict come in

and share their story. They need to tell others how

hard it was.”

Summary Gambling for this region was defined in the first instance as an

addiction and waste of money. This was followed by gambling as

95

being a game of chance and/or risk, although it is important to note

that for some participants, it was felt the risk factor was also a reason

as to why people chose to gamble.

The need to win money was cited as the most common reason as to

why people may choose to gamble, with some likening the need to

win money to feelings of desperation. Socialising, enjoyment and

fun were among other reasons to gamble, while others felt that a

reason to gamble could be attributed to your upbringing and way of

life. There was a clear view by some participants that if you were

brought up with gambling, it was likely that you would also

participate in gambling activities. This view is consistent with that of

other regions who strongly suggested that gambling was hereditary.

Interestingly, there were some participants who felt that gambling

addictions were easier hide or to keep a secret more so than other

addictions, and this was a motivating factor as to why people may

choose to gamble.

Similar to all other regions, stories of impacts and experiences of

gambling varied, with many focusing on the negative impacts of

gambling for either themselves or their families and wider whanau.

These stories mainly consisted of losses of families, neglect of

children, loss of family homes and debt. Peer pressure was also

mentioned, specifically with young people who often feel pressured

by friends to gamble. Crime and stealing were also other negative

impacts experienced.

Positive impacts of gambling were mainly related to fundraising

opportunities to build and renovate Marae and the fact that whole

communities benefit from it. This finding is consistent with other

regions who attribute Marae development and maintenance to

fundraising activities. However, it is important to note, as with all

other regions, that participants are very clear in their view that

fundraising activities for the benefit of Marae are not considered as

gambling activities at all.

Again, consistent with other regions, whanau based education and

awareness strategies were the most common strategies cited. In

particular, the establishment of whanau support and focus groups

were seen as important to getting whanau to begin talking about the

issues of gambling, within an environment that was considered safe

(ie, local Marae). Topics such as budgeting advice and listening to

stories of recovering gambling addicts could be ways of informing

people of the harms of gambling, which could potentially lead to

communities becoming more actively involved with local

government agencies to reduce the number of pokie machines in their

respective regions. Women‟s support groups were a particular focus

for this region, and this has also been identified as a group most at

risk of gambling related harm by other regions.

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Focus Groups - Overall Findings What is Gambling

Under half (40%) of all participants defined gambling as an

addiction, a waste of money, while 32% defined gambling as a game

of chance and/or risk. This was followed by 21%, who defined

gambling as an activity of enjoyment and fun to participate in.

Participants also equally cited that gambling was a social or cultural

activity (16%) and trying to win money (19%). Table 2 below

illustrates the above responses to the key theme, what is gambling, by

participants.

Table 2: What is gambling - all participants, all regions

Key Theme: What is Gambling? (n=194) No.of Times Mentioned

Frequency %

An addiction, waste of money 78 40

A game of chance and/or risk 62 32

Enjoyment and fun 40 21

Trying to win money 36 19

Social and cultural activity 32 16

To fundraise 18 9

All about skills 10 5

Types of Gambling The most common type of gambling activity cited by participants

was pokie machines (26%), followed by the TAB, horses and horse

racing (24%). Card games, specifically poker was cited by 19% of

participants, as well as lotto (20%). Housie, or bingo was also cited

as a common type of activity by 15% of all participants. All sports

betting activities (12%) included sports such as rugby, dog races and

pool. Other activities (9%) were also cited and these included

internet gambling, TradeMe, and video and playstation games.

Casinos, pubs and clubs (5%) were further mentioned as the main

sites where pokie machines are situated. Table 3 illustrates the most

common responses by participants regarding the types of gambling

activities.

