chacko jog janfeb 05 final v5-3-libre

7/23/2019 Chacko JoG JanFeb 05 Final v5-3-Libre

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/chacko-jog-janfeb-05-final-v5-3-libre 1/8

Culture is an intricate and complex notion that can be challenging to explainand to teach. Students in a course on cultural geography usually begin bylearning that culture consists of beliefs, traditions, and guides for behavingand interpreting behaviors that are learned and shared among members of agroup. Through the use of examples and case studies, students are introducedto material aspects of a culture such as clothing, tools, food, art, andarchitecture. Non-material aspects like values, customs, and communicationstyles—their practices and their spread, and institutions that make and moldculture also are investigated. In the process, it is expected that students willdiscover the multifaceted nature of culture and gain a deeper understanding of

cultural processes and the spatial patterns that result from them. Even thoughthe use of culture as an explanatory device has been questioned (Mitchell1995), educators in geography stress the importance of communicating thechanging, contested, and contingent nature of cultures so that studentsappreciate their dynamism, question unilateral interpretations and analyses,and understand that acknowledging and appreciating context allows for betterinterpretation (Berry 1997; Domosh 2000).

This paper presents a project on youth cultures as an exercise in activelearning, which was conducted by undergraduate students in an introductoryhuman geography class at a private urban university. The study was designedfor and with the students; the goal was to find an intellectually stimulatingand enjoyable assignment that would encourage students to discover therelevance of culture and cultural geography in their lives. The study also

was intended to help students gain insight into and an understanding of thetempora an spat a aspects an processes o cu ture. tu ents were expecteto delve beneath the surface of subject matter discussed in class, to applygeographic concepts and skills to real-world situations, and to initiate newlyaquired expereinces into their research. This paper offers guidelines for aidingcollege and high school students to study their own “sub-cultures” as well asthose of their contemporaries, analyze the results obtained from this researchand proposes strategies to make the exercise meaningful to students. It drawsselectively on the findings of student teams to highlight possible outcomes andoffers suggestions as to how some of the conclusions reached by students can be used to generate further discussions on culture and geography.

RATIONALE AND METHODOLOGY

The ‘Socratic’ method of actively involving students in the learning processis now encouraged at all levels of education (Davis 1993; Sutherland andBonwell 1996; Wells 2001). Pedagogical metaphors of the uni-directionaldelivery of information have been replaced in recent decades by those ofdialogue, interaction, and mutual enrichment of student and teacher. Studentsare urged to take responsibility for exploring, engaging, and learning theideas presented in the classroom, while instructors are charged with guidingand facilitating the learning experience, often playing the role of criticalquestioner. A dynamic process of co-inquiry and collaboration betweenstudents, as well as between teachers and students, is promoted. This kind of

xploring Youth Cultures Geographicallyhrough Active Learning

Elizabeth Chacko

ABSTRACT

This paper presents strategies for activelynvo v ng stu ents n stu y ng cu tura

geography through a research projecton youth cultures. It provides a basicframework to investigate selected “sub-cultures” focusing on the origin and dif-fusion of each culture, its material andnon-material aspects and the attributesand meanings of spaces used by eachcultural group and youth cultures in

the context of change. Students used avariety of methodologies to gather dataand to describe and analyze the culturesselected. Of the eleven youth culturesinvestigated by the class, examples fromthe cultures of raves, skateboarding, andthe Boy Scouts of America (BSA) areselectively presented to elucidate theirgeographic characteristics.

Key Words: undergraduate education, activelearning, cultural geography, youth cultures.

Journal of Geography 104: 9-16©2005 National Council for Geographic Education

za e ac o rece ve er . . romUCLA in 1997 and is currently an associate

professor in the Department of Geography atthe George Washington University. Her cur-rent teaching and research interests includee n c an cu ura geograp y an geograp c

education.



cooperative strategy was used for this project to enhancethe experience of academic inquiry and to further learningthrough “…work done as a social enterprise in whichall individuals have an opportunity to contribute and towhich all feel a responsibility.” (Dewey 1963: 56).

The first step in the project was to choose a topic thatocuse on cu ture an wou susta n stu ent cur os ty

while stimulating research and involvement. The class

that conducted this study was composed largely of full-time resident students in their first year in college. Mostof the students in the class had moved directly fromhigh school to college. Therefore, it was not surprisingthat these students expressed an overwhelming interestin popular cultures, especially those associated withyoung people. Hence, it was collectively decided that thestudents would explore and analyze specific youth “sub-cultures” for the project.

