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    ^ S V O B O D A I I

    U k r a i n i a n W e e HPUBLISHED BY THE UlCRAlMAN NATIONAL ASSOCIATION INC., A FRATERNAL. NON-PROFIT ASSOCIATION e o i l - O

    o - a s (

    Vol. t No. 2 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY. JANUARY 10, 1982 25 c e n t v

    January 12 DAY OF SOLIDARITY with Ukrainian Political Prisoners

    WCFU, youth groups issueDay, of Solidarity appeals UNA execs reject chargesof Supreme Assembly 11JERSEY CITY, N.J. - The HumanRights Commission of the World Congress of Free Ukrainians and the U.S.nat i onal execut i ve boards of threeyouth organizations - Plast UkrainianYout h O rgani zat i on, the UkrainianA merican Youth A ssociation (SU M-A )an d the O r g a n i za t io n of A m e r ic a nYouth of Ukrainian D escent (O D UM) have issued appeals to the Ukrainiancommunity at large to observe Tuesday,January 12, as the Day of Solidaritywith Ukrainian Political Prisoners.It was on January 12 in 1974 thatV yacheslav Chornovil, Ukrainian jour nalist and human-rights activist stageda hunger strike to mark the secondanniversary ofhis arrest and of the massarrests of Ukrainian intellectuals in1972. Since 1976 political prisoners inthe USSR have observed that date asth e Day of the Ukrai ni an Pol i t i calPrisoner with hunger strikes.Ukrainians in the diaspora have cometo observe January 12 as the Day ofSol i dari t y wi t h Ukrai ni an Pol i t i calPrisoners.In its appeal to Ukrainians in the freeworld, the WCFU Human Rights Commission called for mass actions such assending telegrams and letters to free-world governments and urging them todemand therelease'of political prisoners, members of the Ukrainian Helsinki

    Group and all who struggle for humanand national rights.Noting that Ukrainian youth organi

    z a t i o n s in the West have adoptedJanuary 12 as a day expressing solidarity with and support of Ukrainianpolitical prisoners, the WCFU went onto say that on that date hunger strikesshould be conducted and non-Ukrainians should be informed about the D ayof S olidarity and the reasons behind it.In their appeal, Plast, SUM-A andO D UM call ed on Ukrainian parents,youths and the entire Ukrainian community to observe January 12 withhunger strikes and other actions.They urged parents and youth leadersto explain the reasons behind the Day ofSol i dari t y wi t h Ukrai ni an Pol i t i calPrisoners to the youths; to observe thedate with some appropriate act; toexplain the observance of the day tonon-Ukrainians in their areas; to writeletters and help youths in writing lettersto the press, senators and representatives, state legislators and to the president of the United States in order topublicize the Day of S olidarity and topoi nt out that Ukrainian politicalprisoners are giving their very lives indefense of national, political, religiousand human rights; to send letters ofgreetings to Ukrainian political prisoners and to send copies of those lettersto official representatives of the SovietUnion in the United States."Let us show our sisters and brothers

    in Ukraine that they are not alone intheir struggle for freedom and justicefor our nation," the appeal concluded.

    Freedom House releases 198JComparative Survey of Freedom

    Comparative Survey of Freedom listedas not free 2.002 billion people - 44percent of the world's population. Theaddition of Poland's 36 million peoplewould raise this to 1038 billion or 44.8percent).Even without changing the status ofPoland, the percentage of the world'sfree population dropped again. Thereare 1.632 billion living in 54 free nationsand 27 related territories (35.86 percent). S o m e 916 million people live in49 countries and 23 territories that arepartly free (20.14 percent), and 2.002billion peo ple reside in 62 countries andfour territories regarded as not free (44percent).The 44-paee assessment of human

    ( C o n t in u e d on p a g e 4)

    NEW YORK - The Freedom Houseworldwide survey reports that 1981 wasno t a good year for freedom. Poland,which suffered the sharpest loss, led thedecline in f reedoms . Few count ri esa d v a n c e d and l o s s e s g r e a t l y o u t numbered the gains.The most dramatic loss of freedomwas suffered by Poland when, in mid-D ecember, the m ilitary leaders imposedmartial law, suspended the Solidarityunion; detained its leaders and formerCommunist Party leaders, and severelyrestricted civil rights. Earlier gains,which allowed Poland to be the onlyCommunist country rated "partly free"for most of the year, were harshlycurtailed in D ecember and are in dangerof being crushed.B efore, the. Polish suppression the

    JERSEY CITY, N.J. - The Ukrainian National A ssociation's S upremeExecutive Committee has released astatement outlining its position on thedeclaration issued by 11 members of theUNA Supreme A ssembly who formed agroup calling itself the Committee forLaw and O rder in the UNA.The Executive Committee's statement was drawn up on December 29 atits latest meeting at the UNA headquarters here.The supreme officers stressed that theCommittee for Law-and O rder In theUN A is not an official S oyuz body, norwa s it elected or approved by theSupreme A ssembly/which is the UNA'shighest body between quadrennialconventions.

    The Executive Committee denied theallegations made by the I I-membergroup in its statement that was published in the A ugust 12, 19 81, issue ofthe Homin Ukrainy weekly ofToronto.The UNA executives also said they"strongly condemn" the statement bythe 11 Supreme A ssembly members.For the information of Weekly readerswh o may not be familiar with thedeclaration of the so-called Committeefor Law and O rder in the UNA - astatement that was previously publishedonly itrthe Ukrainian language - inaddi t i on to the Supreme Execut i veCommittee's position, we are publishing the 11-member group's statement inEnglish translation.The texts of both statements follow.

    Statement of the UNASupreme Executive Committee

    The Supreme Execut i ve Commi t tee of the Ukra in ian N at io na lA s s o c i a t i o n , at its m eet i ng on Decem ber 29, 198.1, t h o r o u g h l yreviewed the matter of the statement issued by the 11 members of thes o - c a l l e d C o m m i t t e e for Law and Order in the UNA, w h i ch iscom posed of: Bohdan Futey, Prof. John T e luk , T ek la Moroz , Asko ldLo zynsky j , Anna H aras, Wasy l D id iuk, Myros law Ka lba, Myko laCho manczuk, Roman Kuropas, Michael So roka and E ugene Repeta.T his statement was published in the weekly H o min Ukrainy on August12, 1981. T aking into co nsideration also the op in i ons of members ofthe Supreme Assembly as regards this statement, the SupremeE xecutive Com mit tee unanimo usly af fi rms:1. We categorically reject as completely unfounded the chargeagainst theSupreme E xecutive Co mmittee that it allo wed "a series ofby-laws vio lat io ns." The so-cal led Co mmit tee forLaw and Order in theUNA d id notspecify what these vio lat ion s were, nor di d it present anyp roo f of such vio lat ions.2. We deny the statement by the aforement ioned 11 members of theSupreme Assembly to the effect that some kind of "by- laws vio lat ions"caused losses in UNA membership fo l lowing the 13th Congress ofUkrainians of America. In fact, the UN A has consistent ly shown lo ssesin membership for years, and such a decrease in membership beganan d has co nt inued since 1966. T he reasons fo r this state of affairs havebeen explained in repor ts of the supreme executive officers atconvent i ons and annual meetings, and they mirror a similar situationin alt ethnic fraternal-insurance institutions. Present losses in UNAmembership - regardless of the deteriorating economic situation -have not been drastically greater after the 13th Congress and otherrelated events.3. We d ecisively deny that the UNA has only a "financial-insurance"character as the 11 members of the Supreme Assembly constantlystress in their statement. As evidence of this false and defamatorydescript ion of th e UN A as merely a f inancial-insura nce institution, wequo te f rom the Charter (Art ic les of Incorpora t ion) o f the UN A in whichit isstated:" . . . T he purpo se and objects for which this corpo rat ion is form ed areto pro mo te uni ty, socia l intercourse and socia l re lat ions and to di f fuseprinciples of benevolence and chari ty among Ukrainians and their

    ( C o n t in u e d on p a g e 5)

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    THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY. JANUARY 10. 1982 No. 2

    On the Ukrainian Helsinki Group'sties with the Moscow group Ovsienko faces new chargesby Lyudmila A lexeyeva

    Reprinted by permission from the/allissue of Smoloskyp, a Washington-based quarterly dealing with humanrights affairs in Ukraine and EasternEurope. Smoloskyp is published by theHelsinki Guarantees for Ukraine Com mittee and the Smoloskyp UkrainianInformation Service.It is known that the Ukrainian Helsinki Group was founded after theexample set by the Moscow group andwith its help. This did not happen all ofa s u d d e n , nor did it h a p p e n o n l ybecaus e cl os e cont act s were in theinterest of both groups. The teamworkbetween the Moscow and the UkrainianHelsinki groups was a normal development of l ong- es t abl i s hed rel at i onsbetween human-rights activists andmembers of the Ukrainian nationalmovement. These relations were formed

    right before my eyes and they are verydear to me, as something out of mypersonal biography.This friendship, began in the usualmanner - through the political laborcamps. In 1966, the wife of MuscoviteYuliy D aniel went tovisit him in one ofthe Mordovian camps and there met thewife of political prisoner SviatoslavKaravansky, who had also come for avisit. On the way home from Mordovia(which inevitably leads through Moscow, inasmuch as there is a transfer inMoscow), Nina Strokata Karavanskystayed at the apartment of her newacquaintance.From that time on the wives ofUkrainian political prisoners from the"draft of 1965," and subsequently fromthe much earlier and much later "drafts,"always had refuge and help in Moscowhomes. A fter the wives of Ukrainianpolitical prisoners, their friends fromKiev and Lviv came to meet the Muscovites. They became our friends. Wegot to know them and they us; mutualhelp followed.Those relations, which have lasted for15 years now, show how normal andnatural are friendly and brot herl yrelations between Russians and Ukrainians. With all our heart we s ympathized with them over their troublesand tried to help inevery way we could- by giving shelter, getting foodstuffsfor a package to the camps, finding alawyer, passing on information aboutpersecutions to the West. O ur relationswere not a calculated step for politicalreasons. With their selflessness, theirsteadfastness, their dedication to theirnative culture, these people brought outin us feelings of deep respect, and evenexcitement. And very soon a practical"soup" was cooked up from this friendship.In 1968 samizdat activists YuriyGalanskov and A leksandr Ginzburgwere` sentenced in Moscow. A pproximately 700 people signed letters ofprotest against that trial. The overwhelming majority of those protesterswere Muscovites - the movement indefense ofrightswas just beginning andhad not emerged outside the borders ofthe capital, where it had been born.The Ukrainians `were the only "na-tionals" whostood up together with us 140 signatures were from Ukraine.And even there a comparative lessonwas given on whom would the demands be greater. When it came toreprisals against the "signatories," thepercentage of those expelled from wor-k,etc., was much higher in Ukraine than inMoscow. Still, not one of the Ukrai

    nians that suffered showed any regretover having gotten involved "in somebody else's business."A nd then together we went through1972, when there was a simultaneousassault on our Chronicle and on theUkrainian Herald. And again the arrests in Ukraine were much more cruelthan in Moscow.With that bit of past history as abackground, there is nothing unusual inthat the Moscow group, presenting thef ounder of the Ukrainian HelsinkiGroup to foreign correspondents (again,the Ukrainians had been the first tosupport us), gave them an appeal thatreflected a fact obvious to all defendersof rights:

    "We direct attention to the fact thatext raordi nary obs t acl es have beenplaced before all those who attempt onthe territory of Ukrai ne to gat herinformation about violations ofhumanrights and pass it on to the public..."Considering the conditions existingin Ukraine, the creation of the Ukrainian Public Group to Promote is an ac t great courage.. . The Group to Promote the Implementation of the Helsinki A ccords in the USSR will help theUkrainian group by passing on information to correspondents and representatives of the heads of the governments that signed the Final A ct..."

    Repres s i ons agai ns t the Hel s i nkigroup also began with Ukraine,, with asearch onChristmas Eve 19 76. The firstarrests of "Helsinkiers" occurred simultaneously in Moscow and in U-kraine.In its documents the Moscow Helsinki Group more than once pointed outthe extraordinary severity of politicalpersecution in Ukraine. In D ocumentNo. 12 (D ecember 19 76) it isnoted that"Ukrainians have constituted and constitute today a very substantial part oft he cont i ngent of pri s oners of c o n science, disproportionately greater thanthe percentage of that nation in theUSSR's population."Numerical statistics were cited: out of20 political prisoners in camps for thoseserving repeat sentences under politicalarticles of the Criminal Code, 13 wereUkrainians; Ukrainian women constitute 25 percent of the inmates of awoman's political labor camp.This being the state of things, it isnatural that in the document on conditions under which political prisonerswere kept (D ocument No. 3) and in thedocument on ailing political prisoners( Document No. 17) more Ukrainiani.ames are mentioned than any others,while D ocument No. 6 on the situationof political prisoners after release isbased entirely on Ukrainian materials.There evolved, w ithout prior arrangem e n t s , a cert ai n di vi s i on of laborbetween the Moscow and Ukrainiangroups. The Ukrainian Helsinki Groupwas comprised mainly of participants int he Ukrai ni an nat i onal movement .They knew the es s ence of theUkrainian national problem very well- their lives were devoted to' it. Thepathos in the work of the UkrainianHelsinki Group consisted of defendingthe national dignity of Ukraine, itsc u l t u r e and ri ght s to i n d e p e n d e n tdevelopment. All the documents of the

    ( C o n t in u e d on p a g e 15)

    Lyudmila Alexeyeva is a foundingmember of the Moscow HelsinkiGroup..In 1977 . she was forced to . leavethe Soviet. Union grid.is now the Moscow group's representative abroad.

    N EW Y O RK - A c c o r d i n g to samvy-dav reports from Ukraine which recently reached the West, imprisoned Ukrainian Helsinki monitor V asyl O vsienko,wh o is due to complete his term inFebruary, was transferred from a campin the Zhytomyr oblast to the regionalKGB, where he is being investigated oncharges of "anti-Soviet agitation andpropaganda" (A rticle 62 of the CriminalCode of the Ukrainian SSR). News ofthe case was reported by tne ExternalRepresentation of the Ukrainian Helsinki Group.Mr. O vsienko is apparently beingcharged on the basis of alleged oralagitation and propaganda, his closingstatement at his 1979 trial, and a letter

    about camp conditions written to theUnited Nations.Mr. O vsienko is a teacher of Ukrain i a n l a n g u a g e and l i t e r a t u r e . TheZhyt omyr regi on.res i dent was firstsentenced in 1973 and served a four-year term for "anti-Soviet agitation andpropaganda."In 1978 hewas framed on charges of"resisting a worker of the militia"(A rticle 188-1 of the Ukrainian SSRCriminal Code). He was arrested inFebruary 1979 and subsequently sentenced to three years in camp.Mr. O vsienko joined the UkrainianHelsinki Group in 1977. He is notparticipating in the current investigation against him.

    W i f e a p p e a l s f o r Y u g o s l a v i a n d i s s i d e n tW A S H I N G T O N - The wife ofYugoslavian dissident Marko V eselica,wh o was sentenced to 11 years' imprisonment on September 9, 1 9 8 1 , for aninterview with a West German magazi ne, has appealed to human-rights

    groups in the West tocome to the aid ofher husband, reported Human RightsInternet based here.Mr. V eselica, a professor of economics, was one of several intellectualsjailed last year in what appears to be agovernment campaign to curb what itperceives as growing Croatian nationalism. Most were convicted in Zagreb,the Croatian capital and long a center ofnat i onal i s t movement s , for allegedcontacts with Croatian emigre groups inthe West or for "hostile propaganda"against the Yugoslav government.Charges against Mr. V eselica, 45,stem in part from an interview hegranted to D er Spiegel in A ugust 1980.A l t h ou g h the interview was neverpublished in the magazine, excerptsappeared in several Croatian emigrepublications.In the interview, Mr. V eselica decriedYugoslavian violations of the HelsinkiAccords on human rights, and condemned government repression againstCroatians, which he said was "inspiredby Greater-Serbian attitudes and arethe expression of a will to maintainSerbian hegemony."He went on to accuse the Y ugoslavianfederal government of ignoring principles in the constitution which guaranteethe equal rights of the country's sixpeople's republics: Serbia, Croatia,

    B osnia and Hercegovina, Macedonia,Slovenia and Montenegro."D espite the constitutional amendments, Yugoslavia is not even a genuinefederation, let alone a federation whichis evolving into a confederation," Mr.V eselica told Der Spiegel. "There are

    only theoretical principles which aredisregarded. Croatian society todaydoes not have the power to insure thatthe principles embodied in the constitution are in fact respected."During his trial, Mr. V eselica did notretract any of his s t at ement s . Thecharge of contacts with "hostile emigres"was based on the testimony of twoelderly women, ages 69 and 82, whowere interrogated by police for sevendays before testifying. The evidence wasa manuscript written by one of thewomen, which the prosecution allegedwas supplied by Mr. V eselica for mailing in A us t ria to Croat i an emi gregroups.The defendant was accused of misrepresenting the situation in Yugoslavia.A ccording to Mrs. V eselica^s appea l,her husband had previously been arrested in 1 9 7 2 and jailed for seven yearsfor "nationalism and counterrevolutionary activity."He had been part of the Croatian"democrat i c movement " in the late1960s which sought to restructure thecountry into a true confederation. Themovement was crushed by the lateYugoslavian leader Marshall Tito inD e c e m b er 1971. A c c o rd i n g to Mr.V eselica, '32,000 people in Croatiawere purged, dismissed from their jobs,interrogated by police or subjected toother kinds of persecution and pressure.Following his latest imprisonment,Mr. V eselica, who, according to his wifeis very ill, underwent major surgery.O ther Croatians known to have beentried last year include Franjo Tudjam,ascholar and author sentenced to threeyears for "hostile propaganda";. D obro -slav Paraga, a 19- year- ol d s t udent ,sentenced to three years for circuJatingapetition onbehalf of political prisoners;and V lado Gotovac, a poet and literarycritic, sentenced to two years for "hostile propaganda." - V,

    U k r a i n i a n W e e lc lIFOUNDED 1933

    Ukrainian weekly newspaper publiihetj by th e UkrainianmionatAssociationinc 1fraternal nonpfofh` association, at 30 Montgomery St., Jersey H73ff2 `' (The Ukrainian Weekly - USPS 5704 ; . ` . - , / ,.

    The Weekly and Svoboda: - `(201) 434-0237. 434-0807(212) 227-4125Yearly subscription rate: 58, UNA members - J5.

    UNA: (201)451-2200"(212) 2 27 - 5250Postmaster, send address changes to:THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLYP.O. Box 346 -Jersey City. N.J: 073 03

    Editor Roma Sochan Hadw wycz 'Assistant edit or: George Bohdan ZJrycky

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    No. 2 THE UKRAINIA N WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY 10. 1982 3

    C a n a d a r a t i f i e s c o n v e n t i o no n w o m e n ' s e q u a l i t yO TTA WA - Canada's Secretary ofState Gerald Regan, Secretary of Statefor External A ffairs Mark MacGuiganand Judy Erola, the minister responsiblefor the status of women, announcedthat Canada has ratified the UnitedNations Convention on the Eliminationof A ll Forms of Discrimination against

    Women.The conven tion, which is a landmarkin the process of recognizing.the fullequality of rights and responsibilities ofwomen and men worldwide, was adoptedby the United Nation s General A ssembly in December 1 97 9. Canada,which fully supported the process ofelaboration of the convention andplayed a significant part in the negotiations, signed the conv ention at a specialceremony held in connection with theWorld Conference on the U.N. Mid-D ecade for Women on July 1 7, 19 80.The decision by Canada to sign andratify the convention, supported by theprovinces and territories, highlights theimportance all levels of governmentattach to the improvement of the statusof women in Canada through promotion of equality and the integration ofwomen into all aspects of Canadiansociety. The 30 articles of the convention cover measures to be taken bystates parties to eliminate discrimination against women in various fields.These include political and public life,the right to nationality, education,employment, health and marriage andthe family. Rights of rural women andelimination of stereotypes are givenspecial attention.