Table 3: Types of gambling - all participants, all regions

Key Theme: Types of Gambling (n=194) No.of Times Mentioned

Frequency %

Pokie machines 51 26

TAB/horse racing 46 24

Lotto (incl. keno, instant kiwi) 38 20

Card games (ie, poker) 36 19

Housie (or bingo) 29 15

All sportsbetting (ie, rugby, other sports) 24 12 Others (ie, internet gambling, videogames, coingames) 18 9

Raffles, casino/pubs and clubs 10 5

Scratchies 5 3

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Reasons for Gambling Participants cited that the main reasons why people gamble was to

socialise, for enjoyment and fun (35%), as well as the need to win

money (32%). The second most common reason for gambling cited

was because it is an addiction (19%). Fundraising was also identified

as a most common reason to gamble (22%). These responses are

illustrated in table 4 below.

Table 4: Reasons for gambling - all participants, all regions

Key Theme: Reasons for Gambling (n=194) No.of Times Mentioned

Frequency %

Socialising, enjoyment, fun 68 35

Need to win money 62 32

To fundraise 42 22

An addiction, waste of money 37 19

Any others (not interested, don’t' want to) 26 13

Easy access to gambling activities 16 8

Boredom, timefiller, something to do 16 8

Experiences and Impacts of Gambling Almost all of the participants from all focus groups openly shared

their experiences of gambling, and the impacts that gambling has had

on their own, their whānau, communities and others‟ lives. There

were a vast range of experiences and impacts reported across the

regions. Negative experiences and impacts (88%) included stories

about neglect of children, the breakdown of relationships, marriages,

families, wider whānau and communities, debt, unemployment,

crime and stealing, to name a few. Women were identified as those

more at risk to gambling-related problems, and much of the harms

caused by gambling were attributed to the pokie machines.

Positive experiences and impacts (41%) of gambling were also

reported on. Many of these centred around the opportunities

provided through fundraising activities. There is a very clear view

from across the regions that these are not considered as gambling

activities, but rather, activities that actively support social and

cultural infrastructures and events.

Table 5 illustrates the number of times participants shared their

stories of both negative and positive experiences and impacts of

gambling across all regions.

Table 5: Experiences and impacts of gambling - all participants, all regions Key Theme: Experiences & Impacts of Gambling (n=194)

No.of Times Mentioned

Frequency %

Negative experiences and impacts 171 88

Positive experiences and impacts 79 41

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Strategies to Reduce Gambling Harm Table 6 below outlines the strategies identified by participants from

all regions to assist in the reduction and minimisation of gambling-

related harm.

Table 6: Strategies to reduce gambling harm - all participants, all regions Key Theme: Strategies to Reduce Gambling Harm (n=194)

No.of Times Mentioned

Frequency %

Education and awareness programmes 66 34

Whanau based strategies 43 22

Less pokie machines 40 21

Local government monitoring, interventions 32 16

More services and support 35 18

Own advertising campaigns 19 10

Budgeting advice 14 7

Address other issues, do other activities 8 4

Any others (religion, other) 5 3

The figure below further illustrates the overall strategies identified by

the regions. As it suggests, overall, the regions identified the need

for more education and awareness programmes, followed by whanau

based strategies to assist in the reduction of gambling-related harm.

However, each region had prioritised their own strategies.

Nga Manga Puriri based in Whangarei highlighted more education

and awareness programmes, with a specific emphasis on the need for

these being Māori and whanau-based and facilitated through Marae.

It was important that education be aimed at the community level,

inclusive of educational institutions, such as Kohanga Reo and Kura

Kaupapa. This region also identified that advertising messages

needed to be created by Māori for Māori, and utilising local mediums

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70

Education and awareness …

Whanau based strategies

Less pokie machines

Local government monitoring, …

More services and support

Own advertising campaigns

Budgeting advice

Address other issues, do other …

Any others (religion, other)

Key Theme: Strategies to Reduce Gambling Harm (% of most mentioned strategy by all

participants of all regions (n=194)

99

such as local Māori radio stations to get messages out to their

communities.

Te Kahui Hauora based in Rotorua identified education and

awareness programmes be centred around encouraging whānau to

find and engage in other activities instead of gambling. These

included activities around learning te reo Māori and relearning

traditional Māori arts such as kete making. This finding is significant

and indicates a willingness by this region to make a conscious social

change to revive Māori values and practices.