Morgan (2001) and Kincheloe and Steinberg (1998)suggest that because students use popular culture toconstruct meanings and identities in their everydayives, it can be a powerful means of acquiring geographic

knowledge and understanding. The investigation ofyouth cultures also provides an avenue for taking younggeographers beyond the traditional cultural geographyand introducing them to the ‘new cultural geography’(Cosgrove and Jackson 1987; Skelton and Valentine1998). This ‘cultural turn’ in the discipline concerns itselfwith the landscapes and events of everyday life andthe role of power relations in the conceptualization andrepresentat on o cu tures.

Making cultures of youth the focus of the study hadadditional benefits besides the obvious one of keenstudent engagement with the subject matter. Althoughthe instructor retained her role as director and facilitator

of the project, she was in essence sharing the mantle ofexpertise with the students, recognizing their knowledgeand experience in this arena. In universities and otherearning environments, the need to acknowledge the life

and work experiences of adult students, who often testtheir understanding of real-world problems and situationsagainst what they are being taught in classrooms, isreadily acknowledged (Dominice 2000; Vella 2002). Lessevident is the recognition that the experiences of youngadults who have just made the transition from high schoolto college are worth investigating and understanding(Huckle 1997). Indeed, the experiences and opinions ofall students regardless of age can be incorporated intoclassroom learning.

After the decision to study youth cultures was made,students were asked to list in order of preference, twoor three specific “sub-cultures” that they would liketo investigate. The belief that education must engagewith and expand on experiences led the instructorto encourage students to choose “sub-cultures” withwhich they were familiar or had personal experience,although this was not a requirement. A refined list ofstated interests was then used by the instructor to assign

stu ents to erent groups. tu ents wor e n teamsof six; partly because of time constraints and relativelyarge class size (66 students), but also to foster discussion,e ate, an cooperat on. tu ent teams ent e e even

youth cultures for investigation and analysis: raves,skateboarding, wakeboarding, youth gangs, Boy Scoutsof America (BSA), Girl Scouts of America (GSA), theculture of binge drinking in college fraternities, the Young

Democrat and Young Republican groups, the cell phonecultures of urban youth in Korea and Japan, teenage fancultures associated with Boy Bands, and the culture ofmilitary youth.

Research took on the form of data collection, analysis,and evaluation. Students were asked to gather data by investigating both the material and non-materialaspects of their selected “sub-culture.” The first-handcollection of data through participant observation andother ethnographic methods was strongly encouraged,provided participation did not place the student-ethnographer in danger. Students were asked to pay closeattention to details of members of ‘their’ culture–clothes,

accessories, actions and methods of interacting with peersand outsiders, and other attributes that could provideinsight into the beliefs, concerns, and values of the chosenculture group. Interviewing members of the cultureunder examination to better understand their beliefs,rat ona e an modus operandi was another methodologythat was suggested for gathering data. Because this wasa youth-centered and student-directed project wheremost teams investigated cultures that they belonged to orwere familiar with, it was hoped that misgivings aboutrepresentation of the voices of the ‘other’ (Mohammad2001), a common concern among social scientists, would be minimized.

As the project also was intended to help integratetheory with practice in a real-life situation, in additionto qualitative and experiential data collection, studentswere also required to use standard literary sources suchas academic journals, editorials, books, and chapters in books. Magazine and newspaper articles and the Internetalso were suggested as possible resources, with theusual caveats regarding the validity and impartiality ofinformation found in some of them. Using a variety ofresources helped the students develop an understandingof the origins, diffusion in time and across space, and thespatial, social and political ramifications of each “sub-culture.”

All groups were required to produce at least one mapshowing any pertinent spatial attribute of the cultureunder investigation. At the end of the semester, eachgroup presented a short oral report of their findingsto the class. Following the completion of all reports,the instructor led a class discussion on the similaritiesand contrasts between the cultures investigated andthe geographic implications of these findings. Eachpresentation was supplemented by a ten-page groupreport that was submitted to the instructor. The instructor

Exploring Youth Cultures Geographically Through Active Learning



evaluated and assessed presentations and researchreports for each group. Students received a group gradeand an individual grade. Peer-group evaluations of eachmember’s contribution to the group presentation andreport were a part of the individual student grade.