    Th e United States at the Madrid ConferenceOn "the realities of th e world that surrounds us"

    Auto mechanicsues KGBJERS EY CITY, N.J. - V iktorT o m a c h i n s k y a li t t l e - k n o w nwriter, auto mechanic, S oviet dissident and, apparently, a buddinglawyer went to court on D ecember8 to press the first known lawsuitagainst the KGB , reported the Christian Science Monitor.It seems that Mr. Tomachinskywants the KGB and the Soviet Ministry of Interior to fork O ver 1 3, 400rubles (about 519,000) because, hesays, they welched on a promise toprovide him with exit visas earlier

    this year. Thinking he had made averbal and binding contract with theSoviet spy agency, the would-beemigre quit his job as an automobilerepairman.He is suing the agency and theministry for monies he claims hecould have earned abroad had theagency kept its word and let himleave.Mr. Tomachinsky is no stranger toS oviet co urts. Thj? M t^tbkJtSpoiftS;that he had brought civil suits agiirhstthe authorities five times in the pastfive years. `Unfortunately for the perennialcom plainan t, th e judge/,.;, took o nly 45minutes to dispose of his suit againstthe K GB , insisting that, he did nothave jurisdiction in such a suitUndaunted, Mr. Tomachinsky,who said he is fascinated by the law,reportedly declared: "I'm thinkingover my next move."Somehow, we dont think F. LeeB ailey could help Mr. Tomachinskybeat the KGB , and we suspect if heisn4 careful, his next move may wellibe to the nearest possible hoosegow.

    Following is the text of a speechdelivered by Ambassador Max pelman, chairman of the U.S. delegation to the Madrid Conference toreview compliance with the HelsinkiAccords. The remarks w ere made onDecember 18 at the plenary sessionbefore the latest recess of the talks,which are scheduled to resume onFebruary 9.

    We began our deliberations in Madrid more than IS months ago. Theagenda of our concerns during all ofthat period has been extensive. In itsessentials it has reflected our nationalinterests.and our respective systems ofvalues. But we were always deeplyconscious of the world around us.Today we recess. We do so in thehope partially as a result of recentefforts made here by eight of us thatwe are significantly close to agreementon the text of a final concluding document. Now, too, however, we mustcontinue to be conscious of the worldaround us.I need not repeat the detailed themesthat have been struck by our delegationin the course of its interventions at thesemeetings. O ur purpose toda y, rather, isto assert our intense conviction that thepursuit of peace and liberty is the onlygoal consistent with the survival of ourcivilization.Nothing would suit us more than tobe able to acknowledge here that thegoals of the Helsinki Final Act are beingpursued with diligence by all of us.That, however, is regrettably not ourperception of the reality. We thus speak

    our convictions, just as others havespoken theirs, so that these exchangescan help us all understand that the goalof peace requires us to be guided by theprovisions of the Helsinki Final A ct.Peace is not just the absence of war,vital as that is. It requires a structure ofconfidence and cooperation. The Helsinki Final A ct effectively sets out theessential ingredients of those requirements.It is axiomatic that structure builtthrough great and lengthy effort can bedestroyed in a moment. Europe wastorn apart by war. Much of what wasarising from the ground to form thefoundations of a new community ofinterest, through the United Nations,was then torn apart by the eold war.These scars are not easily healed. Theconference on security and cooperation was designed to stimulate thehealing process. But the invasion ofA fghanistan and the growing andblatant disregard for the rights ofhuman beings served again to undermine that which we were beginning torebuild.

    We must continue our efforts. Helsinki, Geneva, Belgrade, Madrid -these are but steps on a long road. Theproblems that divide us are real andnumerous. We meet in Madrid to dealwith some of those problems. We trustour efforts will produce agreement. Bythe nature of things, however, we allunderstand that even with such agreement we will still be nearer to thebegining than to the end of our pursuitof peace.

    Even as we meet in Madrid, however,to renew our search for understanding,recent events in Poland again pull usback. We pray that they will not interfere with our task here. That task is topreserve and strengthen the structure ofthe Helsinki process; and that requiresobservance of-the spirit and the letter ofthe act.The human-dimension language ofthe final act is eloquent in its significance. We advance new proposals toraise our standards and to presejve thebalance so essential for the integrity ofthe accord. There can be, however, nogreater contribution to our process thanto see the provisions already agreedupon implemented properly, seriously,and conscientiously. Implementation ofcommitments previously made is offar greater significance than the adoption of new commitments. A s for thequestions of military security that weface, the conference on confidence-building measures that we propose tominimize the risk of surprise militaryattack is part of an evolving process toencourage openness and knowledge ofone another's military activities. In thatway, we can strengthen our sense ofsecurity and bring ourselves closer topeace.

    Most of us in this body, Mr. Chairman, believe in the notion that men andwomen have the right to express opinions on the laws that govern them, onthe practices of their governments, andto make the decisions on the composition of their governments. We know( C ont i nue d on page 14)

    On Human Rights Day - December 1 0 , 1 9 8 1Below is the text of the statementdelivered by Max Kampelman, chairman of the U.S. delegation to theMadrid Conference, at the conferenceplenary session on December 11.Thirty-five years ago yesterday, ahistoric international event took place.O n D ecember 10, 19 48, the UniversalD eclaration of Human Rjghts wasadopted unanimously by the UnitedNations,General A ssembly. Born afterthe bloodshed of a bitter war and themost terrible violation of human rightsin the record of our planet, the Universal D eclaration established important

    standards for the achievement and theprotection of human rights in the world.History will join us in judging theconduct of nations by those noblestandards.The declaration is based on thepremise that the "inherent dignityand...the equal and inalienablerightsofall members of the human family is thefoundation of freedom, justice andpeace in the world." The UniversalD eclaration is indeed the grandfather ofthe ; Helsinki Final A ct's recognitionthat "respect for human rights andfundamental freedoms" is fundamentalfor peace, for justice and for friendlyrelations among us.

    ;.; Every -year, M t Chairma n; at theUnited Nations and throughout allcorners of the globe, this anniversary iscommemorated as Human Rights D ay.In a proclamation marking the observance of this day of significance andsymbolism. President Ronald Reagansaid; ."We will continue to strive torespect these rights fully in our owncountry and to promote their observance abroad. We could have no greaterwish for mankind than that.all.peoplecome to enjoy these rights." !'

    Mr. Chairman, my delegation believes that our Madrid meeting canmake a genuine contribution toward thefulfillment of that wish, which we allshare.The proposals advanced by my delegation and others here and which arebefore us at this meeting were designedto build upon the foundations of theUniversal D eclaration and to enhancethe implementation of our mutualcommitments. We place great emphasison full compliance with the human-rights and humanitarian provisions ofthe Final A ct. In comm emoratingHuman R ights Da y, we once againreaffirm our firmly held belief that theconcluding document of our Madridmeeting must reflect those values andour dedication to them.Mr. Chairman, it is appropriate tonote an event that has in recent daysgripped our attention and the attentionof the civilized world. I refer to thehunger strike by D r. A ndrei Sakharovand his wife, Elena B onner, to thereport that it has ended and that thecause that led to that sad and desperateact has been satisfactorily resolved bythe authorities of the S oviet Union.

    The sense of gratification publiclyexpressed by my government at thesedevelopments is shared by many. Wepray that D r. S akharov and his wife willfully recover and "will be allowed toreturn to a normal life."We note with keen interest the univer-, sal outpouring of satisfaction that hasgreeted these highly important events. Itis a strong and clear indication of theimmensely favorable response thatwould greet other similar steps by theSoviet Union. Nothing would pleaseour delegation more than to express tothis` body andelse4lmefe,'iri behalf of ovr

    government, our warm sense of appreciation for other acts of compassion bythe S oviet authorities and their government toward individual human beingsnow imprisoned or separated from theirfamilies. These would inevitably contribute toward a significant relaxation ofthe tensions that today grip the world.We talk today about "East-West"relations; and to all of us this meansproblems. Let us, however, rememberthat historically it was the nations ofEastern Europe and Russia who, together with the nations of Western Europeand A merica, constituted the West. A llof our states represented at this meetinghave been traditionally bound togetherby a broad com mon culture, literature,religion, philosophy and a sense ofshared ideals and experience. Thetragedy of our day is that these unifyingforces have been overwhelmed byevents contrary to our aspirations,' andthese have temporarily run counter toour basic unity of interest. That is thetragedy of our day. B ut the opportunityof our day is that here in Madrid we canbegin to overcome the divisions thathave arisen between us. We can do thisby reaffirming our common sense oftradition and values as we realize thatthe security of all of our futures depend son our mutual cooperation in supportof the principles of the Helsinki FinalA ct. This is a reaffirmation whichrequires both words and deeds.The adoption of the Universal D eclaration of Human Rights was animportant milestone on the road towardattaining liberty for all people andlasting peace among nations. It is ourdelegation's fervent hope that future. generations may judge the outcome ofour Madrid meeting as having had asignificant impact on the realization ofthose lofty goals, vs . , . ' -: -

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    THE UKRA INIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY JANUARY 10. 1982 No. 2

    Freedom House releases 1981 Co mp arative Survey of Freedom(Continued from page 1)rights, with accompanying tables andthe Map of Freedom 1982, were published January 2 in Freedom at Issue, thebimonthly magazine of Freedom House.The 40-year-old human-rights organization monitors political rights and civilliberties throughout the year.Major shifts in the survey includeS outh A frica, Iran and Guatemalagoing from partly free to not free. SouthA frica has always been close to beingclassified as not free but, notes Raymond D . Gastil, director of the survey,the re-evaluation takes more fully intoaccount the freedom to live and movewhere one wishes, a freedom increasingly denied to the black majority inthat country. The concentration ofblacks into the "homelands" has continued the past few years.The Iranian revolution has becomeincreasingly tyrannical and arbitrary.Thousands have been executed, manymore have fled the country, and theopposition has been largely silenced.Independent news media have ceased toexist.