Toiora-Healthy Lifestyles Ltd based in Taranaki identified more

utilisation of current support services available. This region

particularly had the view that more whānau/hapū/iwi approaches

were needed to encourage whānau to get together more on local

Marae to talk about gambling issues and how best to address these at

the whānau level. Of significance, was the strong suggestion to

reduce and/or impose complete bans on pokie machines for their

region, and for local government to actively engage more with Maori

communities for this to occur.

Ngati Porou Hauora based in Tairawhiti identified education and

awareness programmes at a community level and facilitated through

whānau-based approaches. This region highlighted the importance of

the Treaty of Waitangi as an appropriate framework to address

gambling issues for Māori.

Te Rangihaeata Oranga based in Hawkes Bay identified a reduction

in the number of pokie machines, including more monitoring of

venues, as well as more active involvement by local government with

Māori communities. Whānau-based education and awareness

programmes at the community level was also a significant strategy to

reducing gambling-related harm for Māori communities.

Te Roopu Tautoko Ki Te Tonga based in Dunedin identified whānau-

based education and awareness strategies to reduce gambling-related

harm. Information around budgeting advice, listening to stories of

experiences from gamblers were two topic areas mentioned

specifically to be included in whānau-based education and awareness

programmes. Women‟s support groups were a particular focus for

this region, as they were also identified as those experiencing the

most harms caused by gambling.

Given the range of strategies identified by each region, one thing is

evident: the regions are very clear on the kinds of strategies that will

be effective for their own communities. They have identified their

own needs for themselves, and have identified their own solutions. It

must be noted that the strategies outlined above are not limited to

only these strategies for each region.

101

POROPOROAKI

Ritual of Erudition “Poroporoaki” is about the completion of a project,

dissemination of information and setting future directions

102

DISCUSSION & CONCLUSIONS

A total of 31 focus group discussions, with 194 participants have





seven focus groups from the Hawkes Bay region (n=41) and five

focus groups from Southland (n=35), and. Four focus group

discussions were omitted from the final analysis. These reasons are

explained in detail in the data analysis and findings section of this

report.






those aged between 16-25 years of age), and kaumātua/kuia (defined



ages.







It is important to note that most of the findings are indicative only of

the views and opinions of the diverse range of many Māori and a few

non-Māori who happen to reside within the six provider regions.

Direct quotes are used to highlight and illustrate those views and

opinions of participants from their particular regions.

This project has featured a number of unique factors. Firstly, the

collaborative nature of the project provided an opportunity to bring

together a range of Māori health service provider organisations

working in the area of gambling, to address this topic collectively. A

particularly important component has been the ability of the project

to foster the research workforce capacity of the six Māori Providers

involved throughout the country. This was achieved through the

recruitment and training of community research assistants from each

region to conduct and complete the focus groups, as the main means

of data collection. Secondly, the project has been underpinned by a

kaupapa Māori research framework, and is grounded in kaupapa

Māori concepts, values, practices and processes. Thirdly, the

information that has emerged from the project has particular

meaning, relevance and long term implications specific to Māori

communities across the country.

It is clear that participants are aware of the issues of gambling, either

directly, or through the experiences of their own, immediate and/or

103

wider whānau members within their communities. Although a

variety of types of activities were mentioned, information from the

regions indicates pokie machines as the most common mode of

gambling that causes the most harm, and this finding is consistent

with current problem gambling statistics and prevalence reports.

Reasons for gambling differed from region to region, however, the

need to win money, and socialising/enjoyment/fun were the two most

commonly cited reasons by all of the regions. Worthwhile noting is

that the need to win money was in direct relation to peoples‟ ability

to pay debts and bills, and pokie machines are seen as the quickest

mode by which to make money. Socialising, enjoyment and fun

directly related to more communal activities such as housie and

community raffles. Based on the findings, there is a clear view that

people genuinely do enjoy participating in gambling activities, and

the benefits of being able to socialise with others, particularly

whanau members.