POPULAR AND YOUTH CULTURES

Youth cultures are largely subsets of popular culture.With their strong urban base, propensity for changeand new experiences, inclusion of members of diversepopulation groups and association with mass media,cultures of the young exemplify the principal traits ofpopular culture (Valentine et al. 1998; Huckle 1997). Thecritical factor that differentiates youth cultures fromother popular cultures is the age of its adherents. Whilethere is no universal definition of the term ‘youth’, itusually connotes people sandwiched between childhoodand adulthood. However, the concepts of childhood,adolescence, youth, and adulthood and the popularimagining of each period may be considered socialconstructions and are therefore problematic to define in a

rigid manner (Aitken 2001; Griffin 1993; Stephens 1995).For the purposes of this class project, the definition of‘youth’ was expanded to include groups such as the Boyand Girl Scouts, whose membership is composed largelyof children—primarily because students expressed astrong desire to study these groups.

This paper selectively draws on examples from three ofthe “sub-cultures” investigated by the students, namely,raves, skateboarding, and the Boy Scouts to highlight thestudy’s key areas of inquiry, the results of the students’investigations (see Appendix) and their pedagogicalimplications.

ORIGINS AND DIFFUSION PATTERNSThe roots and antecedents of youth cultures and

how they were transmitted over time and space wereinvestigated by students who were urged to find answersto the following questions for their “sub-culture”:

1. When and where did the culture originate?ere there single or multiple hearths?

2. By what means was culture diffused and whatere the routes of diffusion? Were there any

barriers that retarded its dissemination? Whichof the different kinds of diffusion (expansion,relocation, hierarchical, contagious, stimulus)

ere involved in the spread of the culture?

3. What spatial patterns emerged from theevolution and distribution of the culture?Are there any likely explanations for thesecon gurat ons

This part of the project required the use of library andInternet resources to trace the beginnings of a movementor “sub-culture.” In answering these questions, students

captured a plethora of geographic influences ranging inscale from local to global that fashioned the cultures asthey evolved over time. The origin of some groups likethe Boy Scouts of America could be traced with greaterprecision to the filing of incorporation papers in 1910 byChicago published William Boyce (Mechling 2001) while it

as more difficult to pinpoint the genesis of other culturesto a particular time or place. For example, the group that

studied raves traced these parties to an area (England)and a decade (the 1980s) during an economic recessionthat caused substantial unemployment. Students tracedthe temporal diffusion of the rave subculture from Europeto large metropolises in the United States such as SanFrancisco, Los Angeles, New York, Dallas, Washington,D.C., and Chicago. In their papers and during the oralpresentations, they noted the common influences ofBritish raves and European mainland raves, identifyingthe spread of the phenomenon in the United States as anexample of hierarchical diffusion, which emerged first inarge U.S. cities such as San Francisco and Los Angeles,

then spreading from the large metropolitan areas to

smaller cities and towns.During discussions, the variable receptiveness to

specific youth cultures was raised as an important factorin understanding diffusion patterns. The group studyingraves suggested that smaller urban areas like Eugene,

regon an a son, scons n, now cons eresignificant centers for the dance events, probably owetheir ascendancy to the large populations of young adultson college campuses in these areas. They also traced thereputation of specific regions in the non-Western worldas centers for raves to their popularity as destinations for

oung vacat oners on m te u gets, o er ng oa, n aand Ko Phangan, Thailand as examples.

In connecting the students’ experiences ando servat ons an nvest gat ons to eas o us on anspread of cultures through globalization, there is thedanger of assuming that most popular cultures spreadfrom developed to developing areas (Tomlinson 1999).

his appeared to be the case for many of the popularcultures the students chose to investigate. However, byunderscoring the idea that every interpretation is political,and eliciting examples of how developing to developed

orld cultural exchanges have influenced youth cultures,it is possible and indeed desirable, to steer students awayfrom a dichotomous interpretation of the world and thenotion of one-sided flows of ideas and information.

MATERIAL AND NON-MATERIAL ASPECTS OF YOUTH CULTURES

ater a cu ture s as c to every ay e an treinforces and reflects non-material culture. Students wereasked to read and analyze the material and non-materialsaspects of individual cultures by finding answers to thefollowing questions:

1. What are the tangible items associated with

Elizabeth Chacko



your su cu ture

2. What role do these materials play in theidentity, rites and practices of each group?What is the symbolic value of these items forthe culture?