    The efforts of the Guatemalan government to silence the opp osition haveled to government-directed terrorismand severe restrictions on movementand simple security from arbitraryofficial violence . The legal system isunable to protect officially declaredrights.S outh A frica, Iran and Guatemalahave a combined population of 75million people.A lthough not reassigned to differentcategories, seven countries whose popu lation totals 82.81 million suffered adeterioration in human freedoms. InChad anarchy increased and controlwas in the hands of warring militaryfactions. D jibouti banned a new partyand arrested its leaders. Egypt sharplycurtailed the activities of oppositionpoliticians and religious fundamentalists, and restricted the oppositionmedia. Nicaragua has increasinglypressed its opposition into silence orexile. Libya has attempted to murder itsopposition at home and abroad. Sudanhas suppressed unions and engaged inwidespread arrests. Zimbabwe hasagain repressed the news media for statepurposes.A number of nations showed someadvances in freedom, including Taiwan,Honduras, Ivory Coast, Tunisia andMauritius.

    Freedom House also releasedits Table of Independent Nations: Comparative Measures of Freedom, which rates countries on the levelof political rights, civil liberties, statusof freedom and outlook for the future.The ratings are on a scale of to 7 , with1 denoting the highest level ofrightsand7 the lowestO n this table, the Soviet Union wasgiven a rating of 6 o n politicalrightsand7 on civil liberties. It was designated asnot free and the outlook for the futureshowed relative stability (i.e. no change).Czechoslovakia was rated 7 on political rights and 6 on civil liberties;designated as not free with no sign ofchange in the future.A fghanistan had the lowest possiblelevel of political and civilrights,receiving 7s` on both scales. The countrywas described as not free and the futurewas predicted to show no change.O n the other end of the scale were theUnited S tates and Canada, each receiving top marks for political and civilliberties they were described as free,with the future outlook denoted asstable."The survey," said D r. G as tu \ "affirms the faith that free institutions are

    the ultimate human rights, a faith thattoo many on both the right and the leftof the political spectrum deny. B othmoral and material problems can besolved only in the context of freeinstitutions, with all their imperfections."The Freedom House survey began inits present form 10 years ago. Commenting on the course of freedom in the19 70s, D r. Gastil said: "Since the surveywas unde rtake n there have been anumber of signal victories in the worldwide struggle for freedom. Most massivehas been the turn of mainland Chinaaway from the anti-individualist totalitarianism of Ma o. This has not ledimmediately to freedom, but is has ledto a widespread interest in freer institu

    tions in China and to a worldwidedisillusionment with the idyllic,anti-re-publican model that China had represented."In Europe, recent gains for democracy have been dramatic. S pain, Portugal and Greece have joined thecommunity of democracies. In LatinA merica, P eru,' Ecuador, Colombia,and V enezuela have achieved or solidified democracy. With the newsworthyproblems, of;.Cuba,, Grenada, Nicaragua and Salvador dominating the

    discussion, we forget that the Caribbean is overwhelmingly an area ofdemocracy, anchored on the one side byCosta Rica and on the other by Barbados. B oth the D ominican Republic, and Jam aica h ave overcome difficultproblems in the last few years in establishing or maintaining democracy."D r. Gasti l also noted: "Africandemocracy has not fared well in recentyears. Yet in the late 70s, democracy returned to Ghana and Nigeria,although free institutions rernain embattled in Nigeria."In A sia, India and S ri Lanka havemaintained their democratic institutions under pressure. In Thailanddemocratic institutions seem to begaining a firmer hold," and many newdemocratic states have emerged in thesouthern Pacific, from Papua NewGuinea to the east. Japan, A ustralia,and New Zealand continue as the"democratic exemplars for East A sia."In a new survey of economic freedoms, Lindsay M. Wright analyzed thefundamental struggle between freedomand oppression in the economic sphere.Ms. Wright examined the nature ofeconomic freedoms and a democraticeconomy. She established criteria fordetermining the relative status of econo

    mic freedoms in the presence or absenceof a democratic structure.In an analysis of press freedomsLeonard R. Sussman, executive director of Freedom House , reports that "thepress was no freer and journalists nosafer than the countries in which theyworked. News media were free in 24percent of the countries, partly free in 2 0percent, and not free in 56 percent."A t least 2 2 journalists are known tohave been murdered in 1 981 becausethey were working journalists. Fourteenother newspersons were assaulted,tortured or kidnapped by guerrillas orgovernment forces.Newspapers were bombed and newspersons harassed in A rgentina, B razil,Guatemala, India and Iran.Foreign correspondents"were expelled from China; Egypt, El Salvador,Haiti, Iran, S outh A frica" and Uganda,and deprived of accreditation in A lgeria.Third World demands and free-pressfears clashed in organizational m eetingsof UNES CO that'were intended toestablish international programs toshare communications technology withdeveloping countries. These crashes, theoutcome of which will have far-reachingconsequences, will be carried on into thecoming years. \

    The Map of FreedomCreated by Freedom House

    January 1982 l

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    No. 2 THE UKRA INIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY 10, 1982 5

    Statement o f the UNA Supreme Execut ive Commit tee( C o n t in u id f r o m p a g e 1 )

    descendants residing within the United States and its possessionsandwithin the Dominion of Canada, to secure their moral and mentaldevelopment, to educate and instruct them in the principles of freegovernment, American institutions and laws, and for those purposesto open, organize and maintain schools, l ibraries and othereducational facilities, to arrange and provide for their entertainmentand amusement, to publish and circulate among them literary andeducational publications and.newspapers in their own and in theEnglish languages, and to provide and m aintain an old-age home forits members under such conditions and in such manner as may beprovided by the rules and by-laws of the association and allowed bythe law, and to provide recreational, sport, cultural and vacationfacilities for its members, their families and children.

    "It shal I also be the purposeand object of this corporation to providea fund for the relief of disabled and destitute members, their.families,and dependents, and to contract with members to pay funeralexpenses, death benefits, endowment benefits, annuity benefits andsuch other forms of insurance benefits as are legal for fraternalbeneficiary associations to issue underand pursuant to the laws of theState of New Jersey and of any other state in which it is doingbusiness..." -``^.r4'. In response to the accusations of the aforementioned 11 membersof the Supreme Assembly to the effect that actions of the SupremeExecutive C ommittee created "discord" in the Ukrainian com munity,we affirm that throughout the entire year after the conclusion of the13th Congress of Ukrainians of America, the Supreme ExecutiveComm ittee did all that was possible in orderto restore to the UkrainianCongress Comm ittee of America its character as the representative of

    the entire community of Ukrainians in America, a step that would leadto unity in the Ukrainian community. It is precisely these efforts thatare in full agreement with the earlier resolutions of conventions andSupreme Assembly m eetings that spoke of complete UNA support forthe UCCA as the general community representative of Ukrainians ofAmerica.5. We assert that the statement of the so-called Committee for Lawand Order in the UNA ,bearing the signatures of the aforementioned 11members of the Supreme Assembly,and its releaseare violations of theUNA By-Laws,are harmful to the UNA and its good name, and that thisconstitutes a violation of the oath that these officers took after theirelection and, therefore, raises doubts about their loyalty to theUkrainian National Association.6. We affirm that the so-called Comm ittee for Law and Order in theUNA is a group that nominated itself, is not in accordance with anyresolution of the UNA By-Laws, and was never elected or approved bythe UNA Supreme Assembly.7. We strongly condemn this statement by the aforementioned 11members of the Supreme Assembly, members of the so-calledComm ittee for Law and Order in the UN A, who all belong to one andthe same political grouping. W ith the good of the UNA and the entireUkrainian community in mind, we call on them to recall this statementby not later than 3 0 days from the date of announcement of this, ourposition in response to their statement.Supreme Executive Committeeof the Ukrainian National AssociationJersey City, N.J., December 29, 1981.

    Statement of 11 mem bers o f the UNA Supreme AssemblyIn view of the fact that for the past three years, members of theSupreme Executive Comm ittee of the UNA, heade d by President 'JohnO. Flis, violated many UNA By-Laws and also, in their activity wereguided by group interests, the development of this great insuranceorganization has been declining, and, in particular, the membershiptotal has been decreasing.The inappropriate actions of the UNA Executive Comm itteeculminated in October 1980 during the 13th Congress of the UCCA,when the leade rship (eight persons) of the UNA, without consultationwith branch delegates and membe rs of the UNA Suprem e Assemb ly,decided, at a secret meeting, to create discord by demonstrativelywithdrawing from the congress hall.W e, the undersigned members of the UNA Supreme Assembly,distressed by this action, attempted by every possible means at thisyear's annual meeting of the UN A Supreme Assembly held June 8-13,to have the Executive C ommittee change its negative stand toward the13th Congress and to return to the UCCA by appointing itsrepresentatives to the U CCA executive organs. A long discussion wa sheld on.this subject.Regretfully, our attempts to have UNA representatives return to theUCCA proved fruit less, because the members of the SupremeExecutive Comm ittee through persistent demands and groupinfluence on some mem bers of the Supreme Assembly, in a secretballot, won by a vote of 15 to 11 approval of the previous acts of theUNA Executive Committee:Our argumentative explanations regarding the harm to theUkrainian community resulting from the absence of the UNA from the

    UCCA system, were; unsuccessful. Instead, the last UNA meetingproduced a resolution, passed by a small majority of the SupremeAssembly members, which gave the seal of approval to the grbuppoliticking of the UNA Executive, including the,participation of theUNA in the Com mitteefor Law and O rder in.the UCCA, and at the sametime prevented any. much-needed mediation of group interestsby the UNA for the good Qf the entire Ukrainian comm unity in theUnited States. This resolution contradicts the By-Law s of the UN A as afinancial-insurance institution who se purpose is to safegua rd theinsurance interests of its mem bership an d its own financial growth.This improper decision of a part of the Supreme Assembly,including the Executive Comm ittee, leads the insurance institution todecline, as shown by the decrease in its membership and incomingpremium s for insurance ce rtificates, which is clearly evident from thereports of the Executive Committee and the Supreme Assembly. Inaddition, the leadership of the UNA has entered into a radical grouppolitical fight, which is very harmful to the commun ity a nd to the UNA.Following the adop tion of this resolution w hich contradicts the bylaws, 11 membe rs of the UNA Supreme Assembly disassociated themselves from this decision, so as not to be responsible for its consequences.