In regards to strategies to assist communities to reduce gambling-

related harm, many participants from across the regions felt that

education and awareness programmes of the issues of gambling was

the most important. There was a wide view that education about the

issues of gambling needed to start at kohanga reo (early childcare

centres) and kura kaupapa (middle to high schools), to ensure that

young Māori were aware of the wider issues and impacts that

gambling has on Māori, and then at the community level.

Of particular importance and significance, was the consistently clear

view from across the regions that education and awareness

programmes needed to be whānau and Marae-based to raise

awareness among Māori communities, not only about the harms of

gambling, but also as a way of focusing on the revitalisation of te reo

Māori, traditional Māori art forms such as kete making, and

encouraging whānau to gather at Marae for the purposes of spending

more time together as whānau.

Other significantly important findings include the view that gambling

is now viewed as a normalised activity that is intrinsically linked to

our culture and used as a form of koha to support our cultural

infrastructure and cultural activities. Many participants from across

the regions strongly felt that gambling is hereditary, its

intergenerational, a learned behaviour, and has become a part of who

we are as a culture.

Depending on the gambling activity, there was also a clear view that

gambling on the Marae was not considered gambling at all, because it

is the „cultural norm‟ to play card games or housie at the Marae to

raise funds to build, renovate and resource Marae, or to provide for

whānau tangi, hui and other cultural events, and it is expected that

this will continue.

Of significance were those participants from some of the regions who

talked about gambling mainly as an individual activity, and because

of this, traditional concepts such as whānau, whanaungatanga and

koha have been either lost or have changed because of gambling

104

addictions. There was a clear view that gambling addictions have

played a huge part in people isolating themselves and moving away

from their traditional beliefs and values as well as their own whānau.

Based on the findings of the project, it is clear that gambling has

become an increasingly significant issue for all sectors of a diverse

range of communities, for those of all ages and gender. It is also

evident that Māori communities are genuinely concerned with the

issues of gambling for their communities. While gambling has

gained prominence in Māori communities across the country, one

thing is clearly evident: the issue requires clear strategies driven at

the local community level in order to minimise and reduce gambling-

related harm.

The findings indicate further development of clear communications

plans from which to develop strategies at both local and regional

levels. In regards to strategies to reduce gambling-related harm, one

thing is very clear; that each region have identified their own

strategies to assist in the reduction of gambling-related harm for their

own communities. It is vitally important that these strategies are

given careful consideration by those regions and funders alike, as to

the most appropriate and effective ways in which strategies can be

further developed, in collaboration with those communities from

where the strategies came.

105

KEY FINDINGS &

RECOMMENDATIONS

The following are key findings that have emerged from the focus

group discussions and participant stories.

The project highlights the importance of working alongside

communities to engage and enable communities to discuss,

define and share information regarding gambling and gambling-

related issues

Participants across the regions who took part in the focus group

discussions enjoyed the opportunity to be able to share their

views and opinions about gambling within their communities.

For many, it was the first and only opportunity they ever had to

talk about gambling issues from their own personal experiences

Because of the opportunity to share their views, many

participants from the different regions voiced their own

commitment to supporting as best they can, their own whānau

members and those living in their communities who may

experience issues regarding gambling

All of the regions identified more education and awareness aimed

at the community level. In particular, the main vehicle by which

to achieve this was through the utilisation of local Marae to

encourage its use among Māori communities, and to encourage

dialogue around issues that are pertinent to those communities

Participants‟ stories of experiences highlight the significant

impacts that gambling has on individuals, their whānau and

wider communities. Importantly, it also highlights that not all

gambling activities cause irreversible harm. There are positive

benefits that come from those communal gambling activities that

are focused on building and resourcing communities, and provide

forums for people to be able to socialise

Other strategies to address gambling issues included the creation

of resources containing messages that are created by Māori, for

Māori, as the messages contained would be of direct relevance to

their communities, with messages that are appropriate in a local

context

Key findings from Māori Providers have identified commitment to:

Actively working alongside their communities to ensure that

strategies and approaches developed are creative and innovative

in addressing the diverse needs of their communities

Utilising the strategies identified by their communities for the

purposes of responding to, and improving current policy and

advice both within local and national contexts, regarding the

106

location, the minimisation, reduction and monitoring of pokie

machine numbers and venues within their regions

Engaging in meaningful dialogue to assist in the development of

strategies identified by communities within the regions to further

progress the awareness of gambling-related harm within a local

holistic Māori context

Finding ways that will best support and resource future projects

of this kind, given the national community-based approach and

the public health nature of this issue

Supporting the development of community-based research and

initiatives within their communities, based on the findings from

this project

Engaging with funders to appropriately resource and support

Māori communities to actively participate in, and be involved in

local government policies regarding the minimisation of

gambling-related harm for their respective regions

Working alongside each other to ensure that strategies arising

from each of the regions are developed to ensure a community-

driven approach continues at a regional level

Ensuring ongoing involvement, networking and collaboration

with local, regional and national gambling provider forums, to

ensure the continuous flow of information sharing at all levels

Collaborating with potential and existing funding bodies in order

to identify and support the development of strategies identified to

reduce gambling-related harm for their respective communities.

Finally, this project has highlighted that local, regional and national

organisations and government agencies need to begin listening to,

and actively engaging with Māori communities and Māori Providers

to ensured that the community voice is heard and responded to in a

proactive manner, regarding the location and number of gambling

activities within their respective regions.

107

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APPENDIX 1

Participant Information Sheet

112

PUT YOUR LOGO HERE

- PARTICIPANT INFORMATION

SHEET - Tena koe My name is and I am a Research Assistant based with . We are currently involved in a collaborative project with the Research and Development Unit (RDU) at Te Rūnanga o Kirikiriroa Trust Inc in Hamilton (the Rūnanga), to talk with Māori within our region about the impacts of gambling for Māori communities, whānau/hapū/iwi. The information will help us to identify what the issues are about gambling in our community, so that we can provide clear recommendations and advice that will inform the future direction of services appropriate to our Māori communities, whānau/hapū/iwi regarding gambling. You are invited to take part. We are inviting you to be a Participant in this project. This will involve a one to two hour focus group discussion with at least six to eight other people in the group, to talk about issues around gambling. The focus group discussion will be held at . Your participation is entirely voluntary (your choice) and you do not have to take part in this project if you choose not to. The focus group discussion will be tape recorded, with your permission to do so. Your identity will not be disclosed in any way, for example, we will not put your name on anything we write, so that your identity will be kept confidential. The information gathered during the discussions will be typed out into a transcript. We will give you a copy of the transcript and give you an opportunity to check the transcript to ensure it is a fair reflection of what was said. Following this process, we will analyse the transcripts to be written into a report. You will receive a summary of the report. Your rights as a participant As a Participant in this research project, you have the right to:

know that participation is voluntary and a refusal to participate will not affect you in any way;

ask any questions about the project at any time during participation;

provide information on the understanding that your identity will not be disclosed in any way, shape or form, or in the final report of the project;

withdraw from this project at any time, without giving reasons for doing so;

withdrawal of any or all of the information you have provided to the project by notifying the Research Assistant at least one month after your information has been collected for the purposes of the project;

113

receive a copy of your interview transcript;

decline to participate at any point during the research; and,

decline to answer any particular question during the discussion. The information from your focus group discussion will help direct future government policy and advice regarding gambling and problem gambling for Māori communities, whānau/hapū/iwi. If you have any questions or queries about the project or your participation, you are encouraged to contact myself as the Research Assistant at the details below, or you can contact the Lead Researcher of the RDU at the Rūnanga in Hamilton, at the details below. This project has received ethical approval from the Multi-Region Ethics Committee of the Health and Disability Ethics Committee, Wellington, and is funded by the Ministry of Health. For any other queries you might have regarding ethical concerns, you are most welcome to contact the Ethics Committee on: 04-470 0655. We look forward to your participation in the project. Kia ora OR Naina Watene Lead Researcher