3. What are the ideologies or presuppositionsthat bind members of the group together? Are

these underlying principles strong or weak? Ifthe latter, what mechanisms and adaptationso mem ers use to compensate or a re at ve y

weak ideological base?

Groups investigated each object as an inset in thecultural mosaic and the meanings and values attachedto them. They recognized that these items could provideclues to the contexts within culture groups operatedand were symbols of the social and psychological

oorings of a culture. Students reflected on the power ofnan mate art c es to express group ent ty, a enat on an

res stance.

The team investigating raves affirmed that attire andfashion accessories were deliberate and visible signs of belonging to a specific culture. The students were ableto gauge how the values and actions of rave cultureswere revealed through its artifacts. Techno music, lights,smoke machines, and glow sticks were usually acceptedas innocuous accessories of these night-long events,intended to heighten the experience of free-form danceat the parties. However, other paraphernalia such asthe lollipops, baby pacifiers and even bottled waterwere more controversial. Promoters and ravers claimedthat these items and “chill rooms” helped preventhyperthermia and dehydration due to crowding and loss

of water from perspiration. But authorities believe thatpacifiers are used to reduce dryness of the mouth andinvoluntary clenching and grinding of the teeth, both sideeffects of Ecstasy, the drug most commonly associatedwith raves (Luckman 1998).

In a similar vein, students noted that regardless ofthe changes in their design over the decades, distinctivekhaki uniforms serve to identify their wearers as BoyScouts. Merit badges earned in more than a hundredskill categories and awards earned by Scouts worn onuniforms as evidence of proficiency, help Scouts move upthe ranks from Tenderfoot to the organization’s highestearned rank of Eagle Scout. In the case of the Boy Scouts,the ideological underpinnings of the culture of courage,service and leadership are also circulated and passed onin stories that recalled legends about Scouts and theirachievements (Mechling 2001; Peterson 1984).

During discussion, the instructor called students’attention to the symbolic underpinnings of the clothingand styles. The typical accoutrements of raves includecolorful and layered clothing and multi-colored wigs orhair that had been dyed in rainbow colors, a throwback tothe hippie culture of the 1960s and 1970s and its message

of love, peace, and harmony. But while ravers emphasizethese qualities in their culture and embrace dancing as ameans of self-expression and building camaraderie, manycity governments view the gatherings as sites of illicitactivity, citing the alleged widespread use of the drugEcstasy (Collin 1997). Boy Scout uniforms were modeledon those worn by the army and could possibly be read asan indication of the latent militarism of the group. Thus,

the prevailing view of scouting as an activity that prepares boys for useful and upright lives as adults is countered bythe opposing view of the scouting movement as a formof social control. These and similar comments led to aspirited discussion on varying perceptions of each culture

y ns ers an outs ers.

CTIVITY SPACES AND REGIONAL VARIATION

1. What kinds of spaces are used by differentyouth cultures? Are these spaces exclusive orinclusive? How do the activity spaces of thesecultures reflect the needs and desires of thegroup?

2. How are youth cultures and the young peoplewho participate in them distributed in space?Is there a spatial or regional pattern in theprevalence of the culture?

3. How do members of each culture perceiveand ascribe meaning to their different culturalspaces and environments?

his section of the exercise was aimed to help studentsengage in critical reflections of space and place, andrecognize their dynamic and often, ambiguous qualities.The typical activity spaces within which cultures operateare a commentary on social structure and the importanceof locations as experienced space (Massey 1998).Therefore, students were urged to examine and analyzethe impacts of the media, governments, religion, andfamily structures on cultures and their spatial distributionand to locate sites of power and control as well as sites ofresistance for the selected cultures.

he distinct spaces in which many cultures operatedwere noted by students. The mutual impact of thephysical and social environment on the manifestations ofthese cultures was considered by each team, as were theclose relationship of the cultural and the symbolic aspects

of each subculture. For example, chartered partners of theBoy Scouts such as religious institutions, schools, civicservice organizations, and businesses often providedindoor meeting places for the troops. Simultaneously,the traditional emphasis on learning outdoor skills hased to open-air spaces and activities in them continuing

to be a mainstay of Scouting. The connection betweenthe physical or built environment and areas used forskateboarding was also considered strong. Before skateparks were created, an assortment of venues and surfacesvarying from concrete stretches in schoolyards and flat




expanses n par s to ry sw mm ng poo s were use yyoung skaters to practice and showcase their talents.