    At the annual meeting of the Supreme Assembly we stated and wecontinue to state that the official orga n of the UNA, Svoboda, which fordecades has been the organ for all UNA members, and whichpublished informative materials of the all-embracing Ukrainiancommunity, has today become the megap hone of only the so-called"democratic bloc," which w ages a detrimental campaign against therecent 13th Congress of the UCCA and the UCCA 's executive organselected at the congress.The Supreme President and the Executive C ommittee of the UN Acensor all materials and prevent publication of everything that iscontrary to their views. Not even the communiques of the UCCAExecutive or the appeals of Dr. Lev D obriansky, were published on thepages of Svoboda. And this, in the opinion of the UNA ExecutiveComm ittee, is dem ocracy.Our widely re ad daily newspaper, which in the past in large measureaided in the development of the UNA, has now entered into groupinternecine conflicts and thus insults thousands of UNA members andparalyzes the organizational capability of its branche s and its a ctiviststo the detriment of our merited Batko Soyuz.In releasing our statement, we are convinced that the attitude of asmall majority of the UNA Supreme Assembly members causes harmto the insurance organization, therefore, we have decided to create aCommittee for Law and Order In the UNA.The aim of the Committee is to uphold the good of the UNA until thetime when the UNA Executive C ommittee changes its attitude and actsfor the good of all mem bers, without regard to their persona l w'eivs an dconvictions. There Is room in the UN A for all Ukrainians, and all areguaranteed equal rights by the UNA By-Laws. The Comm ittee for Lawand Order in the UNA will uphold and defend these rights.In addition, the Committee for Law and Order in the UN A once againappeals to the UNA Executive C ommittee to appo int representatives ofthe UNA to the UCCA. W e state that If this is not done w ithin threemonths, the C ommittee for Law and Order in the UNA will appoint itsown UNA representatives to the UCCA.W e remind you that the last convention of the UN A approved theindispensab ility of support for the activity of the UCC A, as therepresentative of all Ukrainians in the United States. Until that time, weappeal to the entire membership, secretaries and organizers of theUNA to support our decision, while maintaining peace and continuingto work within the UNA.

    Members of the UNA Supreme Assembly:1. Bohdan Futey 7. Myroslaw Kalba2. John Teluk 8. Mykola Chomanczuk3. Tokla fAoroz 9. Roman liuropcs4. Askold lozynskyj 70. Michael Soroka5. Anna Haras 11. Cvgene Rrnpeta6. Wasyl Didiuk

    TO THE WEEKLY CONTRIBUTORS:We gro tty appreciate the mateooh - feature artic le, newi itor iei. preii

    dipp ing!. lotted to the editor, and lb . like - wo recoivo from our readercIn order to faa'lrfato proportion of The Ukrainian Weekly, wo oik that the

    guldefinei lilted below be followed. New i itoriel ihould be lent in not later than 10 day! otter the occurrence of Information about upcoming event! mult be received by noon of the Mondaybefore me date of The Weekly edition in which the information ii to be pubSihed

    All mater ial! muit be typed and double ipoced.e` Newipaper ond magazine clipping! mull be accompanied by the ofthe publication and the date of the edition.e` Photograph! tubmifted for publication muit be block and white (or color withgood contrail). They will be returned only when requeued and accompaniedby itomped. oddreued envelope. Correct Engliih-tanguage ipetlin gi of nomet mutt be provided.e` MATERIALS MUST K SENT DIRECTLY TO: THE UKRA INIAN WEEKLY, 30

    M O N T G O M ER Y S T .. JB t S IY , N . J. 0 7 3 0 1 .- E d i t o r

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    6 THE UKRA INIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY. JANUARY 10. 1982 No. 2

    Day of SolidarityIt was eight years ago that Vyacheslav Chornovil (see Focus below)

    announced a hunger strike on January 12 on the anniversary o f his arrest andthe mass arrests of Ukrainian intellectuals in 1972. The date has come to beobserved annually within the USSR as the Day of the Ukrainian PoliticalPrisoner and in the West as the Day of Solidarity with Ukrainian PoliticalPrisoners.Unfortunately, nothing has changed in the Soviet Union or in Ukraine,where, as the Ukrainian Helsinki Gro up wrote in its Memorandum N o. 2(January 20, 1977), "Truly, there is no more bitter fate than to be born aUkrainian." And, once again, we must sadly observe the Day of Solidaritywith.Ukrainian Political Prisoners, whose ranks swell daily, it seems.To be sure, there are those who think that the Day of S olidarity is merely asymbol of little practical significance. But, if thai were so, the Kremlin wouldnot fear it to such an extent that four young Kiev residents, as recentlyrevealed (The Weekly, D ecember 20, 1981), would be sentenced to three-yearterms of imprisonment for nothing more than posting leaflets bearing theconcise message: Countrymen! January 12 Day of the Ukrainian PoliticalPrisoner." The charge against them: "slander of the Soviet state." You see, thefoursome forgot that there are no po litical prisoners in the Soviet Union (andthat truth is falsehood in the Orwellian scenario that is the USSR).What, then, should we in the West do to observe the Day of Solidarity?The day should serve as a reminder for us that the best way to help ourrepressed brothers and sisters in Ukraine it is to keep the public, the media,elected officials and other decision-makers informed of the unrelentingassault on national, human, religious and civil rights being conducted inUkraine and throughout the USSR by the Kremlin; as well as to demandappropriate reaction from these "movers and shakers."Former Soviet dissidents no w living abroad have confirmed that this is ourbest course of action. They have pointed out that the Soviets are, in fact,sensitive to world o pinion, especially when it com es to the image they wouldlike to project of the USSR as a model of myriad rights and freedoms, andequal o pportunity for all. Our go al, then: to co nduct a negative public-relations campaign on the USSR's behalf, that is to expo se the reality behindthe "Potemkin villages." ' l 'On this Day of Solidarity let us rededicate ourselves to aiding thecountless Ukrainian political prisoners who, to paraphrase Shevchenko,"suffer, feel pain, but do not recant." Let us make sure that they do not standalone in their struggle for universally recognized basic rights.

    Focus: Vyacheslav Chornovil,Day of Solidarity initiator"Not to disclose my own attitude toward that

    which is taking place would mean to become ataciturn participant in the wanton disregard ofSocialist legality."

    Th u s , U k ra i n i a n jo u rn a l i s t Vy a ch e s l a vChornovil explained why he had spoken ou tabout the 1965-66 secret trials of leadingUkrainian intellectuals by compiling eyewitnessdocumentation of those trials.

    Mr. Chornovil, a Komsomol member an d1960 journalism graduate of the U niversity of Lviv, showed p romise as editor fora Lviv TV studio and editorial board mem ber of several publications. His"misfortune" began when he was assigned to cover th e trials of severalUk rainian intellectuals and was outraged to observe total disregard of Soviet law.

    He himself was summoned to appear as a witness at one of these closed trials,but he refused, knowing that the price for such defiance would be hig h. He wassentenced in July 1966 to three months of forced labor.

    Early the next year, he thoroughly documented the trials of some 2 0Ukrainian intellectuals and sent the collection to Soviet authorities to protest theillegalities he had seen. H e was promptly charged with "slandering the Sovietstate," and on November 1 5 ,196 7 , was ^nte nced to three years' imp risonment.He was released 18 months later under a general amnesb/ in observance of the50th anniversary of Soviet rule.

    Mr. Chornovil's collection was smuggled to the West, where it was publishedin Ukrainian as "Lykho z rozumu" ("The Misfortune of Intellect")" and later inEnglish translation as "The Chornovil Papers." The documentation earned M r.Chornovil the London Tim es' Tomalin Journalism Prize.

    He w as arrested once again on January 1 2,1 97 2, during the wave of arreststhat swept Ukraine. He was sentenced on April 12 of that year to six years'imprisonment an d three years' exile on charges of "anti-Soviet agitation an dpropaganda" for his involvement with th e Uk rainian samvydav. I n 1 9 75 Mr .Chornovil renounced his Soviet citizenship and announced his wish to em igrateto Canada.

    In autumn 1979 he joined the Uk rainian Helsinki Group w hile serving his termof internal exile. In April 1980, toward the end of that term , he was rearrestedand sentenced the following June 6 on trump ed-up charges of attempted rape tofive years in a strict-regimen labor camp.

    Mr. Chornovil, now 4 4, is married to Atena Pashko an d has a son, Taras.

    Letters to the editorRe: ca lendarsDear Editor:Your "Uke-eye" answers to questionsregarding the observance of the Gregorian or Julian calendar in the December27 issue was interesting. Of course thequestion at present may be academic,but when the movement was startedback in 1938 to petition the hierarchyfor a change of calendars the reasonswere very fundamental. Namely: ourpeople did not observe Christmas onDecember 25 because it was not "ourholiday"; they did not observe onJanuary 7 because they had to go towork. Persons not acquainted personally with the hardships of the Depression may not understand what is meantby the phrase "had to go to work." Onehad to live it to understand it.