Research and Development Unit


PO Box 19165 Hamilton

Tel: 07 846 1042

Fax: 07 846 7156

Email: [email protected]

mailto:[email protected]

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APPENDIX 2

Consent to Participate Form

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PUT YOUR LOGO HERE

- Consent to Participate Form -

Name: Address:

Telephone Number:

Email / Fax:

Disclosure details. Please read the following:

1) I have been given an explanation of this project 2) I understand the information I have been provided about the project 3) I have had an opportunity to ask any questions and had them answered to my satisfaction 4) I understand that any information that I provide will be restricted to this project only 5) I understand that my identity will not be disclosed in any way, shape or form in the final report of

this project 6) I understand that I may withdraw myself, or any information I have provided from this project at any

stage, without any reasons having to be given 7) I understand that the focus group will be recorded with an audio tape 8) I understand that an interpreter may be requested (see Page 2) I have read all of the above details and understand them fully. I agree to all of the above details and agree to participate in this project.

Participant signature Research Assistant signature

Date Date

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APPENDIX 3

Project Fact Sheet

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PUT YOUR LOGO HERE

- Project Fact Sheet - What is it? The Research and Development Unit (RDU) of Te Runanga o Kirikiriroa Trust Inc (the Runanga) and are working on a joint project called “Whakatau Mai Ra: the impacts of gambling and problem gambling for Māori communities, whānau/hapū/iwi”’. The RDU of the Runanga are the lead providers for this project. We are seeking information regarding the impacts of gambling and problem gambling for Māori communities, whānau/hapū/iwi. We would like to hear what your views and opinions are about the issues of gambling for your community. All of this information will be compiled into a final report to the Ministry of Health, who are funding this project. You will also receive a copy of the report for your information.

Who does it involve?

This project is using a collaborative approach consisting of contributions from the following organisations:

Nga Manga Puriri, Whangarei

Te Kahui Hauora Trust, Rotorua

Toiora-Healthy Lifestyles Ltd, Taranaki

Ngati Porou Hauora, Tairawhiti

Te Rangihaeata Oranga, Hawkes Bay

Te Roopu Tautoko ki te Tonga Inc, Te Waipounamu

The organisations named above all carry out work in the area of gambling and health promotion and gambling treatment for their respective areas.

How long is this project?

This project is for one year only – from September 2006 to September 2007.

What do we require from you?

We require your participation in a small focus group discussion (also known as a focus group). The timeframe will be between one to two hours at the most. There will be at least six other people who will also be invited to be part of the discussions. We would like you to share your views, opinions and

119

thoughts about the issues of gambling in your community. There are five key themes that we would like your views and opinions about during the discussion, and these are:

1) What is gambling – your views on what you think gambling is 2) Types of gambling – specifically main types of gambling you know of in your area 3) Reasons for gambling – why you think people gambling or don’t gamble 4) Experiences and impacts of gambling – stories that you may know of 5) Ideas and strategies to help reduce gambling harm in your area

What can you expect in return?

Each participant will be given a full explanation of the project. Consent will be sought in writing and you will be given copies of all of this documentation. The discussions will be done in groups and you will be given a copy of the summary of information. Kai and refreshments will be provided during the focus group discussion. Finally, you will be given a copy of the final report, and the research team will also conduct presentations of the final report in your area. You will be notified and invited to these presentations.

If you have any other queries or questions, please do not hesitate to contact myself at the details below, or you are most welcome to contact the lead researcher of the RDU of the Runanga in Hamilton, at the details below.

Kia ora

OR:

Naina Watene Lead Researcher Research & Development Unit Te Runanga O Kirikiriroa Trust Inc Hamilton Tel: 07-846 1042 Fax: 07-846 7156 Email: [email protected]

mailto:[email protected]

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APPENDIX 4

Research Assistant Code

of Conduct Form

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Please put your logo in here

- Research Assistant Code of Conduct Form -

This Code of Conduct has been established to provide clear and transparent technical information regarding the responsibilities that all members of and the Research and Development Unit (RDU) of Te Runanga O Kirikiriroa Trust Inc must adhere to, when carrying out a research project.