Raves too were held in a variety of settings, rangingfrom beaches and other outdoor locations to nightclubs,large warehouses, and aircraft hangars (Hutson 2002).Students noted that as raves metamorphosed from anactivity of limited membership to a commercial and mass-distributed culture, the venues at which they are held

also changed. However, underground raves continue asa marginal group activity, advertised by word of mouth.The latter were proposed as spaces of resistance, whereravers opposed the co-opting of their dances by the rest ofsociety.

Student researchers were able to gain an understandingof the influence of power hierarchies and relationshipsin the construction of social space and social identitiesthrough their project. For example, the use of skateboardsis forbidden on many school and college campuses,urban parks and recreational areas because skateboardingis associated with involuntary destruction of propertyor even vandalism. In a dramatic turnaround paralleling

the rise of skateboarding as a popular sport in the USA,communities and developers have started building parksspecifically for skateboarding (Eubanks Owens 2001).

However, it was also emphasized during discussionsthat although discrete spaces of activity seem to beapparent for each “sub-culture,” these cultures are not bounded entities and the spaces in which the practitionersconstruct meaning may not be tied to location. Forexample, ravers petitioned against the RAVE (ReducingAmericans’ Vulnerability to Ecstasy) Act of 2002 all overthe United States by calling the bill a “serious threat tocivil liberties, freedom of speech and the right to dance,”flooding senate offices with signatures and taking their

protest to the streets (Montgomery 2002).

MAINSTREAM VS. RESISTING CULTURES

uest ons:

1. Does your “sub-culture” fit in well witha nstream cu ture or oes t oppose

convent ons

2. If there is conflict between your culture andainstream culture, what are the social,

economic and political affects of such tensions?

3. What directions did your youth culture take asit evolved and changed over time? What aresome of the factors that guided this change?

Youth is often regarded as a time of lighthearted fun,laced with conflict, rebellion and delinquency (Valentineet al. 1998). The cultures studied by the class spanneda wide spectrum, extending from those that were moremainstream such as the Boy and Girl Scouts, to those suchas raves and gangs that were more nonconforming intheir ideology and activities. Comparing and contrasting

the cultures permitted the class to examine and explorethe complexities of cultures and the inherent tensions andconflicts within them. Regardless of the youth culturestudied, the class observed that the relationship between

ainstream and resisting cultures and their strategies wasnot straightforward.

Without exception, students noted that some youthcultures that had their origins in rebellion against

dominant cultures or began as underground movementsere co-opted by mainstream cultures, thereby changingtheir marginal status over time. Students investigatingraves found that in the late 1990s, several cities passednew ordinances designed to regulate rave activity, whileothers began enforcing existing laws related to fire codes,health and safety ordinances, liquor laws, and licensingrequirements for large public gatherings that helpedauthorities monitor raves more closely.

But concomitantly, the music and art of raves havefound a place in mainstream culture. The electronic

us c o raves s se ng we n ma nstream recor storesand the subculture uses established institutions and

agencies to promote CDs and tapes of techno music andagaz nes. oyota an ssan car commerc a s use raveusic, and artwork typical of rave flyers can be seen in

advertisements for top fashion designers such as DonnaKaran.

Skateboard competitions and champions now havecorporate sponsors who provide cash prizes or donatepads, helmets, shoes, clothing, and other items tocompetitors with a view to advertising their products.Even traditional youth groups like the Boy Scouts werenot free from controversy. An organization that was atthe forefront of the inclusion of racial, religious, and other

inorities, the Boy Scouts are now criticized for alleged

discriminatory practices such as its refusal to admithomosexuals and atheists (Mechling 2001; Santana 2002).

CONCLUSIONS

For both the instructor and the students, this projectas a learning experience. The instructor was delighted

that most students were excited about engaging in“real” research. Having taught the course before, she

as able to discern that the exercise allowed for a levelof understanding of cultures that was not possible via just lectures and textbook learning. By delving intofamiliar “subcultures,” students learned to view cultureas a lived experience and representation, and gained

an understanding of how specific “sub-cultures” wereproducts of socio-economic and political settings history,and geographic locale.

There were some minor impediments as researchunfolded. Despite being warned that material obtainedfrom the Internet was not always acceptable, somestu ents emp oye ata rom unre a e nternet sourcesand used these data uncritically. There was also atendency to extrapolate from limited individual-levelanecdotal data to the universe of different youth cultures.