    As a result the holy days could not becelebrated according to our customsand traditions. Respect for religious aswell as other traditions deteriorated.Most people tried to do their best butwork conditions were not as advancedas they are today, and how good is yourbest when negatives assail your efforts?In the large cities a percentage of peoplecould manage, so that large parisheswere not apt to recognize the problemsearly. In the smaller cities and towns thetrends were much more obvious. Somepeople even began to observe the LatinChristmas on December 25 and toforget January 7.

    Additionally, studies o f the calendarsshowed that the Julian calendar is notcorrect in that its computation of theearth's passage around the sun was inerror. It lose s a day periodically,amounting to 13 days at present. Soadherence to the old calendar was notonly damaging our traditional religio-social relationships but is technicallyincorrect as well.

    The change to the new Gregoriancalendar was and is a salvation. Cele

    brating Christmas and other holidaysaccording to the new calendar restoredour oppo rtunities to observe our socio-religious and national traditions in full.All that is needed is a desire and will todo so. .Those who persist, for their ownreasons,.to celebrate according to theold technically erroneous Julian calendar have made their decisions. Howeverthe parishes which have made thechange to the new calendar have recognized that in order for o ur traditions tosurvive, we must make it po ssible for themajority of our people to feel comfortable in their o bservances as well as ableto meet obligations without unduehardships. Michael J. NagurneyKnight of St. Gregory the Great byappointment of Pope John Paul IIStamford, Conn.

    Chr is tm as thoughtsDear Editor:The Christmas spirit was slow intouching me this, myfirstChristmas inFlorida, away from my immediatefamily. The Christmas decoratio ns wereout much too early, in the stores (thesame commercialism down here,.too),and the December 24 morning'newspaper reported that Santa would arriveon a mo torcycle. . :` .- .Yes, I was awaiting Christmas withtrepidation; until, the resounding combined voices of worshippers and churchchoir sang "Boh Predvichnyi" at theChristmas Day vespers celebrated at theEpiphany of Our Lord Ukrainian Catholic Church in St. Petersburg.There were many young and. ndt soyoung from Tampa, Orlando, CapeCanaveral, Largo, Cleveland, Detroit,Chicago, Toronto, Montreal, etc. Withthe continued singing of Ukrainiancarols, it was easy to imagine an invi-

    (Cont inued on page 13)

    Toward Christian unityA message from Ukrainian Catholic bishops on the Week of Prayer forChristian Unity - January 17 - 24.

    Reverend clergy, venerable religious, God-beloved people of God!It could have been only the inspiration of the Holy Spirit which movedFather Paul Wattson, an Episcopal priest who later joined the CatholicChurch and became the founder of the Atonement Fathers, to begin a unityprayer movement which he called the "Church Unity Octave" in January1908. Today, this movement is known as the "Week o f Prayer for ChristianUnity."While we Ukrainians have always cherished the closeness to o ur Orthod oxbrothers, the Ecumenical Council o f Vatican II hasexpanded our theolo gicalview to include all Christians as members of the Church. The counciladvanced the thought that in the Church there are degrees of membershipwaiting to be consummated one day by a full union of all members. Vatican IIhas granted to all parts of Eastern Christianity recognition as Churches, andhas called us to see all Protestant bodies as belonging to the one Churchfounded by Jesus Christ.With this changed outlobk, what once vvas prohibited to Catholics, wasmade possible: namely, to pray together with non-Catholic Christians inecumenical services. We can, thus, say that all those who are baptized in OurLord Jesus Christ enter, like.living stones, into the construction of the Houseof God, which is the Church (cf.l Tim 3:15; Eph 2:2lr22). /,We wish, therefore, that in all churches of our eparchies the "Week .ofPrayer for Christian Unity" be observed from -Sunday, January 17, toSunday, January 24. , . ,^ , ,In addition to appropriate sermo ns, other prayer services, such as akafysts

    and m olebens, are to be scheduled at a suitable time during the whole week.The commemo ration of the declaration o f independence o f Ukraine whichfalls in the same week will remind us to include in our prayers the fervententreaty that Go d m ay grant unity to the Ukrainian peo ple also by bringingtogether the two branches of his Church, the Ukrainian Catholic and theUkrainian Orthodox Churches.Participation in ecumenical prayer services, arranged for the locality, isrecommended, especially if it includes our Ukrainian Orthodox brothers.As Christians, let us live in the hope o f the day when the whole creation willbe a temple of divine praise perfectly united in God. May our supplicationsduring the "Week o f Prayer for Christian Unity" bring us closer to this goal.May the blessing of Almighty God, Father, Son and Holy Spirit, gomeupon you and remain with you all the daysipf your life. `.`,` `

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    No. 2 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY 10, 1982 7Testimony of Dr. Nina Strokata-Karavansky, member of the UkrainianHelsinki Group an d former politicalprisoner of the USSR, before sheSubcommittee on Human Rights andInternational Organizations. Committee on Foreign Affairs. U.S. House ofRepresentatives, on July 28. 1981.From the time we arrived in theWest, whenever S viatoslav Karavanskyand I appeared publicly we have ex

    pressed our deep appreciation to theWest for its work in our behalf.Today, 1 am appearing for the firsttime before this committee. I wish tothank you for the opportunity to testifyabout Ukrainian concerns.First of all, 1 wish to note that theprocesses and events occurring presently in Ukraine are not totally analogous to what is termed in the West as"the dissident movement."A s one of the authors of Ukrainiansamvydav I have bases to confirm thatthere are superficial similarities betweenthe Ukrainian- and the Russian-language samvydav. Methodological andargumentative similarities evolvedwhen Ukrainians and non-Ukrainianswho were formally -citizens of countriesdenoted by the odious suffix SSR wereforced to seek the only viable means ofprotest.Much of the Ukrainian samvydavmaterial has been published in English.If one were to analyze the content ofthese works, then one would notice thattheir main concern is not so much theliberalization or the democratization ofthe USSR as it is a concern withUkraine as a sovereign nation.Precisely this nationality question isthe greatest distinguishing factor of theUkrainian samvydav.In the midst of these processes andevents of the last 20 years in the USSR,Ukrainian events have their own distinct history.Events that occurred in Moscowduring the "thaw" period can be termeda human-rights or dissident movement,or movement for liberalization ordemocratization.Undoubtedly, democratization orliberalization for us Ukrainians wouldnot be detrimental. However, experience has taught us to be suspicious ofliberalization and democratizationconcepts, and,.therefore, ours is a different concern. jUkrainian goals and positions haveconsistently been the same since theinception of the US S R. B ecause of this,a policy of destruction was implemented by means of an artificial famine,deportation, Russification and theliquidation of the Ukrainian nationalChurch.D uring the thaw period a newgeneration matured, born during aperiod of intense repression. Therefore,the 19 60s were not the first rebirth ofUkrainian consciousness. This processunderwent several phases. B oth Svia toslav and 1 were part of these phases.In 1 965 a new wave of arrests swept U-kraine. This "was a wave of mass repression directed primarily against intellectuals.D uring this period, S viatoslav Karavansky compiled a series of statementsagainst Russification which were circulated in Ukraine. In addition, he addressed party leaders of Poland, Czechoslovakia, Rumania and Yugoslaviawith the proposition to stop politicalrepression.My husband presented this statementto Polish and Czechoslovakian consulates in Kiev. Two weeks later hetraveled from O dessa to Kiev to inquireabout any action regarding his statement.A s he was leaving the Polish C ohsii-

    On the uniquenessof Ukrainian rights movementby D r. Nina Strokata

    late he found a crew filming whatappeared to be a movie.S hortly afterwards S viatoslav Karavansky was arrested on a deserted streetof O dessa. 1 was not informed of myhusband's arrest. He was not chargednor was he taken to court. He was takento complete the 25-year term from hisprevious conviction of 1944. He had notcompleted this term because in 1960 hewas pardoned under the amnesty of1955. My husband's arrest in 1965 wasprobably the first case in which anamnestied political prisoner was forcedto complete his previous prison term.1 considered this to be a dangerousprecedent. A nd indeed soon afterwardsthis practice was widely employed , as inthe cases of Symchych, Chuiko andKrasivsky.A ccording to the new penal code of1959, no sentence could be longer than15 years, nevertheless, my husband wassent to complete his 25-year sentence.D ue to the inadequate enforcementof such retroactive legal policies, manyUkrainians continue to serve 25-yearsentences, as in the cases of Symchych,and Pidhorodetsky. Two women prisoners, Kateryna Zarytska and O darkaHusiak, also completed their 25-yearsentences, and were released in 1972 and1975, respectively.In the late 1960s the Ukrainianhuman-rights movement intensified.A n underground journal, U krainianHerald, appeared. The editors of thisJournal, Chornovil and Khmara, arestill imprisoned.The Prague Spring gave rise to newhopes. While some foresaw an imminent S oviet intervention, others believed in the deterring strength ofWestern opinion. From 1969 to 1970searches intensified, and we sensed thatwe were constantly monitored. EvenIvan Svitlychny's trash did not escapeexamination.A s time passed, those sentenced in the60s returned to their homes. My husband's 25-year sentence was nearlycompleted, but in 1970 he received an, additional term. The US S R was returning to the policies of the Stalinist era,when a prisoner's sentence could berepeatedly prolonged. In 1970, how

    ever, this was done within the boundaries of the legal system, in a period ofrenewal of "socialist legality."My husband's trial brought him anew sentence, and in addition a specialdecree was issued against me. Thisdecree was presented to the medicalinstitution where I was employed. Themedical personnel had already grownaccustomed to my unorthodox views,but after the special decree was issued, itbecame common knowledge that I didnot approve of any re-education of myhusband by prison authorities.I wish to note that Soviet prisons andconcentration camps are now referredto as rehabilitational and re-educational institutions. In these re-education programs relatives are also included. I, for example, was instructed toconvince my husband to admit to hisideological and political mistakes, tofulfill his daily work norms, and inshort, to become an ideal Soviet man!Sentences of long duration for religious or ideological and political activities are most trying for prisoners andtheir families. To their sufferings isadded police interference into familymatters. This is especially difficult for.families with young children: mothers1'

    who take their children for prison visitsare threatened with loss of parentalrights. Indeed, to refer to an imprisonedfather as a martyr is dangerous formother and children.In 1 971 Ukraine witnessed a change,incomprehensible for that period, inparty and administrative leadership.The head of the KGB was replaced. A llthis foretold, as is said there, a "tightening of the screws."In D ecember 19 71 , I was arrested. Ihad foreseen this, although I had notforeseen that this was to be the beginning of a new massive repression. A yearlater 1 became aware of the vast extentof the arrests when I was sentenced andsent to a women's camp in Mordovia.Therefore, I went from the status of wifeof a political prisoner to that of politicalprisoner.