A) TIKANGA MĀORI 1) To maintain the status of Te Reo Māori at all times; and, 2) To ensure that all research processes are in keeping with kaupapa Māori best practice.

B) INFORMED PARTICIPATION 1) To inform the participant/s of the particular project that they will be involved with; 2) To inform the participant/s of the procedures that will be used in relation to the gathering of

information from that participant/s; 3) To inform the participant/s of the procedures that will be used that are directly relevant to the

dissemination of information from that participant; and, 4) To ensure that every participant /s tino rangatiratanga is upheld in relation to the freedom to

make autonomous decisions. This includes the right to withdraw their consent to participate at any stage of the research.

C) CONFIDENTIALITY 1) To inform the participant/s in regards to the use, storage and copying of information obtained; 2) To ensure that all information obtained from the participant will be handled in a way that ensures

the safe custody of such information; and, 3) To ensure that findings will be conveyed in a way that the participants cannot be identified as

individuals, unless agreement has been obtained from participants.

D) TECHNICAL STANDARDS 1) To ensure that any person carrying out any area of work in relation to the research project has

been given appropriate training for the task required; and, 2) To ensure that recordings of information whether they been audio, visual and/or digital, are made

to the highest possible technical standard available.

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E) LIMITATIONS AND OMISSIONS OF HARMFUL EFFECTS 1) The research assistant must ensure that the risk of financial, cultural, social, physical,

psychological, emotional and spiritual harm to participants is kept to a minimum by way of explanation, due consideration, monitoring and support, and any other means required regarding all activities related to the research project; and,

2) In the event that procedures may result in undesirable consequences, the research assistant has

the responsibility to anticipate and rectify any such consequences that may occur.

I have read the above and agree to comply with this code of conduct, notwithstanding any related policies of and Te Runanga o Kirikiriroa Trust Inc. Research Assistant Name Signature

Date Manager/Chief Executive Officer Name Signature

Date Te Runanga O Kirikiriroa Lead Researcher Name Signature

Date

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APPENDIX 5

Participant Focus Group

Discussion Themes

126

PUT YOUR LOGO HERE

- Participant Focus Group Discussion Themes -

Tena koe and thanks again for being a part of this focus group discussion.

The following are the key questions that you will be asked during your focus group discussion. We look forward to your valuable contributions regarding this topic.

1) What is gambling

2) Types of gambling

3) Reasons for gambling

4) Experiences and Impacts of gambling

5) Ideas/strategies to reduce harm

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APPENDIX 6

Research Assistant Focus

Group Discussion Questions

128

PUT YOUR LOGO HERE

- Research Assistant Focus Group Discussion Questions -

1) What is gambling? PROBE: what do you think gambling is, or what does gambling mean for you? 2) What are some of the types of gambling activities that you know of, and the main types of

gambling activities that you know of in your community/area? PROBE: can you name some of the gambling activities that you know of? 3) Can you think of some of the reasons why people might choose to gamble, or not gamble? PROBE: any other reasons you can think of as to why people gamble or don’t gamble? 4) Can you tell us about any experiences and/or impacts (either good or bad) that you know of

that people have had regarding gambling? PROBE: these don’t necessarily have to be your own experiences – they can include the

experiences of other people that you know of, such as whānau members, friends, peers, work colleagues etc?

PROBE: what have some of the impacts been in terms of peoples’ gambling, on others? 5) Finally, can you suggest any ideas or strategies that might help raise awareness in your

community, whānau, hapū or iwi about gambling and gambling harm? PROBE: any other ideas you can think of that might be useful in raising awareness about gambling

and gambling harm for your community, whānau, hapū or iwi? Thank you for your participation in the focus group discussion.