Elizabeth Chacko



hese obvious drawbacks to quality research and analysiswere used to explore the important issues of reliabilityand replication while conducting academic investigations.

here were also the usual protests regarding imbalancesin the contributions of different group members. In thefinal analysis, such discrepancies were compensated toeveryone’s satisfaction by the within-group evaluation ofeach person’s performance.

For the students, the complex and many-faceteddiffusion process of youth cultures offered a contemporarysubject for the study of several geographical issues. Theydiscovered not only the patterns of spread of differentcultures but also the roles of ideology, interaction, andglobalization in the diffusion process. While observingthat cultures had regionally distinct variations in their beliefs and practices, all groups remarked on superior

odern communications that allowed for the easy localand global diffusion of cultural forms and their traits.

Remarking on the processes by which peripheral youthcultures became mainstream, they commented on how“sub-cultures” at times absorbed original meanings and

forms and at other times resisted their incorporation.tu ents earne to oo eyon mere escr pt ons oaterial objects related to any culture as they sought

to comprehend the power of tangible items to expressintangibles such as group cohesion, solidarity andexclusiveness. Rather than perceiving societies andcultures in deterministic ways, this exercise encouragedstudents to see the world as a composite of experiencesan negot ate un erstan ngs.

A study of largely familiar cultures exposed other issuesthat permeate all societies and cultures, such as powerrelations, privileges, and penalties. While seeking patternsand models that help reach a deeper understanding of

cultures, how they are transformed and transmitted,experienced and portrayed, the exercise also encouragedstudents to reflect critically on what they knew aboutthemselves and their cultures. It helped them understandconstructions of difference without resorting tostereotyping and of appreciating the roles of dominationand resistance, inclusivity and exclusivity in the makingof cultures.

Although the students observed hierarchicalrelationships in even the most resisting cultures, theycame to the conclusion that in the highly complicatedan p ura soc et es o to ay, t s cu t to n a neatcorrespondence between social stratification and culture.Moreover, each “sub-culture” was not a discrete entityunto itself. Through research, participation, and reflectiveactivities that explored and highlighted the validity of

personal experience, students learned there need not be a division between the personal and the theoretical; between experiential learning and academic studies. Theyrecognized that individuals attach their own meanings toevents and behavior, even as others attempted to attachdefinitions, characteristics and values to these activities.This understanding in turn helped forge linkages betweenthe experiences of teams studying different “sub-cultures”in a non-judgmental climate, paving the way for theholistic inquiry and understanding that is the trademarkof geography.

CKNOWLEDGEMENTS

As usual, thanks to my colleague Tom Foggin for hisastute comments and critique of an earlier version of thisarticle.

NOTES: . a e oar ng , a so nown as ur ng, s a orm

of waterskiing where the rider stands with bothfeet attached to a board as s/he is pulled along

y a oat.

2. Maps produced for this project depicted variedaspects of each “sub-culture”. Most were simplelocation maps (e.g., sites of advertised ravesin the USA); or choropleth maps (e.g., numberof skateparks per 100,000 persons aged 15-24years in each state of the U.S.).

3. The Boy Scouts of America is a U.S.organization. Scouts Canada is the equivalentgroup in Canada.




Elizabeth Chacko

APPENDIX: Key Aspects of Three Youth Cultures

r g n

• Believed to originate in the U.K in the

ate s

• Skateboard probably invented in

t e s• Popularized in the 1970s

• Founded by Lord Robert Baden-

owe n ng an n• In 1910, Chicago publisher

illiam Boyce filed incorporation

papers or t e oy couts o

America in D.C.

Diffusion

• Hierarchical, spread to cities in con-

tinental Europe and North America.

so sprea to se ect c t es o ten

vacation spots) elsewhere.

• Contagious and hierarchical

diffusion

• Hierarchical and contagious

diffusion

Demographics

• Males and females • Overwhelmingly male dominated • Only males

• Mostly teenagers and

young adults

• Teenagers and young adults • Boys aged 11-17 years

Material aspects

• Techno music

• oreograp e

light shows

• Neon glow-sticks

• o pops

• Pacifiers

• Bottled water

• ‘ arty rugs

• Chill rooms

• Promotional flyers with

st nct ve artwor

• Skateboard

• pec a s oes

• Branded clothing

• Magazines

• Uniform

• er t a ges

• Patches

on- ater a aspects

• ree om o express on t rougmus c an ance

• Promotion of peace and harmony

• Group activity

• non con orm st sport• a ues n v ua ac evement

over team play

• An extreme sport

• aracter eve opment• Citizenship training

• Skills training

• Personal fitness

• Group activity



- . on on: out e ge.