    This was one of the first instances, inthe post-Stalinist thaw, of a return toanti-Ukrainian repression directed atentire families. This practice had neverreally ceased, as in the case of theShukhevych family.I submit here for the record mystatement on Yuriy S hukhevych, currently serving his 29th year in Sovietprisons, merely for refusing to renouncehis father. ("Testimony of D r. NinaStrokata-Karavansky on Yuriy Shukhevych, Ukrainian Political PrisonerSince 1948," published in A B N Correspondence, No. 3 4 1 9 81 . )Now let me return to the topic of theprisoners, victims of the repression of1972, whom I encountered in Mordovia: Iryna S enyk, poetess and nurse,former political prisoner of Stalinistcamps, where her mother and brotherwere also imprisoned." Iryna Kalynets-Stasiv, poetess. Herhusband Ihor Kalynets was imprisonedimmediately after her arrest." Stefania Shabatura, artist. Herfiance Marian, in protest against herarrest and the arrests of other Ukrainianintellectuals, publicly in a Lviv busmanufacturing plant, thrust an iron rodinto his heart. A fter hearing about hissuicide, Stefania turned prematurelygrey.e Nadia S vitlychna, sister of IvanSvitlychny, imprisoned shortly after herbrother's arrest.^ O ksana Popovych, electrical worker,former prisoner of S talinist camps, wasarrested in 1974. Shortly before thearrest she underwent orthopedic surgery on her hip. Her operation called forlong and special convalescence. Responding to KGB orders, her doctorsissued a report permitting interrogat i on. Upon receiving permission tointerrogate, the investigator issued awarrant for her arrest. Ms. Popovychwas sentenced to a Mordovian concentration camp in 1975, the InternationalYear of the Woman. O ksana entered thecamp on two crutches, on which she is

    (dependent to this day.Much literature about S oviet prisonsand camps can already be found in theWest. But many are under the impression that Moscow's system of repressionis not as severe today as it was in theinitial period of the enslaving archipelago. Having personally experiencedthe conditions of today's re-educationallabor institutions, I arrived at thefollowing conclusion:The unsanitary conditions of a prisoner's daily existence directed againstthe prisoner's mind', body and spirit

    are indisputable proof of the use oftorture in the USSR.For further information, I refer youto my commentary, "A nti-Existencea n d P u n i t iv e S a n i t a t i o n . " ^ ' AGeneral Commentary on SovietLegislation Concerning Legal Proceedings and Implementation of Penalties";a shortened version of this articleappeared in Ukrainian in The Ukrainian Woman in the World, Nos. 3-4,1980.)I completed my prison term in 1975.However, I was not permitted to returnto Ukraine. The city of Tarusa becamemy place of forced residence. You mayhave heard about Tarusa from sandr Ginzburg's testimony. It was alsofrom there that A natoliy Marchenkoleft for one of his imprisonments.In Tarusa I lived under administrative surveillance. This is a refinedmethod of restricting the rights offormer prisoners. A dministrative surveillance is an overt police-observationcombined with house arrest in theevening and at night. In addition to this,one who is under administrative surveillance is obligated to work even if heis unable to find employment in his own

    profession.Please accept the documents also ofIvan Kandyba, which shed light on thesituation of those who, after havingserved their sentence, are subject torestrictive freedom. ("Russian Unlawfulness in Ukraine; The Life of a Martyr"by Ivan Kandyba. Munich, 1980.)Tarusa has railroad connections toUkraine and to Moscow. This enabledmy friends to visit me and to keep meinformed about the dissidents'activitiesand therebirthof Ukrainian consciousness. When the police grasped howconvenient my location was, they beganto persecute my visitors. They werestopped on the street and forciblybrought into police stations for searchesand interrogations.Having familiarized myself with thesituation in Ukraine and beyond itsborders, I supported the idea of creatinga Ukrainian Helsinki Group to promotethe implementation of the HelsinkiA ccords. The declaration of the group'sformation, as well as the group's basicdocuments, were published in Englishby S moloskyp Publishers ("The H umanRights Movement in Ukraine; D ocuments of the Ukrainian Helsinki Group,19 76-80," Sm oloskyp Publishers, 1 980).For further information, I refer you tothe above-mentioned book.Pogroms directed against the Helsinki groups commenced on the firstday of their existence.If I were asked what is the currentsituation of the Ukrainian HelsinkiGroup, I would answer: "The group isseverely repressed."I present to you my statement on theUkrainian Helsinki Group. ("UkrainianHelsinki Group: Half-Decade of Repression," statement of D r. Nina S trokata-Karavansky, July 25, 1981.)My husband was released from prison in the fall of 19 79 , having spentmore than 30 years in prison. He wasthen 59 years old. S viatoslav was placedunder administrative surveillance, andwas forced to work even though theofficial retirement age for men in the

    USSR is 60. In addition to this, he wasnot eligible for any pension, since,having spent more than half of his life inprison, he did not have the requiredminimum years of work service andwould never be able to attain this status.My husband joined the UkrainianHelsinki Group while in prison.Two participants in an unsanctionedorganization in a family of two members was too much for a police state. Forthis reason, we both were threatened

    (Continued on page 16)

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    THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY. JANUARY 10. 1982 No. 2

    Ukrainian pro h ockey update 9 ^bv Ihor N. Stelmach ^ ^ Xy Ihor N. Stelmach

    Kindrachuk releasedby Capitals

    S ince new management took over theoperation of the Washington Capitals,the club has struggled from an almostbottomless pit into playoff contention.They have done it with afirmpolicy thathas most recently consigned Ukrainiancenterman and veteran O rest Kindrachuk to the ranks of the unemployed.

    A xing popular players is no way tospread joy at holiday time, but mostobservers feel it was essential to getthings moving in Washington. Previousmanagement played nice guys, probably too nice.Ironically, Kindrachuk got to play allof four games (scoring one goal) in histoo brief Capital career. A fter havingbeen exuberantly welcomed followinghis acquisition as a free agent this pastoff-season from Pittsburgh^ his severeback problems and the team's policy ofgoing with youth leaves him one stepaway from retirement.

    A lways an inspirational on-ice leaderand productive playmaker, O rest enjoyed prosperous times with his firstemployers, the Philadelphia Flyers,where he gained respect and acclaim ontwo Stanley Cup winners. These qualities led to the Pittsburgh Penguins'desire to obtain Kindrachuk for itsstruggling club, a desire eventuallyrealized in a trade. His back problemsstarted catching up to O rest in Pittsburgh where he was nonetheless designated team captain for two full seasons.His production remained quite noteworthy during those two years as aPenguin. Last year, thou gh, was aseason filled with frustrating misery, andPittsburgh decided to let him go as afree agent since his contract had expired. Washington gambled on him,hoping he could, still contribute as aveteran with invaluable experience.U K R A I N I A N A M A T E U R D R A F T

    Ukrainian center D ale Hawerchuk,first team A ll-S tar and Memorial CupMV P, was the premier selection of alljunior leaguers selected in the 1981amateur draft. Hawerchuk, amazingly,followed on the heels of defensemanD ave "The Franchise" B abych, the 1 980No. 1 pick.Why amazingly? Well, it just sohappens that both Hawerchuk andBabych have been not only the top draftchoices, but both are Ukrainian andboth were tabbed by the same team,Winnipeg, where they currently wreakhavoc as t eammat es . Whereas i t ' scertainly an honor to see a youngUkrainian's hockey talents be unanimously recognized by hockey's scoutsas the best in the entire draft, Ukrainians should rejoice doubly with back-to-back honors.Eleven Ukrainians in all were officially selected in the annual league

    draft. Of these 11, only Hawerchuksuccessfully made the leap directly intoNHL play. Four others have alreadyspent time on their respective teams'active rosters this season; two of them(goalie Malarchuk and center Yarem-chuk) have actually participated inleague play. (Chernomaz and Sidor-kiewicz are the other two wh o have beenrecalled but did not play.)The majority of the youngsters wereunder-age draftees, thus enabling theirparent clubs to return them to theirj uni or l eague t eams f or cont i nuedseasoning. Their junior eligibility expires once they turn 19 when they mustbe signed to professional contracts andassigned to minor league affiliates.From the above group, Gary Yarem-chuk and Richard Zemlak are currentlyin the minors.Each and every one of the drafted 11,from the N o. 1 pick to Zemlak, the209 th pick, has as his dream to some daytake a regular turn as a player in the

    National Hockey League. For a few,D ale Hawerchuk is an example, thegoal will be triumphantly realized. Forothers, their careers will consistof many long years of bus rides throughthe small-town minor-league circuits.T R A N S A C T I O N S

    Calgary - Carl Mo kosak , LW,recal led f rom B randon ( WHL) andreturned.Colorado Steve Janaszak, GT,returned to Forth Worth (CHL).Minnesota - Mike A ntonovich, C,recalled from Nashville (CHL).Quebec - Clint Malarchuk, GT,recalled from Fredericton (A HL ).Washington - Peter S idorkiewicz,GT, recalled from O shawa (O HL) andlater returned; Orest K indrachuk, C,released as free agent after Capitalsbought out his contract.