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APPENDIX 7

Glossary

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GLOSSARY

Hapū – clan, tribe, subtribe

Iwi – tribe, nation, people

Kai – food

Kanohi ki te kanohi – face to face discussions

Karakia – prayer

Kaumātua – elderly, older people

Kaupapa – topic, matter for discussion

Koha – gift, monetary or otherwise

Kohanga Reo – Maori early childcare institutions

Kura Kaupapa – Maori primary to high school institutions

Korero – to talk, speak

Koro – grandfather

Kuia – elderly, female

Mana Motuhake – separate identity, autonomy; „mana‟ through self-

determination and control over one's own destiny

Marae – meeting place for ceremonies

Rangatahi – young people

Tamariki – young children

Tane – man, men

Te Ao Māori – the Maori world

Te Reo – Māori language

Tino Rangatiratanga – self determination

Wahine – woman, women

Whakapapa – geneology, lineage

Whakawhanaungatanga – building relationships

Whānau – extended family or family group

Whanaungatanga – family relationships

Wharekai – dining room

This glossary contains some of the key terms that are used frequently

throughout the report. Translations are sourced from:

http://www.māoridictionary.co.nz/.

http://www.m?oridictionary.co.nz/

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KARAKIA

Ritual of Conclusion “Karakia” is about culturally concluding the project

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KARAKIA

Ka hari te ngākau e te Atua mō tau manaaki

ārahi hoki i a mātou i roto i tēneki kaupapa o te mahi pētipēti.

Mai i tōna timatanga tae noa mai ki tēneki wā.

Ko ngā tāngata e raru ana anō hoki e kitea

nei i tōu wairua ka kitea i te ora ka whiwhi i a koe

hei whakapūaki hei whakamārama i tētehi huarahi papai

katoa hei whakakahangia tō wairua i roto i a ia.

Hei oranga tangata, hei oranga whānau,

otirā hei oranga hapū, hei oranga iwi.

Ko ēnei mātou i haere mai ai ki te whakatau

i a koe ki te āta rapu i tōu mata e tūmanako nei mātou

kia ārahi paitia ēnei mahi katoa tae noa mai ki tōna mutunga.

Tēnei inoi i runga i te ingoa o te matua,

te tama me te wairua tapu,

Āmine.

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WAIATA

Ritual of Coalescence “Waiata” works in conjunction with “Karakia”

to conclude the project and clear the way forward

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WAIATA

Whakatau Mai Ra Tēnei mātou

E te roopu rangahau

O te motu

E whakatau mai rā

Te kaupapa o te rā

Whakakotahi mai

Te roopu rangahau

O te motu e

Tēna tātou katoa

Mate atu he toa haere mai he toa x 2

We

Represent providers

Across the country

Who have arrived

To support the issue of today

To advance forward together as

One group of

national researchers

Greetings and salutations to all

Life and death is a cycle. Death is followed by life x2

Ko te tikanga o te waiata nei. Tuatahi, nā te kāwanatanga ke te

kāranga tuatahi mō tēneki kaupapa. Ahakoa terā kua tae mai ētehi

takawaenga nō te iwi. I te rā tuatahi o te kau peka Whiringa-ā-rangi

te tau rua mano mā ono, ka huihui tahi nei i ngā tāngata o ngā maataa

waka nō ngā hau e whā i runga i Otara Marae.

Kua tae mai ētehi nō Ngā Manga Puriri ki Whangarei, Te Kāhui

Hauora ki Rotorua, Toiora-Healthy Lifestyles Ltd ki Taranaki, Ngāti

Porou Hauora ki Te Tairawhiti, Te Rangihaeata Oranga ki Hawkes

Bay, Te Roopu Tautoko ki te Tonga Inc ki Te Waipounamu.

Ko te pūtake o te huihuinga tāngata nei ko te whakakotahi mai i a

rātou anō. Me pēwhea hoki anō te mau tonu ki te reo me ōna tikanga

me ngā rerekētanga o tēnā hapū, o tēnā hapū huri noa i te motu. Kua

whakatau mai rā tēnei mea te Kotahitanga a, kua ea te kaupapa, tihei

mauriora!

wwhhhaakkaaatttaaauuu ” mmmaaaiii h rrraaa ””::: m … · naina wātene keri thompson alison...

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