Mechling, J. 2001. n y onor: oy couts an t e a ng f American Youth. Chicago: University of ChicagoPress.

Mitchell, D. 1995. There’s no such thing as culture:towards a reconceptualization of the idea ofculture in geography. Transactions - Institute of

ritish Geographers 20(1): 102-116.

Mohammad, R. 2001 ‘Insiders and/or ‘outsiders’:positionality, theory and praxis. In ua tat ve

Methodologies for Geographers, eds. M. Limb and CDwyer, pp.101-117. London: Arnold.

Montgomery, D. 2002. Ravers against the machine:part ers an ta e on cstasy . e

ashington Post , July 18 pg. A01

Morgan, J. 2001. Popular culture and geographyeducation. International Research in Geographical

an nv ronmenta ucat on. 10(3): 284-297.eterson, . . . e oy couts: n mer can

Adventure New York, NY : American HeritagePress.

Santana, A. 2002. Rejection of gay scout leader is upheld;D.C. Appeals Court overturns ruling by rightspanel ordering reinstatement. The WashingtonPost. November 8, pg. B03.

Skelton, T., and Valentine, G. (editors) 1998. Cool Places:eograp es o out u tures on on: out e ge.

Stephens, Sharon. 1995. Children and the politics ofculture in “late capitalism.” In Children andthe Politics of Culture , ed. S. Stephens, pp.3-48.

r nceton, . .: r nceton n vers ty ress.

Sutherland, T E., and C C. Bonwell, editors. 1996. s ngActive Learning in College Classes: A Range ofOptions for Faculty. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass

Tomlinson, J. 1999. Globalization and Culture. Chicago:University of Chicago Press.

Valentine, G., Skelton, T., and Chambers, D. 1998. Coolplaces: an introduction to youth and youthcultures. In Cool Places: Geographies of Youth

u tures, e s. . e ton, . an . a ent ne, pp.1-32. London: Routledge

Vella, J. 2002. Learning to Listen, Learning to Teach: ThePower of Dialogue in Educating Adults. San

ranc sco: ossey- ass.

Wells, G. 2001. The case for dialogic inquiry n ct on,Talk and Text: Learning and Teaching through

REFERENCES:

t en, . . . eograp es o oung eop e: e ora yContested Spaces of Identity. London: Routledge.

Berry K.A. 1997. Projecting the voices of others: Issues

of representation in teaching race and ethnicity.ourna o eograp y n g er ucat on 21(2): 283-

.

Collin, M. 1997. Altered State: The Story of Ecstasy and Acidouse. New York: Serpent’s Tail Publications.

Cosgrove, D. , and Jackson, P. 1987. New directions incultural geography. rea , - .

av s, . . . oo s or eac ng. an ranc sco,California: Jossey-Bass Publishers.

ewey, . . Experience and Education. New York:Collier. First published in 1938.

Dominice, P. 2000. Learning from Our Lives: Usingucat ona ograp es w t u ts. an ranc sco:

ossey- ass.

Domosh, M. 2000. Cultural patterns and processes inadvanced placement human geography. Journal of

eograp y 99 (3-4): 111-119.

u an s wens, . . ecreat on an restr ct ons:community skateboard parks in the UnitedStates. Urban Geography. 22(8): 782-797.

Griffin, C. 1993. Representations of Youth: The Study of Youthan o escence n r ta n an mer ca. am r ge:Polity Press.

Huckle, J. 1997. Toward a critical school geography. InD. Tilbury and M. Williams (eds) Teaching and

earn ng eograp y , on on: out e ge ress.

Hutson, S. R. 2000. The rave spiritual healing in modernWestern subcultures. Anthropological Quarterly73(1): 1-9.

Kincheloe, J., and Steinberg, S. 1997. Changing

u t cu tura sm: ew mes, ew urr cu um Buckingham: Open University Press.

Luckman, S. 1998. Rave cultures and the academy. SocialAlternatives 17(4): 1-6.

Massey, D. 1998. The spatial construction of youthcu tures. n oo aces: eograp es o outCultures, eds. T. Skelton. and G. Valentine, pp.


chacko jog janfeb 05 final v5-3-libre

Documents