    UKRA I NIA N UTTERI NGS: Ex-B oston Bruin Johnny "Ch ief Bucyknow doing color commentary on Hub'sradio network and recently honored byinduction into NHL Hall of Fame;Was hi ngt on Caps boas t Ukrai ni antrainer in B ill B ozak; coach Larry Pleauexplains Hartford Whalers claimed vetPaul Shmyr on waivers from Minnesotafor "team leadership and character"qualities; Toronto Globe and Mail's B illHouston conducted poll and learnedthat II of NHL`s general managersrated St. Louis Blues Ukrainian WayneBabych league's third most underratedplayer; Maple Leafs and Flyers rumored to be after Ranger Ed Hospo-dar; under-age defender Fred struck, Toronto's No. 2 draftee, stabilizing erratic blueline...M IK E S H O W S W H O 'S B O S S : (afurther upd ate of Mike B ossyisms) 60goals needed to become the fastestscorer of 300 goals in league history;conceivably projected for 600 goals inhis first 10 years in league: (consider

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    B obby Hull scored his 610 in 16 yearsand 1,063 games); this season becamefastest ever to reach 250 goals in his315th game; in early November signedlucrative seven-year contract for estimated S4.5 million...N t tL U K R A I N IA N P L A Y E R O FTHE WEEKM I K E B O S S Y New York islanders

    In the four Islander victories prior toChristmas week, Mike B ossy talliedfour goals, including one game-winner,added five assists for a total of ninepoints. Honored as our second Player

    of the Week, Mike is seventh on ,theNHL scoring list at press time.Runner-up: In four Winnipeg Jetsgames, left-winger Morris Lukowichtopped the scoring parade with threegoals (one a game-winner) and threeassists for a six-point week..

    Coming in our ne`xt update: an up-close and personal feature of ChicagoBlack Hawk Ukrainian Tom Lysiak how he has responded since beingacquired from A llama; most recentUkrainian hockey headliners; up-to-the-minute gossip from aroun d theNHL and much more... v

    Islanders' No. 22 - Mike B ossy.

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    No. 2 THE UKRAIN IAN WEEKLY SUNDAY. JANUARY 0 . 1 9 8 2 . . . . . I

    9

    P a n o r a m a o f U k r a i n i a n c u l t u r e i n t h e B ig A p p leby Helen Perozak Sm indak

    This afternoon at 3, pianist ThomasHrynkiw and cellist Nestor Cybriwskywill combine their talents in the secondconcert of this season's UkrainianCom posers S eries at the UkrainianInstitute of A merica, Fifth A venue and79th Street. Mr. Hrynkiw is well knownto the Ukrainian community. Mr. Chy-briwsky, a recent graduate of theJuilliard School of Music, is the firstcellist of the Maraccaibo Symphony inV enezuela and performed with the orchestra when it gave a concert at Carnegie Hall last fall. Today's program indues Stanislav Liudkevych's "Elegy,"consisting of an old Galician theme and18 variations in B -flat minor, and V asylB arvinsky s "V ariations."Mr. Hrynkiw -was the musical director for the series' first program, whichoffered "V ertep," a traditional Ukrainian Christmas puppet show accompanied by 17th century carols, and"Nocturne," a one-act opera by My-kola Lysenko. S eries coordinator A n-driy D obriansky reports that the Christmas program is "going on the road" tothe Ukrainian Cultural Center at 700Cedar Road, A bington Township, Pa.,where a performance, will be given onJanuary 16 at 6 p.m. Featured musicians in the Lysenko opera at thisperformance will be Mr. Hrynkiw andviolinist Raphael Wenke.Mr. D obriansky, a busy fellow indeed, conducted the choir of St. GeorgeUkrainian Catholic Church in carolsinging during the Christmas liturgy onJanuary 7. This weekend, in addition tooverseeing details of today's concert atthe institute, he is appearing on WQXRRadio (96.3 on the FM dial, 1560 onA M) as a guest on the S ingers' RoundTable, an intermission feature on S aturday afternoon at 3 during the livebroadcast of the M etropolitan O pera'spresentation of "Hansel and Gretel."From K ihrough P

    Costu mes by Kulyk - reads theprogram for "S hop," the drama withmusic by the Yiddish playwright H.Lievick, now playing at the FolksbienePlayhouse, 12 3 E. 58th St. The playdeals with the struggle of New York'simmigrant garment center workers towin better lives for themselves. Kulyk isdancer-choreographer A ndrei Kulyk,currently teaching ballet at the NewYork A cademy of B allet and D anceA rts and character cla sses at the JoP "eyB allet company's school.Carol singing by the D umka Chorusis on the agenda today at S t. V ladimir'sUkrainian O rthodox Church, 1 60 W.82nd St. in Manhattan. With SemenKomirnyj conducting, the chorus willsing immediately after the divine liturgyand the elevation of St. V ladimir'spastor, the V ery Rev. V olodymyr Bazy-levsky, to the rank of protopresbyter.B ishop M ark, assisted by priests fromUkrainian O rthodox churches in thearea, will preside over the ceremony of"crowning."

    A surprise attraction at the November 27 concert of the virtuoso banduristquintet which 1 wrote about in theD ecember 6 Weekly was the husband-wife team of Petro and Halyna Kytastyof D etroit. Their presentation of Ukrainian folk and lyrical songs was roundlyapplauded by the audience. Mr. Kytasty, a member of the ShevchenkoUkrainian B andurist Choru s, and hiswife are the parents of Julian Kytasty,director of the bandura course atRutgers University in Newark.

    Four choirs of the New York Metropolitan area, together with members ofNew"York s Bandura Ensemble, Me tropolitan O pera bass-baritone AndriyD obriansky and soprano Marta ska-Musijtschuk teamed up on D ecember 13 at Washington Irving HighSchool to honor the renowned Ukrainian composer Mykola Leontovych.A lthough the occasion did not come offas the glorious symphony of sound thatone might have expected from such anaggregation, the thought was there. The .Ukrainian community paid hom age to acomposer who is lauded for his "original choral polyphony" and for worksknown as "beautiful miniatures workedout with the greatest attention todetail." (I quota D r. Wasyl Wytwycky,author and researcher on Ukrainianmusic, who penned these critiques in hiscontribution on music to the book"Ukrainian A rts," published in 1955 bythe Ukrainian Youth League of NorthA merica.) Leontovych, whose "S hche-dryk" ("Carol of the B ells") is wellknown outside Ukraine, was killed byan assassin's bullet in 19 21 . During theconcert, Leontovych's choral works andarrangements of Ukrainian folk songswere performed by the B oyan Chorus ofPerth A mboy, N .J., directed by RomanLewycity and accompanied by m embersof the New York School of Bandura ledby Julian Kytasty; the Promin Chorusand bandurists directed by B ohdannaWolansky; the SUM -A ZhayvoronkyGirls' Chorus with soloists Maya Blumand Mariyka Reshitnyk, directed byLev Struhatsky (this group included"Shchedryk" am ong its offerings); and theD umka Chorus, directed by S emenKomirnyj (tenor soloist B asil Tersha-kovec). Ms. Kokolska-Musijtschuk andthe D umka C horus joined voices in

    excerpts from Leontovych's unfinishedopera "The Rusalka's Easter." For thefinale, the four choirs were massed onstage to accompany Mr. D obriansky ashe sang thereverent"O y, ziyshla zoria"(The Evening S tar). The concert wasopened by Michael S pontak, presidentof the United Ukrainian A mericanO rganizations of New York, sponsor of the event. Prof. Simon Wosha-kiwsky of Irvington, N.J., gaye anaddress on Leontovych`s life and work,and Kalena Cziczka-A ndrienUo, president of the Ukrainian Music Institute inNew York, read resolutions protestingMoscow's repression of Ukrainianartists, in particular composers, andcalling on Ukrainians in the diaspora to"preserve and defend Ukrainian cultureand independence."

    A n exhibit of illustrations by Yaro-slava Surmach Mills for a children'sbilingual prayer book was held inD ecember at the U krainian CanadianA rt Foundation in west Toronto. Theartist and her father, octogenarianMyron Surmach S r., were present forthe exhibition preview and reception onD ecember 6. (Yaroslava, always interested in Ukrainian crafts and folklore,also paid a visit that day to the Easternbranch of the Ukrainian Museum ofCanada, which was celebrating theofficial opening o f new quarters in S t.V ladimir's Institute in downtown T oronto.) The series of original colorillustrations, mounted in frames selected by the collector `vho bought thewhole lot of 70 paintings, will make across-country Canadian tour and maybe shown in New York before beinginstalled in its permanent home, St.D emetrius Ukrainian Catholic Schoolin Toronto. The 150-page full-colorprayer book, printed in English and

    A work by Arcadia O lenska-Petryshyn.

    Ukrainian for children in the 5r9`agegroup, is said to be correct for,.adhe-rents of both the Ukrainian Catholicand O rthodo x faiths. Tit led "TheChidren's Guardian An gel PrayerB ook," the volume was planned by St.D emetrius' pastor, the Rev. John Ta-taryn, and associate pastor, the Rev.Terry Lozynski, with assistance fromMorris John D iakowsky (English editing) and D aria Diakow sky (Ukrainiantranslation).

    O pera singer, playwright and authorare credentials that can be applied toone person Iryna Nicolai, who wasborn in Rostov-on-the-D on in U-kraine, spent her early years in displaced persons' camps in Germany andlived in Los A ngeles before settling inNew York some 20 years ago. MissNicolai, whose family name is Buk-shenko, wrote a one-act play, "TheEnemy," set in a village in Ukraine onthe eve of the signing of the peace treatyin World War II. The play has an ironictwist one of the story's four majorcharacters is a Nazi who knows that thetreaty is to be signed the next day.D irected by Jane Stanton, "The Enemy"and another short work by Miss Nicolai, "Fugue," enjoyed Of